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Original Articles

Breaking the Mould of Centralization? Path Dependence and Local Government Reform in Ireland: 1898–2014

Pages 346-363 | Published online: 02 Jun 2020
 

ABSTRACT

The landmark Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, with its extension of local democracy, presented Irish nationalists with an opportunity to advance the cause of national independence by curbing British influence at the local level. Post-independence local government reforms stressed the consolidation of central government institutions because of the need for regime security and stability. The introduction of the ‘County-Manager’ reforms, centred on the notions of bureaucratic professionalism, efficiency, and coordination of local services, further entrenched centralism. Using historical institutionalism as a framework for analysis, this article argues that in the period under review local government reforms in Ireland exemplify a perpetuation of the legacy of centralization. This legacy has two sources: the exogenous 1898 Act, and the perceived need to subvert its provisions to the greater goal of national independence, and the continuity in post-independence reforms, which left undisturbed the institutional processes of the inherited political order. This article concludes that notwithstanding reform efforts, the impetus for change was neutralized by constitutive features of Irish political culture, conventional practices, and established elite interests. While critical of existing arrangements, politicians found it impossible to accomplish change.

Acknowledgement

I am deeply indebted, as always, to Joe McCormack, former senior lecturer in Social Policy, Ulster University, Northern Ireland, who looked over the early drafts of the manuscript and offered insightful comments, suggestions and review. I also wish to extend my sincere thanks to the anonymous reviewers of the International Journal of Public Administration, for their valuable feedback, critiques, and patience. Special thanks goes to Ali Farazmand, whose incisive criticisms, encouraging words and guidance throughout the review process considerably sharpened the original manuscript and helped it find its final form. Any errors that remain are mine.

Dedication

This article is dedicated to the loving memory of my brother, Emmanuel B. Ogbazghi, whose indomitable resilience, shimmering hope, charming wit, stunning wisdom, and humble spirit will continue to inspire me for a lifetime!

Notes

1. For a comparative analysis of the historical foundations, conceptual attributes, and methodological differences between the old and new-institutionalist versions, see Peters (Citation1996); Peters (Citation2012).

2. Such postponements would become common phenomena even in the 1960s where “local elections were postponed for up to two years to suit the convenience of the national political timetable” (Chubb, Citation1970, p. 271).

3. It was only in 1999, almost a century since the landmark Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, that local government in Ireland got constitutional recognition, for the first time, following a referendum, which affirmed its role as the primary “forum for the democratic representation of local communities” for which local elections were to be held at least every five years (COI, Article 28 A).

4. In what perhaps could best be described as hegemonic, the overwhelming influence of the Catholic Church permeated practically all facets of Irish social and public policy. Thus, for example, “the prohibition of divorce in 1925, the Censorship Act of 1929, the Mayo County Library case in 1931, the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1935 which outlawed contraception, the failure of the ‘Mother and Child’ healthcare scheme of 1951 and the ‘Fethard on Sea boycott’ in 1957 – illustrate the power of the Catholic Church” (McVeigh, Citation1995, p. 631). The enormous influence of the Catholic Church gets even more surreal when one noted how the Church indulged in interfering in “the way medicine is practiced, written and talked about; on the teaching, training and appointment of doctors and nurses; and over hospital ethics and the type of medical procedures available to patients” (Inglis, Citation1998, p. 226). For a detailed discussion of the philosophical and ideological factors that enabled the Church to exert a strong influence over the Irish state and its machinery of government, see Keogh (Citation1996).

5. The social partnership policy framework involved state and non-state actors, including representatives of capital, labour-, farming, and community and the voluntary sector. Particularly, by introducing a 5- to 10-year tripartite system of wage agreements across the private and public sectors, the framework was aimed at creating an inclusive government, leading towards macroeconomic stability, competitiveness, and growth. Similarly, in the sphere of industrial relations, the social partnership agreements sought to promote greater harmony and industrial peace through the improvement of workers’ conditions, including the strengthening of the system of social protection and promotion of social justice.

6. Thus, for example, for the period between 2008 and 2012, there was a reduction in the total number of local government staff “by 8,478 or 23% from 37,243 in mid-2008 to 28,765 at March 2012, involving significant reduction in senior management grades and overall savings of €288 m” (DECLG, Citation2012, p. x). Moreover, the reform envisaged that the number of state agencies operating at the local level will be significantly reduced from the current level, 21 to 11 resulting in staff reduction of 239 constituting 25% (DECLG, Citation2012, p. x).

7. Although it was in the 1960s that politicians began to run for election under the label of ‘independent’, the late 1990s marked a significant resurgence of the phenomenon, which appeared to be “almost unique when compared to other Western democracies” (Costello, Citation2014).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Petros B. Ogbazghi

Petros B. Ogbazghi is a former lecturer in the Department of Public Administration, University of Asmara, Eritrea. He holds a PhD in Politics & Administration from Tilburg University and a Master’s Degree in Public Policy & Administration. His research interests include; state-society relations in Eritrea; politics and governance in the developing world; urban regimes and local government in Western Europe. He can be contacted at e-mail: [email protected] [email protected].

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