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Abstract
This article analyses pieces of literature included in Fan Ye’s chapters on Zhang Heng, Ma Rong, and Cai Yong. It interprets these pieces within the context of its authors’ biographies, coming to the conclusion that they represent different approaches to the Confucian theme of how to serve and survive in times when there is no good ruler. While Zhang Heng was able to make a career under such circumstances, Ma Rong survived but ran into great difficulties and Cai Yong was ultimately executed.
這篇文章的目的是分析范曄為什麼在⟪後漢書⟫張衡、馬融、蔡邕列傳列舉了三篇文學作品：〈應閒〉，〈廣成頌〉和〈釋誨〉。其內容或者是怎麼在沒有好朝廷的世代當官以及如何生存下去，或者是反對當政者。張衡當了朝隱，馬融則是先被懲罰，後來其當官的雄心也沒有了，而蔡邕先是朝隱，後來跟馬融一樣由於受罰忘記了以前的理想，然后就被殺了。
Keywords:
Notes on Contributor
Hans van Ess has been professor for Sinology at the Department for Asian Studies of LMU Munich since 1998. His main interests include early Chinese historiography, literature, and thought, all aspects of Confucianism since ancient times to our present age, as well as the history of Inner Asia and its relations and interaction with China. Among his recent publication are: Politik und Geschichtsschreibung im alten China. Pan-ma i-t’ung 班馬異同, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014); The Letter to Ren An and Sima Qian’s Legacy, coedited with Stephen Durrant, Wai-yee Li, and Michael Nylan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2016); “On the Value of Comparing Ancient China with Ancient European and Near Eastern Civilizations,” in: Guy G. Stroumsa (ed.), Comparative Studies in the Humanities (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2018), pp. 103–114.
Notes
1 Excluding quotations from the Shangshu 尚書 in the first five chapters of the Shiji, the first text that definitely needs mentioning is Jia Yi’s 賈誼 “Guo Qin lun” 過秦論, which was included twice in Shiji (SJ 6.276–284 and 48.1961–1965). SJ 63 includes a chapter from Han Fei zi 韓非子. In SJ 80.2430–2433, we find a letter that Yue Yi 樂毅 wrote to the King of Yan 燕, while SJ 84 quotes specimens of poems by both Qu Yuan 屈原 and Jia Yi (SJ 84.2486–2490, 2493–2502). Very famous is, of course, the inclusion of several literary works in the biography of Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 in SJ 117 and HS 57. There are more chapters (such as Chapter 60) that are by and large made up of pieces of literature, but since their authenticity poses problems, I do not include them in my enumeration here. Hanshu contains several chapters whose main parts are memorials. Some of them have found their way into literary anthologies (such as Chapter 36, with the biographies of Liu Xiang 劉向 and Liu Xin 劉歆, or Chapters 48 and 49, with those of Jia Yi, Yuan Ang 袁盎 and Chao Cuo 晁錯, and Chapter 56, with the biography of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒, or 64 with various famous memorials). Literature proper is to be found in Chapter 51 in the biography of Zou Yang 鄒陽, which includes his famous letter from prison (pp. 2343–2352), Chapter 57 (Sima Xiangru), Chapter 62 (Sima Qian 司馬遷), 65 (Dongfang Shuo 東方朔) and, of course, Chapter 87 (Yang Xiong 楊雄).
2 The interested reader is referred to deC 2007 and CitationKnechtges – Chang 2010, Citation2014a and Citation2014b and the exhaustive survey of relevant literature included there.
3 HHS 59.1897.
4 HHS 40A–B.1335–1373.
5 They were famously included in the Wenxuan. See the translations in Citationvon Zach 1958, vol. 1, pp. 1–37 and CitationKnechtges 1982, pp. 181–310. Compare also the discussion in CitationKnechtges – Chang 2014b, pp. 2144f.
6 HHS zhi 25.3572.
7 Cf. Citationvan Ess 2014, pp. 9–13. Although we usually rely on Bielenstein’s translations of official titles, we must make an exception here, as “Grand Astrologer,” which goes back to Édouard Chavannes and is also used by CitationCharles Hucker (1985, no. 6218), does not make much sense when comparing what an astrologer does in Western tradition, namely to predict the future, and what were the tasks of a taishi ling in China, where omenology apparently did not play a great role when the office was first mentioned.
8 HHS 59.1898.
9 In older Chinese tradition, the fight between two options within one’s heart is associated with Confucius’ disciple Zixia 子夏 who could not decide between a glamorous life and the way of his master. See for example SJ 23.1159.
10 Fan Ye states that Zhang Heng “set up questions by a guest” (she kewen 設客問). In his commentary to Zhang Heng’s biography, Li Xian 李賢 (653–684) writes that xian 閒 simply means fei 非 (to contradict, deny), from which comes a standard translation of the title as “Responding to Criticism” (see for example CitationKnechtges – Chang 2014b, p. 2143). Li Xian assumes that xian should be read as jian 間. Yet, while jian in Han literature quite often has to be read as xian, the opposite is not very common (with the exception of the place name Hejian that in Shiji and Hou Hanshu is usually written 河閒 while in Hanshu it is written 河間), which makes Li Xian’s reading not very plausible. Li Xian also quotes the Heng ji 衡集 (Zhang Heng’s Collected Writings), according to which bystanders thought that one should make a proper career and not return to one’s former office. “Some who did not know me thought that I was disconcerted and because of this went to visit me/took exception with me (yong wei xian yu 用為閒余). I answered them by saying that there were times when one was met [by a worthy ruler] and those when not […] By this I disclosed to them that I was sincere in [my behaviour].” It does not seem that with xian yu Zhang Heng here wanted to say that the others “criticised him” but rather that they “took a moment of leisure (xian) to come to see and discuss this with him.” Had Zhang Heng just wanted to say that someone had criticised him, he would have used a better established word. Yet, he aimed at ambiguity. Thus, he chose the word xian, which could mean “visitor” but also “idle person.”
11 Zuozhuan, Huan 桓 17.7 translation by CitationDurrant – Wai-yee Li – Schaberg 2016, p. 131. This nicely renders the double meaning of the word ri 日 – above the “ri” are the stars, below the days. This is why the taishi ling is the one who handles “chronos,” “time” – and why he also sometimes writes history.
12 HHS 59.1899.
13 HHS 59.1908.
14 Cf. SJ 96.2675 where the suoyin 索引 -commentary refers to Laozi as a zhuxia shi 柱下史. Compare suoyin-commentary to SJ 63.2140 and HHS 49.1660.
15 HS 65.2874: 首陽為拙，柱下為工；飽食安步，以仕易農；依隱玩世，詭時不逢。
16 However, we do not know whether Ban Gu saw Chu Shaosun’s additions to the Shiji.
17 SJ 126.3205: 如朔等，所謂避世於朝廷閒者也。古之人，乃避世於深山中 and 陸沈於俗，避世金馬門。宮殿中可以避世全身，何必深山之中，蒿廬之下。
18 HHS 59.1909.
19 HHS 59.1914–1938.
20 The reader may consult the beautiful translation by CitationKnechtges 1996, pp. 105–138, as well as the much earlier version in German by Citationvon Zach 1958, vol. 1, pp. 217–228.
21 According to Li Xian, these are two lines from the epitaph that Cui Yuan wrote for Zhang Heng.
22 These are two allusions to the Xici zhuan 繫辭傳. Cf. Shisan jing zhushu, p. 77C and 82A–B.
23 Liji, “Yueji” 樂記, Shisan jing zhushu, p. 1538A (translation by James Legge).
24 HHS 59.1940f. 崔瑗之稱平子曰「數術窮天地，制作侔造化」。斯致可得而言歟！推其圍範兩儀，天地無所蘊其靈；運情機物，有生不能參其智。故智思引淵微，人之上術。記曰：「德成而上，蓺成而下。」量斯思也，豈夫蓺而已哉？何德之損乎！
26 See on this Hans Bielenstein, in Loewe –Twitchett 1986, pp. 274–287. Compare also Knechtges 2010, p. 654.
27 HHS 60A.1953f : 古人有言：左手據天下之圖，右手刎其喉，愚夫不為. Li Xian declares this to be a quotation from the Zhuangzi 莊子, where it is, however, not found. We do find it in Chapter 9 of the Wenzi 文子 (Wenzi shuyi, p. 487 and the various sources that Wang Liqi gives in his Commentary 8 on pp. 488f.).
28 We do not know enough about the language of literary genres in Later Han times. Song may have been an established term that Ma Rong liked to use. Yet there is not much evidence for this in the sources. Of course, the ninth chapter of the Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 (The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons) is devoted to the song genre. It clearly links all later song to the Shijing. Compare CitationShih 1983, pp. 98–101.
29 HHS 60A.1967: 與百姓樂之。
30 Compare Mengzi 1A2, 1B1 and 1B1–4.
31 HHS 60A.1969.
32 HS 54.2451, where Li Ling asks to be allowed to storm to the court of the chanyu 單于 with five thousand soldiers. The description in SJ 109.2877 is different. There, Li Ling is ordered by Li Guangli 李廣利 to take five thousand soldiers. On the different attitudes of the two histories towards Li Ling, compare Citationvan Ess 2014, pp. 421–429.
33 HHS 60A.1972.
34 SJ 126.3204.
35 Lunyu 11.15 and 20. Compare Fayan, p. 50, where this expression is used to praise the superior quality of the fu of Sima Xiangru. Compare the translations by Citationvon Zach 1939, p. 7, CitationL’Haridon 2010, p. 14 and CitationNylan 2013, pp. 24–25.
36 The region in Northwestern China where his family was based.
37 The expression ju zhen 居貞 goes back to the Yijing 易經 (Book of Changes), where it occurs several times. Li Xian explains that here the third hexagram Zhun 屯 is alluded to, which describes a situation of being blocked in insecurity.
38 Zhuangzi 17, Zhuangzi jishi, p. 563.
39 Compare the article by L’Haridon in this volume, pp. 127–143.
40 Laozi, Daode jing 50.
41 Zhuangzi 23, Zhuangzi jishi, p. 815.
42 I.e., he does not have to risk falling down like the others. Cf. SJ 101.2740 and HS 49.2270.
43 HHS 60A.1973. 馬融辭命鄧氏，逡巡隴漢之閒，將有意於居貞乎？既而羞曲士之節，惜不貲之軀，終以奢樂恣性，黨附成譏，固知識能匡欲者鮮矣。夫事苦，則矜全之情薄；生厚，故安存之慮深。登高不懼者，胥靡之人也；坐不垂堂者，千金之子也。原其大略，歸於所安而已矣。物我異觀，亦更相笑也. The last sentence is difficult to understand. It could also mean: If others hold different opinions, this is so trifling a matter when compared to the problem of staying alive, that we may just laugh at each other.
44 Mentioned three times in HHS 60A.1970, 1972.
45 Fayan, p. 483.
46 HHS 60B.1981f.
47 HHS 60B.1986.
48 HHS 60A.1988.
49 HHS 60B.1990.
50 HHS 60B.1992–1998. Compare Citationde Crespigny 1989, pp. 138–141. See also conveniently under https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/42048.
51 HHS 60B.1998: 士君子皆恥與為列焉.The same is said on the eunuchs in HHS 57.2185.
52 Compare the wording on p. 59.1914: “They all eyed him together” (jie gong mu zhi 皆共目之) and 60B.2000: “They all eyed him secretly and thought about revenge” (jie ze mu si bao 皆側目思報). In both cases, all those who had profited from the existing system obviously harboured a deep hatred.
53 HHS 60B.2001.
54 60B.2002; compare 60A.1972.
55 HHS 60B.2003–2004. On the lute cf. van CitationGulik 1940.
56 The usual translation is “book” in the famous passage in Ban Gu’s Hanshu 62.2737 qi shu shao shu 其書稍出 (his book gradually became known). This is perfectly possible, but interestingly, for Tang commentators the term shu in that passage seemed to refer to Sima Qian’s letter (shu) to Ren An 任安, not his Shiji. Cf. on this topic, Citationvan Ess 2016, p. 69. In Cai Yong’s biography, the word bangshu was previously used in the context of the court intrigue that led to his banishment. In this context, it is obvious that bangshu are “slanderous writings (or letters),” not a “slanderous book.” This may suggest that Ban Gu was indeed referring to the “Letter to Ren An” when he used the term bangshu, not to the Shiji.
57 HHS 60B.2001: 王公其不長世乎？善人，國之紀也；制作，國之典也。滅紀廢典，其能久乎？
58 HHS 60B.1995.
59 In Lunyu 13.11 a “good man” is said to be able to change the bad and abolish killing, in 13.29 he is able to train the people for war in seven years. Compare also Lunyu 7.26, where “good men” are compared to sages and valued highly, and 20.1.
60 HS 62.2738: “Bu neng yi zhi zi quan” 不能以知自全. Compare CitationSchaab-Hanke 2010, p. 353). See also the article by Nylan in this volume, pp. 183–213.
61 I.e., to the region of Wu where modern Hangzhou is located.
62 Li Xian refers to line five, the royal line, of hexagram no. 13 of the Yijing. There, the host of the “union” between two people – the subject under discussion – first calls and cries before he finally laughs, and then a happy union with the subject becomes complete. “The [host of the] united men first weeps and wails, but then laughs. After his great army is victorious they finally meet together.” (同人，先號咷而後笑。大師克相遇, Shisan jing zhushu, Yijing 30A). Here, the analogy obviously is that Dong Zhuo, the subject whom the fifth line of the hexagram is related to, after his march into Luoyang called Cai Yong – and they then could work together. It is interesting to note that there is laughter here, just as in the final sentence of Fan Ye’s brief essay on Ma Rong. As will be recalled, Fan Ye laughed at those who looked for more than to remain secure.
63 This refers to the story of the old man whose horse ran over to the barbarians of the north. When the other villagers all condoled him, the old man said that nobody could know whether this would not turn into luck. After several months, the horse returned together with an excellent horse of the northerners, whereupon everybody congratulated him. Then the old man said that this could also turn out to be unlucky – and indeed his son fell off the horse and broke his back whereupon, the others once again came to offer their condolences. But the old man said that this could also be lucky, and within a year the barbarians launched a large invasion and nine out of ten strong men died in the war. Only his son survived because he had not been conscripted, and father and son could thus protect each other. There is a proverb in the Chinese language now that says: sai weng shi ma 塞翁失馬. See Huainanzi Chapter 18, “Renjian xun” 人間訓, Huainanzi jishi, pp. 1256–1258. The meaning obviously is that Cai Yong seemingly was lucky because he had not been in Luoyang when Dong Zhuo looted the city, otherwise he probably would not have survived. Unfortunately, there was no happy end in his case.
64 Compare Zuozhuan, Zhuang 20, CitationDurrant – Li – Schaberg 2016, p. 189.
65 意氣之感，士所不能忘也。流極之運，有生所共深悲也。當伯喈抱鉗扭，徙幽裔，仰日月而不見照燭，臨風塵而不得經過，其意豈及語平日倖全人哉！及解刑衣，竄歐越，潛舟江壑，不知其遠，捷步深林，尚苦不密，但願北首舊丘，歸骸先壟，又可得乎？董卓一旦入朝，辟書先下，分明枉結，信宿三遷。匡導既申，狂僭屢革，資同人之先號，得北叟之後福。屬其慶者，夫豈無懷？君子斷刑，尚或為之不舉，況國憲倉卒，慮不先圖，矜情變容，而罰同邪黨？執政乃追怨子長謗書流後，放此為戮，未或聞之典刑。