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Abstract
In the array of biographical chapters in the Hou Hanshu, the “Danggu liezhuan” 黨錮列傳 (Biographical Chapter on the Proscribed Party) presents the specificity to be organized not around the destiny of one person, or of a group of persons gathered for thematic reasons, but around a political event, the proscription of a party of reformist literati and officials. The historian’s way of intertwining the biographies of eminent literati who were engaged in the political activity of “understanding men,” that is of judging the qualities of their peers, sheds light not only on the events themselves but also on the importance of the peers’ judgement as a politico-social phenomenon during this specific historical moment. I will inquire the manifold relationships between this type of judgement on contemporary peers, and the historian’s judgement, which is confronted with the catastrophic consequences of this political activity.
在⟪後漢書⟫的列傳中，〈黨錮列傳〉佔有一席特殊的地位：它的敍述結構非以個人的歷史命運為重心，也不是一篇由主題決定的群體列傳，而是以政治事件中被禁止參政的改革派文人和官員為其主要綫索。史家如何整合地敍述參與政治活動的士大夫一黨的傳記就是對時人的褒貶評論，這不僅揭示了事件本身，也使讀者更明了在特定的歷史時刻時人互相評論的重要性。本文探索此種互相評論與史家評論間的多面關聯，也試着解釋范曄的評論在政治上所面臨的災難性后果。
Notes on Contributor
Béatrice L’Haridon is associate professor in the LCAO Department (East Asian Languages and Civilizations), Université Paris Diderot, researcher at CRCAO (Research Center on East Asian Civilizations), and junior member at the Institut Universitaire de France. Her recent publications include: Dialogues de Meou-tseu pour dissiper la confusion (presentation and annotated translation of Mouzi Lihuo lun 牟子理惑論) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2017), “The Merchants in Shiji: An Interpretation in the Light of Later Debates,” in: Olga Lomova, Dorothee Schaab-Hanke, and Hans van Ess (eds.), The Shiji and Beyond (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2016), pp. 171–191.
Notes
* I would like to thank Hans van Ess and the reviewers of this article for having helped me to improve its form and content.
1 One of the “Six gentlemen of the Hundred Days Reform” (Wuxu liu junzi 戊戌六君子), Tan Sitong was executed after the coup d’état led by Empress Cixi 慈禧 (1835–1908) against her nephew, Emperor Guangxu 光緒 (r. 1875–1908), who had tried to enforce the deep reform advocated by Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, and Tan Sitong among others.
2 望門投止思張儉，忍死須臾待杜根。我自橫刀向天笑，去留肝膽兩崑崙 (Looking at the door and seeking a refuge, [you] keep in mind Zhang Jian / Refusing to die and waiting for the right moment, [you] aspire to be a Du Gen / For me, in front of the sword, I laugh facing the sky / The courage to stay and the courage to leave both are a Kunlun mountain). This first version is found in the biography of Tan Sitong composed by Liang Qichao. See CitationLiang Limin 2016, p. 130.
3 望門投趾憐張儉，直諫陳書愧杜根。手擲歐刀仰天笑，留將公罪後人論 (Looking at the door and seeking a refuge, [I would] pity Zhang Jian / formulating remonstrances and writing memoirs, [I would] not be up to Du Gen / The executioner’s knife is thrown down, and I laugh facing the sky / leaving the public crime to be judged by men of the future). This second version is found in a very conservative novel published in 1901 (author unknown), which depicts Liang Qichao and Kang Youwei as traitors. See Xiuxiang Kang Liang luanguo shimo yanyi 繡像康梁亂國始末演義, j. 4, p. 9.
4 A study on this chapter has recently been published by CitationNicolas Zufferey(2016).
5 The first category in the list of heroes compiled by literati hostile to the eunuchs at the imperial court. See below.
6 See CitationL’Haridon (forthcoming).
7 HHS 67/57.2198: 劉勝位為大夫，見禮上賓，而知善不薦，聞惡無言，隱情惜己，自同寒蟬，此罪人也。
8 Both figures share the fact that they refused to escape and chose death rather than to involve their relatives in the repression.
9 This sentence is quite difficult to understand. Within this context, ji 既 may be the equivalent of you 又: so 精意深旨 and 裁味 both describe the intention contained in the Disquisitions. I understand 裁 as 鑒別, 品裁.
10 That is the thematic chapters of the HHS: Except for the “Wen yuan liezhuan” 文苑列傳, the thematic chapters, which were distinguished by Fan Ye in his letter by the freedom of style of their Disquisitions, are also distinguished by the presence of an Introduction. The other biographical chapters do not include general introductions except for three chapters, which have a strong thematic outline: HHS, j. 39/29 (“Biographical Chapter on Liu, Zhao, Chunyu, Jiang, Liu, Zhou and Zhao” 劉趙淳于江劉周趙列傳) which deals with figures illustrating filial piety; j. 53/43 (“Biographical Chapter on Zhou, Huang, Xu, Jiang and Shentu” 周黄徐姜申屠列傳) which is de facto a chapter on circumstantial reclusion; and j. 67/57 on the Proscribed party.
11 吾雜傳論，皆有精意深旨，既有裁味，故約其詞句。至於⟪循吏⟫以下及⟪六夷⟫諸序論，筆勢縱放，實天下之奇作. The text of the letter is given as an addendum to the Zhonghua shuju edition of the HHS, vol. 12.
12 Fan Ye was contemporary to Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444), whose Shishuo xinyu 世說新語, although not pretending to historiographical veracity, is also centered on the significant and witty judgements medieval personalities formulated on each other.
13 Some passages of the biographical chapters were transmitted in different compilations like the Taiping yulan 太平御覽: there are eleven passages from the Xu Hanshu “Danggu liezhuan” found in later compilations (see BJHHS). Except for one, these passages are identical with the corresponding passages in the Hou Hanshu “Danggu liezhuan.”
14 See the chronology given at the end of the present article. For a study of the different alternative lists which can be found in historiographical works, see CitationAbe Sōichirō 2002.
15 DeC 2007, pp. 97–98: “Some time in the late 160s twenty-four men from Shanyang, under the leadership of the reformist Zhang Jian, swore an oath of fellowship and set up a stele […]. Encouraged by the eunuch Hou Lan, in 169 the malcontent Zhu Bing (also from Shanyang) claimed the association was treasonous. A warrant was issued for the members’ arrest, and this was the trigger for the Second Faction Incident and the Great Proscription.”
16 Liu Biao 劉表, who escaped the prosecution, does appear in both lists, but Fan Ye deals with him in j. 74/64.
17 The translation of the “titles” and their respective definitions follow Ch’en Ch’i-yün, in Twitchett – Loewe 1986, p. 797.
18 Dou Wu is associated with He Jin 何進 in a specific chapter (HHS, j. 69/59).
19 Chen Fan is associated with Wang Yun 王允 in a specific chapter (HHS, j. 66/56).
20 Xun Yi’s biography is appended to the biography of his uncle Xun Shu 荀淑 (in his introduction, Fan Ye mistakingly writes that Xun Shu was his grandfather; see HHS, j. 67/57.2190) and his cousin Xun Shuang 荀爽 (HHS, j. 62/52).
21 Wang Chang’s biography is appended to that of his father’s, Wang Gong 王龔 (HHS, j. 56/46).
22 About Zhao Dian, we only know that he praised Guo Tai as “knowing the Way.”
23 In the introduction, Fan Ye mentions that the only information available on Zhu Yu is that his family was from Pei 沛 and that he died in prison with Du Mi, in 169.
24 Guo Linzong or Guo Tai is associated with Fu Rong 符融 and Xu Shao 許劭 in a specific chapter (HHS, j. 68/58).
25 This lun, quite laudative, is mainly about Li Ying.
26 Liu Biao 劉表 is associated with Yuan Shao 袁紹 in a specific chapter (HHS, j. 74/64).
27 As explained in the introduction, Di Chao was Governor of Shanyang commandery, where the reformists were particularly active, but the origins of his family remain unknown to Fan Ye. He is mentioned in Chen Fan’s biography.
28 This last category is underrepresented in Fan Ye’s account. If this kind of literati was more involved in humanitarian activities than in judging contemporaries, it would have been highly interesting to know more about them, but Fan Ye’s interest in accounting the events was clearly focused on the elaboration through judgements of an alternative system of recommendation.
29 Du Shang is associated with other officials who throughout the Eastern Han successfully fought against brigands and rebels, in HHS, j. 38/28.
30 Zhang Miao’s biography is included in the chapter on the warlord Lü Bu 呂布 (HHS, j. 75/65).
31 According to Fan Ye’s introduction, Humu Ban’s biography is included in the chapter on Yuan Shao, but in this chapter, Humu Ban is merely mentioned, his style name and geographical origins are not given.
32 The only information left on Wang Kao, Qin Zhou, Fan Xiang and Wang Zhang, as indicated in Fan Ye’s introduction, were their respective names, regions of origin and main posts.
33 Lunyu XVII.2: 性相近也，習相遠也. Transl. by CitationEdward Slingerland 2003, p. 200.
34 Allusion to the Mengzi 孟子, chapter “Teng Wen gong xia” 滕文公下: “When no Sage King appear, the feudal lords are given free reign, while the recluses indulged in criticism” (聖王不作，諸侯放恣，處士橫議).
35 Fan Pang and Zhang Jian are the very two figures whose biography is followed by the historian’s judgement.
36 HHS 67/57.2185: 逮桓靈之閒，主荒政繆，國命委於閹寺，士子羞與為伍，故匹夫抗憤，處士橫議，遂乃激揚名聲，互相題拂，品覈公卿，裁量執政. 婞直之風，於斯行矣。夫上好則下必甚，矯枉故直必過，其理然矣。若范滂、張儉之徒，清心忌惡，終陷黨議，不其然乎？
37 Thus I will translate dang by the term “faction” only when the context is openly depreciative.
38 HHS 67/57.2186: 天下規矩，房伯武，因師獲印，周仲進. Translation by Citationde Crespigny 1975, p. 20 (slightly modified).
39 This expression contains an allusion to the Lunyu: 子曰：中人以上可以語上也，中人以下不可以語上也 (Lunyu VI.21). See CitationSlingerland 2003, p. 59: “The Master said: ‘You can discuss the loftiest matters with those who are above average, but not with those who are below average.’”
40 HHS 57/67.2205: 滂外甥西平李頌，公族子孫，而為鄉曲所弃，中常侍唐衡以頌請資，資用為吏。滂以非其人，寑而不召。資遷怒，捶書佐朱零。零仰曰：「 范滂清裁，猶以利刃齒腐朽。今日寧受笞死，而滂不可違。」資乃止。郡中中人以下，莫不歸怨，乃指滂之所用以為「范黨」。
41 HHS 57/67.2205–2206: 王甫詰曰：「君為人臣，不惟忠國，而共造部黨，自相襃舉，評論朝廷，虛搆無端，諸所謀結，並欲何為？皆以情對，不得隱飾。」滂對曰：「臣聞仲尼之言，『見善如不及，見惡如探湯』。欲使善善同其清，惡惡同其汙，謂王政之所願聞，不悟更以為黨。」甫曰：「卿更相拔舉，迭為脣齒，有不合者，見則排斥，其意如何？」滂乃慷慨仰天曰：「古之循善，自求多福；今之循善，身陷大戮。身死之日，願埋滂於首陽山側，上不負皇天，下不愧夷、齊。」
42 Xun Shuang (128–190), a brilliant literati and an opponent to the eunuchs’ influence in imperial policy, escaped the repression by living in exile from 169 to 184.
43 Ying Feng (?– ca. 170) was a literati and statesman, highly respected for his impartiality. He became director of retainers, before retiring during the Proscription.
44 Zhang Jian was a local officer who perfectly illustrates a remarkable phenomenon among the local administration at the end of the Han, that is the tendency to undertake action in deliberate contradiction with the decisions taken by the central authorities, for example condemning to death without respecting the proper procedure nor the imperial edicts of amnesty. As an inspector of Shanyang, Zhang Jian unsuccessfully tried to get the Hou family, relatives of a powerful eunuch – Hou Lan – who abused their power, convicted. He then took the initiative to destroy the tomb of Hou Lan’s mother and to have the family properties confiscated. See HHS 67/57.2210.
45 With the notable exception of Xia Fu who strongly disagreed with Zhang Jian’s escape. See below.
46 HHS 67/57.2211: 而張儉見怒時王，顛沛假命，天下聞其風者，莫不憐其壯志，而爭為之主。至乃捐城委爵、破族屠身，蓋數十百所，豈不賢哉！然儉以區區一掌，而欲獨堙江河，終嬰疾甚之亂，多見其不知量也。
47 Lunyu VIII.10: 子曰：「 … 人而不仁，疾之已甚，亂也。」
48 HHS 67/57.2202: 及儉等亡命，經歷之處，皆被收考，辭所連引，布徧天下。馥乃頓足而歎曰：「孽自己作，空汙良善，一人逃死，禍及萬家，何以生為！乃自翦須變形，入林慮山中，隱匿姓名，為冶家傭。
49 HHS 67/57.2216: 「傳言『相時而動，無累後人』。公孝以要君致釁，自遺其咎，吾以不能奮戈相待，反可容隱之乎？」
50 HHS 67/57.2218: 顒見曹操，歎曰：「漢家將亡，安天下者必此人也。」[…] 嘗稱「潁川荀彧，王佐之器」。
51 Ibid.: 及彧為尚書令，遣人西迎叔父爽，并致顒屍，而葬之爽之冢傍。
52 Cf. “Yuzhong yu zhu shengzhi shu” 獄中與諸甥侄書 (Letter from Prison to My Nephews). See CitationEgan 1979, pp. 339–401.
53 HHS 67/57.2218: 渭以涇濁 [涇以渭濁? *]，玉以礫貞。物性既區，嗜惡從形。蘭蕕無並，銷長相傾。徒恨芳膏，煎灼燈明. *The first verse is a quotation from the Shijing 詩經, “Bei feng, Gu feng” 邶風•谷風 but both rivers have been reversed in the HHS text, and, furthermore, the grammatical parallelism with the next sentence does not work anymore. This problem is not noticed by the commentators I have consulted. They keep to the text and interpret: “The Wei river [reveals its purity] thanks to the Jing river’s murkiness.” This implies a gap with the following yi 以 -structure. In my translation, I follow the text of the Shijing as given in brackets.
54 CitationWang Mingsheng 1960, vol. 3, j. 61, “Fan Weizong yi moufan zhu” 范蔚宗以謀反誅: 貴德義，抑勢利，進處士，抑姦雄，論儒學則深美康成，褒黨錮則推崇李杜，宰相無多述而特著逸民，公卿不足采而特尊獨行。
55 See deC 2007, pp. xxx–xxxi.