Patriotism, Science, and the Development of Xu Qian’s “Theology of Liberation in China”

Abstract

This article examines Xu Qian (1871–1940), a prominent figure in the Republican period and the changes in his theological thought. I explain why Xu’s theological thought can be called a germinating version of “liberation theology” in China and argue that a number of factors influenced his theological thought in the context of his time, his understanding of science being a key factor. I analyze how science interacts with his understanding of Christianity in his Christian journey. I find that Xu’s Christian journey is a gradual process of eliminating the supernatural components, culminating in the conclusion that the only function of Christianity is to save the nation, and that this process of change is inseparable from his expanded understanding of “science.” The relevance of Xu’s example for today is that the expanded understanding of “science” still exists. I conclude with a suggestion for a broader exploration of the meaning of science.

本文研究民國時期的著名人物徐謙及其神學思想的變遷。文章解釋了為何徐的神學思想可以被稱為是中國萌芽版的「解放神學」，並認為在其時代背景中，有諸多因素影響了其神學思想，而對科學的理解是一個關鍵因素。本文梳理了在徐謙的基督信仰旅程中，科學與他對基督信仰的理解是如何呈互動關系的。本文發現，徐的基督信仰旅程是一個逐漸消除超自然成份的過程，其最終結論是基督教的唯一作用是救國，而這一改變過程與其對於「科學」擴大化了的理解是分不開的。徐的例子對於今日的相關性在於，對「科學」擴大化的理解今日仍然存在。文章最后建議對科學的涵義進行更廣泛的探討。

Keywords:

• Xu Qian
• patriotism
• science
• saving nations
• “Theology of Liberation in China”

關鍵詞:

• 徐謙
• 愛國主義
• 科學
• 救國
• 中國「解放神學」

Notes

1 Jin – Liu 2010, pp. 360–361.

2 “Xi Stresses Developing Religions in Chinese Context,” Xinhua, 4 December 2021, http://www.news.cn/english/2021-12/04/c_1310352026.htm (accessed 5 January 2023).

3 Amendment to the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghua renmin gongheguo xianfa xiuzheng’an 中华人民共和国宪法修正案) 2018, Article 39. http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/constitution2019/201911/36a2566d029c4b39966bd942f82a4305.shtml (accessed 11 April 2023). According to Wang Bin, “science” in the official CCP texts means: 1. Marxist’s positions, perspectives, and methods; 2. an equivalent to fact and principle and opposition to superstition; 3 natural science; 4 social sciences. See Wang Bin 2020, pp. 4, 7–8, and 10.

4 According to Starr 2016, p. 39, Chinese theology usually does not have a systematic outlook, as expected in the West. This, however, is certainly true in the case of Xu Qian.

5 This translation was from Xu Qian himself. Xu Qian 1924, p. 23. It is true that Xu’s real aim was to save China; however, Xu was a person with a global perspective after he studied the First World War and Western laws. Thus, when he promoted his idea of country-saving, he extended and applied this idea to other countries, by quoting the example of the war in Europe. He expressed this idea often. For example, he said: “Therefore, he who saves his country must save both his own country and save others' counties. Moreover, they must help to save each other's countries. And then he will receive the grace of God” (故救國云者，必自救又必救他，且必彼此相救，然後得蒙上帝之恩). Xu Qian 1921d, p. 92.

6 Gutiérrez 1973.

7 Xu Qian 1921c, pp. 6–7; 1925, p. 6.

8 Xu Qian 1925, p. 6; 1940, p. 1854.

9 Xu Qian 1918a, pp. 5–6; 1925, p. 6.

10 Xu Qian 1918b, p. 26; 1921d, p. 93.

11 Xu Qian 1918a, p. 10; 1918c, pp. 5–6.

12 Xu Qian 1924, pp. 25, 27.

13 Gutiérrez 1973.

14 Taylor – Taylor 1991.

15 Veer 2012, p. 730.

16 The section has referred to Zhang Yilin 1940, pp. 90–95.

17 Lu Danlin 1940, p. 2745

18 They are compiled by Hao Yanhong 2011.

19 Hao Yanhong 2011, pp. 41–42.

20 Xu did not specify the year for the 9th International Prison Congress, though he did say it was held every five years. In reality, the 9th International Prison Congress was held in 1925.

21 The foreigners in China were subject to the laws of their own countries rather than Chinese law. Hao Yanhong 2011, p. 43. See also Bishop 1922.

22 Chiang Kai-shek was a Chinese political and military leader who served as the Chairman of the National Government of China and later as President of the Republic of China between 1928 and 1975.

23 Wang Jingwei received his education in Japan and France. He was a famous high-level official in the KMT government. In 1921, he was responsible for the system of education in Guangdong Province. In 1924, he became minister of the Publicity Ministry. The will of Sun Yat-sen was drafted by him. Later on, he became the second-highest official in the KMT government, just after Chiang Kai-shek, the President. After Japan invaded China in 1937, he went to serve as President in the government established by the Japanese.

24 弟對於耶教向來態度，於短評中已詳之。即「不沒他的長處，也不諱他的短處，尊重自己的信仰，也尊重他人的信仰。」 … 弟止恐友朋以變更態度為訝，故說明此篇短評，專為此等布告而發。換言之，彼不作此等布告，弟亦不作此等短評也 … 「非基督教學生同盟」乃北京所發起，為抵抗基督教學生會而設，與廣東無關、尤與弟無關，（弟當然贊成之）。先生請分別注意. Wang Jingwei 1922, pp. 24–25.

25 Cheng Jingyi was the Chinese voice at the Edinburgh Conference 1910 and a Chinese Protestant leader.

26 Ma Xiangbo was a Chinese former Jesuit priest, scholar, and educator in late-Qing and early-Republican China.

27 Liu Yi 2012, pp. 247–276.

28 Xu Qian 1918c, pp. 5–6.

29 Xu Qian 1924, p. 25.

30 Lu Danlin 1946, p. 102.

31 Ye Qing 1987, p. 116.

32 Xu Qian 1918d, p. 11.

33 Xu Qian 1918c, p. 4.

34 Xu Qian 1921d, p. 93.

35 Xu Qian 1940, p. 1852.

36 Xu Qian 1918e, p. 2.

37 Xu Qian 1940, p. 1850.

38 Bays 2012a, pp. 41–121.

39 Dunch 2001, p. xviii.

40 The New Culture Movement (Xin wenhua yundong 新文化運動) of the mid 1910s and 1920s has often been understood as the Chinese Enlightenment. Scholars and youth tried to establish a new view of China as a nation among nations, rather than a uniquely Confucian culture, and called for the creation of a new Chinese culture based on global and Western standards, especially democracy and science. For an introduction to its intellectual context in English, see Schwarcz 1986.

41 Chow Tse-tung 1960, pp. 358–359.

42 Lutz 1977, p. 406.

43 Chow Tse-tung 1960, pp. 1, 58–59, 218.

44 Before the fire of the Anti-Christian Movement was rekindled in 1924, the Debate on Science and Metaphysics (kexuan lunzhan 科玄論戰, 1923–1924) took place. The Debate included questions such as: Should science dictate the philosophy of life or should the philosophy of life be consistent with science? What was the scientific philosophy of life? What was the relationship between matter and spirit? The Communists Chen Duxiu, Deng Zhongxia, and Qu Qiubai as representatives of historical materialism joined the debate and presented historical materialism as the only theory wholly true to science. This debate aroused the Chinese interest in Marxism and further strengthened the status of science in the Chinese mind, but metaphysics was depicted as backward, abstract, superstitious, and unscientific. Christianity as a view on life suffered the same fate. Wang Jue 2021, p. 58.

45 The Fundamentalist–Modernist Controversy was a major debate among the American evangelicals that originated in the 1920s and 1930s within the Presbyterian Church. Two missionaries sent by the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, Pearl Buck (1892–1973) and Greham Machen (1881–1937), staged a similar debate in China in the 1930s. Bays 2012a, p. 106.

46 Wu Leichuan was a leading Chinese theologian in the early 20th century, and Chancellor of Yenching University. [On Wu Leichuan and his theology see also Roman Malek, Verschmelzung der Horizonte: Mozi und Jesus. Zur Hermeneutik der chinesisch-christlichen Begegnung nach Wu Leichuan (1869–1944). Studies in Christian Mission, 29. Leiden et al.: Brill, 2004 (Ed.).]

47 Starr 2016, p. 137.

48 Starr 2016, p. 66.

49 Starr 2016, p. 137.

50 Starr 2016, p. 128.

51 Starr 2016, pp. 129–134.

52 Starr 2016, pp. 131, 152–153.

53 Xu Qian 1940, p. 1850.

54 … 因祈禱上帝而袁世凱死，認為民國可以得救，遂入中華聖公會受洗禮與堅振禮而為基督徒的歷史敘述一遍。 … 我認為耶穌的教義本是救國的，他宣傳的天國是要在人世上實現的， … 他就是因為要在人世上造天國，以致受死。后來傳基督教的尤其是傳教為政治工具的，就避開救國問題而不講，專講救人救世的空話。 … 這不是精神問題，而是物質問題。一個人若沒飯吃，沒衣穿，若不能解決政治經濟問題，怎麼可以使他得救呢？道家渡人成仙，佛家教人滅度，都是一樣勸人死了得救，這於人有什麼用處？至於說到救世，更是大而無當的話。 … 所以我認為救人救世的關鍵，就在救國。若能將一國的經濟政治組織，真正改革到人人生產而沒有人剝削人，人壓迫人的事，使人人都有豐裕的共同生活，那才可以救國。那麼國內的人自然得救，不但一國如此，而全世界各國都如此，那就沒有國際戰爭的必要，自然可以算是救世了。因為我信耶穌是有這樣救國主義，才發生了我的信仰，而我不顧人之反對，或說我是毫無所本，但我總要宣傳基督教的救國主義。於是我提出組織基督教救國會的問題 … . Xu Qian 1940, pp. 1851–1852.

55 Xu Qian 1918b, pp. 25–26; 1921d, pp. 91, 93; 1921b, p. 5; 1921c, pp. 1–2, 4–8; 1923a, pp. 18, 20; 1923b, p. 52; 1924, p. 24; 1925, p. 6; 1939, p. 1398.

56 茲不必遂言夫聖經姑由人類之事實觀之：夫人類無論何國，古訓相傳，莫不知有上帝。其故何歟。蓋上帝創造人類之始，上帝與人尚相接近故人確知有上帝，由此相傳。乃至布詔彌綸於全地球人類之思想至后，世觀之以為純然思想。而不知自原始言之實為真確之流傳。 … 抑知聖子耶穌降生即所以証明上帝﹔而使徒之傳即所以証明耶穌。直至今日基督徒之証道，未嘗一息或間。孰謂不能証明上帝之存在乎。聖經乃上帝所啟示於人。而耶穌從而証明之。吾人因聖靈之感動篤信耶穌，即篤信唯一之上帝。斯為一以貫之之真理. Xu Qian 1916, pp. 28–29.

57 雖舊約創世紀，吾人不能謂其絕無訛傳，如創造天地萬物之以日計讀者故宜活參。惟吾人之所篤信者上帝為萬有之源，一切皆由上帝所造，乃無疑之真理此可斷言者也. Xu Qian 1916, pp. 28–29.

58 Xu Qian 1916, p. 29.

59 夫篤信上帝而為善之人，使之永生而歸於天國。其不信上帝而為惡之人，使之滅絕而入於地獄。其結果在末日之審判. Xu Qian 1916, p. 30.

60 我根本就不信仰舊約，因為那是猶太教，不能與基督教混合為一。一般人以為耶穌用舊約話對人講，殊不知那是不得已的法子，不過籍舊約講他自己的主義罷了。耶穌說：「還沒有亞伯拉罕就有了我。」可見他絕不是信仰舊約的了。並且我對於新約也非絕對的信仰，因為四福音書乃是門徒在耶穌死后很久才追記的，其中所記的話頗有出入，不能認為沒有訛誤。再則將門徒的話合並在新約內也未免編輯不謹嚴，我所信的乃是我認為耶穌所宣稱的救國主義。 … 耶穌宣傳的總義，就是天國。 … 所謂天國，並不是神話的天國，乃是在人世上實現的天國。並且將天國要用革命的手段，才能建立的意思暗默說出 … 就是表示要將君主制度推翻而建立民國的微義。根據門徒所記耶穌一鱗片爪的話，就可見基督教自身有建國的意義。 … 這就是我認為基督教有建國的意義，而傳教者不能發明，更不能實行耶穌的真教義，所以不講救國. Xu Qian 1940, pp. 1852–1853.

61 Wang 2022, pp. 336, 348.

62 最后，我的結論，不要以為，我對於基督教是悲觀的，更不要以為我是反基督教的，我在本文前面已說明我所信的基督教是耶穌的教義，有三要點：（一）犧牲，耶穌是為救國將自身一切利益以至於身體都犧牲了。（二）服務，耶穌是為救國而服事人，而不要人的服事。（三）團結，耶穌是教群眾與他聯合成為一體，使一國的人民成為一個整的組織，我相信這樣行為，一定可以救中國，而新中國就必須在這三點上才能建起來. Xu Qian 1940, p. 1854.

63 Kwok 1965, pp. 17–18.

64 Jin – Liu 2010, p. 359.

65 Jin – Liu 2010, pp. 360–361.

66 Jin – Liu 2010, pp. 360–361.

67 Jin – Liu 2010, p. 585.

68 Jin – Liu 2010, p. 364.

69 See Wang Bin 2020.

70 Jin – Liu 2010, pp. 591–592.

71 夫科學家之發明，不過就已然之跡象而查察考其變遷之例，於是成為一種學說，然其所言者跡耳。豈其所以跡哉，至如地之由瓦斯凝結而成之說，故科學家所查明之跡象也。更進而溯夫此跡象之所由成，則歸之於力。再進而推原夫力之所由來，則諉之不可知之數。抑知此不可知之數，非無也，乃真有也？真有維何。曰是唯一之上帝而已。彼科學家之所發明，籍以輔助吾人稍窺上帝之秘奧則可。若欲以之推翻上帝創世說，多見其不知量耳. Xu Qian 1916, pp. 28–29.

72 真理是什麼？這個問題，現世紀人類知識的知識還是有限，不能完全解答，不過近代思想大概認為科學是真理，這是沒有什麼論爭的。古代頑固宗教，在科學初萌芽時期，曾經用非常殘酷的手段來壓迫科學，后來因為科學真理，不可抑制，反被科學戰勝，於是宗教也不得不講科學。但是，仍然籍科學來做門面而宣傳宗教，以示宗教是超科學的。誠然科學還沒有發達到極點，止於能解釋自然的現象，而不能創造自然。自然何以然，科學並不能使之然，而僅能利用其然。就是利用一點還不過九牛一毛，去完全利用之程途尚遠，更講不到創造自然了。宗教因這一點又以為大有宣傳之余地，而將創造自然歸之於不可知之神（上帝），這種宣傳於人類有何益處呢？Xu Qian 1940, p. 1854.

73 Rau 2012, pp. 176, 189.

74 Ying Fuk-Tsang 1995, p. 26.

75 Ying Fuk-Tsang 1995, p. 27.

76 Xu Qian 1918a, p. 10.

77 這就是說耶穌自己是為國死。 … 有信心的，要舍了生命救國。 … 耶穌隻做了一件事，就是拯救。 … 實實在在說，就是救國一樣。 … 救國的國字，就是天國的基礎。 … 你們隻要救國，天國就不遠了. Xu Qian 1918b, pp. 25–26.

78 鄙人於此，甚願舉數種有名的雜志，請求到會諸君的注意。其一為《新青年》雜志。其二為《太平洋》雜志。其三為《科學》雜志，而二月以來北京大學所新組織的月刊《新潮》、星期報《每周評論》等。以上種種雜志星期報，皆主張新文學最烈。而反對宗教之言論。時時見於字裡行間。故教會新文學，若不急起直追，趕緊把這些青年學問領袖的種種誤解，開導過來，那中國（教會教育）之前途，一定是可危了。因為此等報之主筆，皆東西洋留學生。畢業回國，中西文都有根底者。他們控劇現在學問思想界之最高潮。 … 但是我看現在傳教者做教會主筆及學校教授者，都是干枯之極。或者是要從孔教之書中，湊些字面材料及說話來。或者是要從佛教的書中，湊些字面材料及說話來。亦有從現在新科學中要想湊些字面材料及說話者。 … 而被這一般學問新領袖聽了，以為「你們所牽引附會的正是我們所深惡痛斥的。那是不用說，我也將你們一律排斥了。」唉，如此要想引他人歸主，豈不甚難？Xu – Bao 1919, pp. 14–15.

79 Ding Wenjiang was a Chinese geologist, polymath, writer, politician, administrator, and social activist, active especially in Republican China.

80 Ren Hongjun (or Jen Hung-chun) was a Chinese politician, academic, and educator. He was a founding member of the Science Society of China (Zhongguo kexueshe 中國科學社), a major scientific organization in the modern history of China initiated by Chinese students at Cornell University in 1914, and served as its president from 1914 to 1923. He earned a Bachelor degree in chemistry from Cornell in 1916 and a Master degree from Columbia University in 1917. He was a professor of Chemistry, served as president of universities and served in various government agencies and offices. During his lifetime, he helped to promote science in China.

81 Kwok 1965.

82 Wu Zhihui was granted the title of “A Great Scholar of Culture of the Century” (Shijie bainian wenhua xueshu weiren 世界百年文化學術偉人) by the United Nations in 1963. He became an anarchist in France. He was one of the teachers of Chiang Kai-shek’s son, Chiang Ching-kuo 蔣經國 (1910–1988).

83 Ma Junwu was a scientist and educator in China, and the first president of Guangxi University. He studied in Japan and received his engineering degree in metallurgy in Berlin in 1911 and returned to China with his doctorate in 1916. There he assumed leadership positions in various ministries of the government, besides taking up teaching.

84 “Fakan ci” 發刊詞 (Foreword) 1915, pp. 5–7.

85 “Benzhi xuangao” 本志宣告 (The Declaration) 1917, p. 1.

86 “Fakan ci” (Foreword) 1919, p. 4.

87 Xu – Wu – Cheng 1921, p. 77.

88 “Yet to all who received him, to those who believed in his name, he gave the right to become children of God – children born not of natural descent, nor of human decision or a husband’s will, but born of God.” (Jn 1:12–13, New International Version).

89 基督教之奧義為三位一體。其迷信者，惟信上帝、耶穌、及聖靈為三位合一，而不知上帝與人並非離而為二，使人之外別有對象之上帝，則上帝自上帝，人自人。何事信上帝而崇拜之耶，為之說者必曰，上帝乃賞善而罰惡者，故不可不畏之而崇拜之，此則崇拜勢力之見， … 萬一善有不賞，則將不復信， … 萬一惡有不罰，則又將不復信， … 佛氏乃造為輪回之說， … 其荒誕殆不可究詰， … 特惜基督教也有末日審判之說，而不知世界已至末日，尚何審判之有？凡此皆因基督徒上帝觀念不明有以致之。蓋以上帝與人離而為二，則非有賞罰之說不可，否則上帝既不行賞罰，信之豈非無意識耶？殊不知人與上帝本系合而為一，絕非為求賞畏罰而后信之。或謂為上帝之子，豈非也系離而為二，不知上帝為中心。人乃由上帝而出之一分子。為上帝之子者，即由分子而歸回於中心。此其意至為精致，惟真有覺悟者，始知其非二乃一耳。由此可知為人之所需要者非他，是為信仰. Xu Qian 1921a, p. 5.

90 所謂重生者，必須悔罪改善而后重生，復活亦然，必須先死勝死而后復活。若交互觀之，則先死即悔罪之意，罪必須使之死。悔罪者，即使罪先死，惟悔罪而不能改善，是罪死而己自與之俱死也。故必須改善，改善即勝死也。悔罪改善斯能尋得真自己，是謂重生. Xu Qian 1921b, pp. 3–4.

91 顧生命究為何物，實為難言之事。基督教舊說以靈魂為生命，殊不知靈魂絕不足以當生命。宗教而言靈魂，則是由神話而降為鬼話也，豈非有識者所不道耶， … 其較家族之生命為久者，則莫如國，國即人之共同生命也，中國自有文字以來，歷史已五千年，謂之永生，差為近之。故非國不足以言生命，非救國使不滅亡，又豈足以言永生。惟基督救國主義， … 故欲求自己之永久存在，惟本基督之救國主義而力行之，務使天國實現於斯世，斯則生命永無終極。若不知此為真生命，而誤信靈魂十說，姑無論靈魂亦必消滅，即使靈魂存在，而與活人已無關，尚何生命之可言乎. Xu Qian 1921b, p. 5.

92 世界之國有一不得救，天國亦不能實現。 … 其所謂天國，非迷信者所認為靈界之樂土， … 流傳之說有謂此世界乃一罪惡之世界，毫無得救之望。天國非指現世，吾人但可盼望死後入之。此則全無意識之言。愚孰甚焉。 … 則人皆能咸為上帝，但需去其罪惡耳. Xu Qian 1921c, pp. 5, 8–9.

93 Xu – Su 1923, p. 6; Xu Qian 1940, p. 1854.

94 Xu Qian 1921c, p. 4.

95 Xu Qian 1940, p. 1854.

96 For antisuperstition policies in the Nationalist regime in the 1920s, refer to Goossaert – Palmer 2011, pp. 61–63.

97 耶穌亦早有改正宗教的意思，看他不守安息日，就可以證明了 … 即如吾人研究聖經，也並非替經文作註解，像從前八股經義一樣的；是吾人發現了基督救國的意思，把聖經作為參考，證明他是並無謬誤的。今日宗教家但依據經文，演為無用之說，不特不明耶穌的意思，並且不明宗教的真理. Xu – Lin 1922, pp. 11–12.

98 Bays 2012b, pp. 234–235.

99 Xu Qian 1923a, pp. 18–20.

100 而曰基督救國主義 The Principle of Saving Nations through Christ, 因此主義並非建筑於任何教會信條之上﹔即使徒之信仰，或尚有不同之點耳。 … 而上海之會亦改名為基督救國會 The Association for the Salvation of Nations through Christ，亦見其與教會無涉。而其精神則為新基督教，因信仰上根本改正舊說而發明新義也. Xu Qian 1924, pp. 23, 25.

101 （教會）殊不知在這惡世界，不革命能算真基督徒麼？信上帝不在乎形式上的事，到禮拜堂不到也不緊要，就在乎真追隨耶穌。耶穌是一個大革命家，追隨耶穌必須革命。所以不革命就不算真基督徒，怕革命也不算教會。 … 所以我以為世界基督徒，多不明白耶穌所宣傳的天國主義是世界革命，其中包含反對帝國主義，反對資本主義，為被壓迫的民族謀解放，並且實行共產主義，都是確然可証明的。 … 至於歐美傳來的基督教，專講個人得救，那時歐美的個人主義，不是真基督教。他們隻知講個人的自由平等，不知講民族的自由平等，殊不知耶穌是犧牲個人自由平等的幸福，來為全世界被壓迫的民族求自由平等，這是中國發明的基督教，我名之為基督救國主義 … . Xu Qian 1925, p. 6.

102 Xu Qian 1940, p. 1850; Lu Danlin 1946, p. 102.

103 Wang Zuo’an 2014, p. 390; Ye Xiaowen 2014, p. 380; Zhu Xiaoming 2014, pp. 354, 366.

104 Rau 2012, p. 175.

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Wang Jue 王珏

Wang Jue has been working as a lecturer at Shenzhen University since 2003. He obtained his Ph.D. degree from the Middlesex University (London) and the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies. His research interests include Christianity and Chinese culture, the history of Christianity in China, the relationship between State and Church in Contemporary China, and the indigenization of Christianity in China. Among his most recent publications are: Zhang Yijing (1871–1931) and the Search for a Chinese Christian Identity, Carlisle, CA: Langham, 2021; “Neither ‘Xi (洗)’ Nor ‘Jin (浸)’, But ‘Fu (袚)’: Zhang Yijing’s (张亦镜) Choice of Translation of Baptism from the Perspective of Identity,” Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 34 (2017) 3, pp. 214–222 (doi:10.1177/0265378816667276), and “Ideologies and Commitments: An Analysis of Three Typical Attitudes to the Protestant Missions in the Anti-Christian Movement,” Mission Studies 39 (2022) 3, pp. 331–353, doi: https://doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341862