https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8722-029X
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ABSTRACT
This paper explores the production and consumption of contemporary Zulu masculinities presented in three South African soap operas by Zulu male audiences living in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Exploring the interpretations of the constructions of Zulu masculinities in Uzalo, Imbewu, and Isibaya by the situated Zulu male audience provides insight into their various forms of identity and social experience, bearing in mind the dominant societal and media discourses on Zulu masculinities. Data was collected via three face-to-face semi-structured interviews with soap opera producers and thirty focus group participants who represent the soap opera audience. The analysis is conceptually guided by cultural studies active audience theory and masculinity theory, both from a constructionist perspective that explores the connection between discourses, masculinities, and popular culture. The argument is based on the idea that masculinity is not fixed and is constructed within a social context and that meanings bestowed upon objects and events are influenced by the audience member's frameworks of interpretation.
The resulting analysis demonstrates that although there are deliberate attempts in soap opera's preferred messaging to subvert the dominant discourses of Zulu masculinities founded on machismo entrenched in Zulu tradition, as well as negative stereotyping, the audience participants predominantly decode these according to a hegemonic understanding of an ideal Zulu masculinity based on patriarchy. This negotiation of meaning is presented according to four themes, namely; opposing homosexuality, hegemonic masculinities vs “the sensitive man”, absent fatherhood as a (post) struggle identity, and polygamy as divergent decoding.
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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Correction Statement
This article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.
Notes
1 An auxiliary women's political organization of the ruling African National Congress (ANC). Since its founding in1943 its structure and activities have been influenced by events in the national liberation (see Brown Citation2016).
2 The year in which data was collected for Nzimande's PhD study, supervised by Dyll.
3 Isibaya is no longer aired on television. However, the statistics listed were accurate for 2019.
4 Broadcast Research Council (BRC) of South Africa Citation2019. Television Research [Online]. Retrieved from https://brcsa.org.za/february-2019-top-tv-programs/2019 viewership statistics are used as that is the year data was collected.
5 KwaZulu-Natal is where the Zulu Kingdom originated in the 19th century (Houston and Thamsanqa Citation2011, 43–45).
6 Typically underdeveloped, racially segregated urban areas that are built on the outskirts of a city. From the late 19th century until the end of apartheid, they were reserved for non-whites (see Seekings and Nattrass Citation2008).
7 Focus Group One took place in the Imbali area (a township) on 27 July 2019. Focus Group Two took place in the Impendle area (rural) on 24 August 2019. Focus Group Three was held in the Mpophomeni area (semi-township/rural) on 7 October 2019. Focus Group Four took place in the Mkhambathini area (rural) on 19 October 2019. Focus Group Five took place in the France area (township) on 11 November 2019.
8 As the participants are first language isiZulu speakers, they were provided with an isiZulu informed consent form. The study from which this paper is drawn was granted full ethical approval from the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Council.
9 Hlonipha, is a Zulu word that means to be respectful.
10 All reference to focus group participant responses are accompanied by their location and age. Hence here, “Phili” is located in France, and is aged 25.