International Election Observer Missions and the Promotion of Democracy: Some Lessons from Nigeria's 2007 Elections

Abstract

This article explores the politics and policies that underpin election observation and monitoring, particularly as they relate to international assistance for democracy-building and post-conflict elections. Central to this is the nature of election observation, its linkages with democracy-building, and a critical evaluation of its effectiveness as a contributory factor in advancing the democratic project in Africa. The paper draws upon the case of the April 2007 elections in Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation and largest oil exporter, that were widely held by international observers and local election monitors to be deeply flawed, but were upheld by the government without any international sanctions/reprisals. The paper attempts to illustrate some of the difficulties and contradictions that are embedded in the election observer mission ‘industry’ as a tool of the international community for providing legitimacy for the conduct of free and fair elections, but which in some cases result in ‘acceptable’ outcomes that are neither fully free nor fair.

Notes

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference of the Swedish Network of Peace, Conflict and Development Research, Uppsala, 23–24 October 2007.

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22. Ibid.

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24. Ibid. (p. 118).

25. Ake (1993), op. cit.

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27. Lindberg (2006a, p. 139). Also see Lindberg (2004, 2006b).

28. See debate between Thomas Carothers (2002a, b) and Guillermo O' Donnell (2002).

29. Lewis (2003, p. 131).

30. Agbaje and Adejumobi (2006).

31. Nigeria is Africa's largest oil producer and exporter, placing the state in control of immense petro-dollars.

32. Ibrahim (2007, p. 3).

33. Obi (2007a, p. 67, 2007b).

34. von Kemedi (2006, p. 14).

35. Carter Center (1999). Also see Kew (1999, pp. 29–33).

36. Kohnert (2004, p. 86).

37. EU EOM (2003).

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40. EU EOM (2007, p. 1), op. cit.; Statement of the National Democratic Institute (NDI) (2007); International Republican Institute (2007); BBC News; Commonwealth Secretariat (2007); Domestic Election Monitoring Group (2007); Human Rights Watch (2007b).

41. Made up of Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Federation of Moslem Women Associations of Nigeria (FOMWAN), Labour Monitoring Team (LEMT), Women Environmental Programme (WEP) and Moslem League for Accountability (MULAC).

42. Obayuwana and Asubiojo (2007).

43. EU EOM (2007, pp. 35–41), op. cit.

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45. Niger Delta Civil Society Coalition Statement on the Nigerian 2007 Elections, http://www.greenlightnigeria.org

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48. Foreign and Commonwealth Office (2007). Also see Casey (2007) and Declaration by the Presidency on Behalf of the EU on the Elections in Nigeria (2007). Also see Statement of the Government of the Republic of South Africa Congratulating Hon. Alhaji Umaru Yar ‘Adua on His Election as President Elect of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (2007).

49. Casey (2007), op. cit.

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51. ‘Nigerian President Pledges Commitment to Electoral Reform’, Voice of America News (VOA), September 2007, http://www.voanews.com/english/

52. Speech by His Excellency, President Umaru Musa Yar' Adua, GCFR at .000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000the 62nd Session of the United Nations General Assembly (2007).

53. Carothers (2002), op. cit., p. 9.

54. Herkovits (2007).

55. Bittiger (2005).

56. Roth (2008, p. 17).

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Cyril I. Obi

*Programme Coordinator, Post-Conflict Transition, the State and Civil Society in Africa, Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala. Email: [email protected]