Humanitarian and Social Mobilization in Cape Town: Civil Society and the May 2008 Xenophobic Violence

Abstract

This article examines the response of civil society organizations to the xenophobic violence of May 2008 in Cape Town. It explores the nature of the response and lessons learned about the state of progressive civil society in the city. It articulates a paradox. It is difficult to imagine what would have happened to people displaced by the violence without the mobilization of resources by civil society through its humanitarian response and advocacy work; yet the response revealed what appear to be significant weaknesses in sections of civil society in Cape Town. The article contextualizes the substantive discussion with a brief exploration of Cape Town, its experiences of migration, and the state and civil society in the city. The main part of the article examines the nature of the response of civil society to the May 2008 xenophobic violence and what it revealed about the state of civil society.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank those who agreed to be interviewed10 and participated in the focus groups, as well as Nyasha Garaba, Monde Nqulwana, Mandla Tskikata and Marion Wilton who assisted with the research process, and Lameez Eksteen, Winston Harris, Sinethemba Mbazana and Sinovuyo Mbazana, who helped with transcription.

Notes

To avoid confusion, the report uses the terms black, coloured, Indian/Asian and white to describe different racial groups. These are the terms used by Statistics South Africa. African includes South Africans and other Africans as specified. Those who fled their homes are referred to as displaced people. The term refugee refers to people with refugee status or who were claiming it (asylum seekers) and not to displaced people. The term refugee camp is not used to refer to the camps that housed displaced people as not all displaced people were refugees. Camps and displacement camps refer to the six ‘mega-sites’ established by the city of Cape Town. The terms undocumented and irregular migrants are used to describe people often referred to as ‘illegals’.

The paper does not directly address the questions of why the violence occurred or why it took the form it did as this was not the focus of the research.

For a report on the larger study see www.atlanticphilanthropies.org.za or www.gcro.org.za.

Extra interviews and focus groups were held with the TAC because of its significant role in the response, although migration and xenophobia are not its core function, its structure and its role in the formation of the Social Justice Coalition. Masiphumelele was chosen as a research site because it has a history of both xenophobic violence and attempts by community and migrant NGOs, as well as the state,to mediate.

The history of black African migration from the region is extensive (see for instance Crush et al., 1991; Jeeves & Crush, 1997) and the legislative context was complex and racist (Peberdy, 1998, 2009).

A coalition of refugee and migrant organisations, Tutamike existed in 2008 (and may still), but in late 2009 it had not met since April 2008 (interview, Vikki Igglesden, Ikwa Kuthi Research & Advocacy, September 2009).

The SAHRC played a significant role throughout the crisis, not only through the committee but also in the camps (various interviews, July and August, 2009).

The Mustafadin Foundation was founded in the early 1990s as a charity and provides support, access to opportunities and skills for migrants and refugees in Athlone, Phillipi, Khayelitsha and Nyanga. The Catholic Welfare Agency runs a shelter for refugee women and children (Bon Esperance).

Africa Unite provides a crèche for orphans. Originally set up to service the children of foreign nationals, the staff are now foreign nationals and the children are South African. The Alliance for Refugees in South Africa provides English, sewing and computer classes which are open to all regardless of nationality. Migrant and refugee organizations fall into two categories: firstly, those which are South African organizations providing services mainly to refugees and asylum seekers (which may have non-nationals working within them). Some are relatively well resourced and sometimes funded NGOs (e.g., Cape Town Refugee Centre, the Scalabrini Centre and Africa Unite); secondly, the less well funded and often unfunded smaller organizations of refugees and migrants.

The table below provides details of interviewees whose views are reflected in the research.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sally Peberdy

Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, University of the Western Cape, South Africa.

Mazibuko K. Jara

Senior Researcher, Law, Race and Gender Research Unit, University of Cape Town. Email: [email protected]