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Abstract
There is a wide swathe, and indeed long history, of UK literature featuring attempts to theorise differentials in housing position and shifting spatial settlement patterns in relation to ethnicity and ‘race’ (and also, more recently, faith group). Most of the earlier accounts were based on simplified versions of the structure-agency dualism or one or other variant of rational choice theory. Responding to criticisms that these relied too heavily on overly static notions of ‘choice’ and ‘constraint’, a few then turned to a form of theorisation that deployed a modified version of Giddens' structuration theory. This paper seeks to take the debate further by developing a model that retains much of the essence of structuration yet embodies a more dynamic and theoretically nuanced interpretation of both structure and agency. Structure, normally seen predominantly as a form of social regulation, will be seen as multi-layered and multi-dimensional and also, importantly, as subject to often unpredictable exogenous factors. The concept of social agency will also be subjected to a radical re-conceptualisation that reflects, amongst other things, recent shifts in social capital theory interpreted in the light of rapid demographic change (influenced by geo-political factors), ongoing social inequality, racism, and heightened inter- and intra-communal tensions in some areas.
Notes
1 Although this may be seen as detracting from the potential usefulness of the analysis, it will be clear that the core theoretical arguments are in fact transferable, to a greater or lesser extent, to other societies. The author also believes that little is to be gained by fleeting references in the text to other societies in the absence of a detailed understanding on the different socio-historical and cultural contexts.
2 Indeed, many thereafter, despite the theoretical developments outlined in the next section of the paper.
3 Deploying what he saw as a radical Weberian approach, he devised the idea of ‘housing classes’ linked to competition in the market. Minorities were seen generally as losing out to those, e.g. whites, who held the competitive edge.
4 These assessments, as pointed out in the Smith & Whalley volume, tended to be heavily influenced by cultural biases and ethnocentrism on the part of housing officers.
5 ‘Red lining’ is the practice of delineating (invariably low income) areas within which loan finance is refused. Whilst it might be argued that ‘red lining’ is a form of direct discrimination, this is not the position in law. It constitutes indirect discrimination on the grounds that all of those seeking mortgage finance in areas so designated would face the same problem (irrespective of ethnic origin). However, it proved discriminatory in effect because the majority of those wishing to buy property in these areas were from minority ethnic groups.
6 This can be interpreted as a source of both ‘constraint’ and ‘choice’, illustrating very clearly the inherent problems in any attempt to separate these two factors rigidly. In practice, there is often a dialectical/recursive relationship or ‘internal conversation’ (Archer, Citation2007) underlying specific decision processes and outcomes.
7 What is conceived of as ‘structure’ therefore takes a neo-Durkheimian form in that behaviour may be seen as guided by ‘social facts’ (Durkheim, Citation1964 – first pub. 1895) or (in this case) ‘social myths’.
8 Musterd & De Vos (Citation2007) present an interesting study of segregation and residential mobility amongst Moroccan and Turkish residents of Amsterdam. However, where this differs from the Bradford/Leeds study is that it downplays issues of social class and is based on (grouped) spatial data and so, by definition, cannot interrogate the decision-making processes underlying residential mobility.
9 It has to be conceded that there is as yet little hard evidence (beyond the essentially anecdotal) that significant change in this respect is underway. Further research might well reveal that younger women are taking a greater role than hitherto in the housing decisions that are taken.
10 Having said this, on many occasions the ‘newly affluent’ Asian households will reserve vacated property for family and kin (rather than placing it on the open market).
11 Such arguments are, of course, not new: there have been a number of interesting historical parallels. Almost a century ago, during the urban disturbances in port cities such as Liverpool, media commentaries highlighted the alleged dangers of concentrations of blacks in inner urban areas (May & Cohen, Citation1974). In the 1960s, the close proximity of large ‘West Indian’ populations to ‘white areas’ was often viewed as a threat to social stability (Rex & Moore, Citation1967). In the current example, because of the linking, in popular political discourse, of Islam with something intrinsically alien to ‘British values and norms’, there is routinely an elision of ‘culture’, ‘faith’ and ‘politics’. So ‘political’ also becomes a marker, or floating signifier, of cultural and/or religious factors.
12 In relation to Polish workers (who comprise the largest component of EU migration since 2004), it was reported recently by official UK government sources that approximately a half had already returned to Poland.
13 The specific form of chain migration characterising most South Asian groups also contributed to early settlement patterns. However, migration patterns on the part of African Caribbean groups were radically different for a variety of historical reasons (Peach, Citation1968). The degree of spatial segregation of these groups from the majority population also tended to be lower than that exhibited by South Asians. Dispersal from the urban core, and even a degree of ex-urbanisation, is now relatively common for those of Caribbean origin (Peach, Citation1999).
14 ‘Residence requirements’ essentially meant that any applicant for social housing was required to have resided in the locality for a specified period, routinely five years. This had the effect of disqualifying new arrivals to an area (such as migrants). [See notes 4 and 5 for definitions of the other terms listed here.]
15 This also applies to the council housing sector.
16 Obvious cases here are the requirement to adopt Race Equality Schemes under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 and the more recent policies aimed at ensuring that public bodies promote ‘community cohesion’.
17 Housing providers in the BME sector have tended to employ personnel who reflect the ethnic heritage of local migrant groups and thereby increase their accessibility even to those with little prior knowledge of such housing options.
18 It is also necessary to recognise that the long-term shrinkage of the social housing sector in the wake of Right to Buy means that the private rental market assumes considerably greater significance (especially given the growth of the ‘buy-to-let’ market).
19 ‘Structure’, qua social regulation, can of course relate to the internalisation of values which have real effects on agency.
20 For an obvious recent example there is no need to look further than the 2008 financial crisis with roots in the US housing market. This generated a UK ‘credit crunch’ which had severe implications for the viability of financial institutions, house builders, exchange professionals and the ability of would-be borrowers to effect their housing plans.