Adolescent girls and leadership: the impact of confidence, competition, and failure

Abstract

The research reported in this paper outlines the impact of confidence, competition, and failure in relation to adolescent girls and leadership behaviour. Focus groups were used as the method of data collection. These focus groups were facilitated electronically using Skype Instant Messaging. Participants were girls from single-sex schools; all were in their final year of schooling and currently held a leadership position. Students were located in schools across Australia, with one school located in South Africa. It was made apparent by this study that girls, at times, lacked confidence in themselves and their ability to enact leadership. Whilst it was acknowledged that girls had a highly competitive nature, especially in the academic and sporting domains, the word ‘doubt’ continuously resonated throughout student responses. Continued research into this domain will be important in ensuring that girls overcome this ‘doubt’ and have confidence in their capacity as leaders both within the school context and beyond.

Keywords:

• leadership
• adolescence
• girls
• confidence
• competition
• failure

Introduction

Whilst girls' educational reform of the 1970s attended to much of the gender inequity that existed in educational settings and led systematically to an improvement in girls' educational outcomes (Kenway, 1990; Yates, 1993), this has not correlated with post-school success for women in terms of the acquisition of leadership positions (EOWA, 2010) or entry into specific employment domains such as those associated with mathematics and the sciences (Cann, 2009; Jones, 1995; Kahle, Parker, Rennie, & Riley, 1993). In essence, whilst girls' school achievement has increased, this has not translated into life achievement (Baker, 2010; Schober, Reimann, & Wagner, 2004; Skelton, 2010).

Many researchers (Baker, 2010; Ringrose, 2007; Skelton, 2010) have tried to come to terms with understanding the reasons behind this outcome. The concepts of confidence, competition, and failure have been highlighted by this past research as situations where gender differences may exist in relation to the attribution of success and failure (Booth & Nolen, 2009a; Dahlbom, Jakobsson, & Kotsadam, 2011; Poon & Lau, 1999; Steinmayr & Spinath, 2009; Sullivan, 2009). Whether these differences account for girls' difficulty in translating academic success into life success remains unanswered. Continued investigation into confidence, competition, and failure, in relation to the school-based behaviour of girls, might go some way in explaining how and why girls may respond to or be influenced by these ideas and how this might differ to boys. This understanding might in turn give insight into how societal structures and institutions, such as education, might respond more appropriately to these concerns, particularly in relation to girls.

Whilst many studies have taken place exploring each of these concepts, none have directly focused on capturing the voices of current female student leaders in order to seek their perspectives first-hand. In particular, their understanding of the impact of these phenomena on their ability to enact leadership roles within a girls' school context will be important. This paper will therefore outline the research into the concepts of confidence, competition, and failure. It will then explore the perspectives of female student leaders and finally draw conclusions as to what understanding has been gained. As a result, it is hoped that new insight into these important phenomena will be achieved as well as greater awareness into how future research into this area could be beneficial.

Girls and confidence

Much has been said through empirical research about the relationship between girls and confidence. In essence, a considerable amount of this research has focused on girls' perceived lack of confidence despite their apparent educational successes (Baker, 2010; Perry-Burney & Takyi, 2002; Schober et al., 2004), as well as their under-confidence in comparison with boys (Dahlbom et al., 2011; Steinmayr & Spinath, 2009). With reference to the relationship between girls' educational successes and girls' lack of confidence, Skelton (2010), has referred to the changes brought about to girls' education through liberal feminism, and in particular the principle of individual autonomy. This concept acknowledges that girls should have the same access to educational opportunities and experiences as boys. Neo-liberal feminists have since expanded on this to include a focus on the outcomes of such an education and the responsibility of the individual to maximise the opportunities provided by the education they have received (Ringrose, 2007). In debate with these ideas, Skelton has stated:

It is this overlap of the concept “individualism” from the previous to the current restructured education system that is the key to understanding why and how girls, as a group, have been transformed from “losers” to “victors” in public perceptions whilst research into gender and classrooms show many girls continue to express low self confidence. (2010, p. 138)

Skelton has highlighted that girls can hardly be heralded as educational success stories ‘if the claim assumes that academic achievement is accompanied by feelings of confidence, control and ease’ (2010, p. 140). Skelton has concluded that the current focus on the ‘success’ of girls' educational outcomes has blinded an understanding of the impact of such success on girls' levels of confidence, and as a consequence their increased levels of anxiety.

In coming to a greater understanding of this concept, considerable research has been undertaken in exploring why girls may experience a lack of confidence. Performance attribution theories go some way in attempting to explain this phenomenon. Attribution refers to the inferences that an individual makes about the causes of their successes and failures; this in turn effects self-belief, self-efficacy, and ultimately a person's confidence to perform tasks (Lloyd, Walsh, & Yailagh, 2005). Research into attribution theories has found gender differences in both adults and children. This research found that males were more likely to attribute success to their ability (an internal cause), whereas females were more likely to attribute failure, as opposed to success, to this cause (Meece, Glienke, & Burg, 2006). Other research has also confirmed concerns regarding girls and confidence. For example, Perleth and Heller (1994) found in their longitudinal study of German gifted students that girls showed their fear of failure rather than their confidence of success, thus impacting on their educational outcomes. Other research has indicated that girls may attempt to protect their confidence by self-handicapping; that is, offering excuses for failure prior to a task (Freeman, 2004). This behaviour may therefore develop a mindset of ‘learned helplessness’ (Dweck & Licht, 1980) and thus inhibit the development of confidence in relation to task performance. All of these theories ultimately affect girls' confidence in taking on and performing tasks.

In further exploration of girls and confidence, some theorists have also found that girls may find difficulty when confronted with experiences that are outside their expected gender domain. In education this has been particularly linked to girls' lack of confidence, and as a consequence girls' under-representation and lower performance in subjects such as mathematics (Cann, 2009; Jones, 1995) and the sciences (Kahle et al., 1993; Ziegler & Heller, 2000). Studies have found that success in these subject areas might conflict with girls' gender identity. This gender identity may be a result of teacher or parent expectations, (intentional or unintentional), based on the understanding that mathematics and science are masculine subjects. In relation to their study of science, Kahle et al. have termed this impact the ‘gender effect’:

The gender effect is manifested when expectations, interactions, or measured achievements (e.g., grades) are related to a student's sex rather than based upon her or his own potential. Because of that relationship, the gender effect influences girls' attitudes towards science, their self-confidence in performing scientific tasks, their achievement levels in science, and their motivation to continue studying science. (1993, p. 380)

The results of such a phenomenon have been termed ‘cultural underachievement’ (Schober et al., 2004). That is, girls and women do not choose to develop their talents or select their career domains based on achievement but rather on cultural and social imbedded gender constructions. Girls and women therefore lack the self-confidence necessary for taking on these tasks and roles.

Girls' confidence in their ability to perform and complete academic tasks may be related to their academic self-concept. According to Sullivan, ‘self-concept refers to a person's self-perceptions, and academic self-concept refers to a person's beliefs about their own academic abilities’ (2009, p. 259). Sullivan has also made the connection between self-concept and self-efficacy; that is, a person's own perception of their ability to achieve desired tasks. According to Sullivan, academic self-concept and self-efficacy are strongly connected to self-confidence. The importance of these concepts lies in their association with learning and educational outcomes. The perception that a child has of their own ability is an important signifier of their achievement related behaviour (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). In relation to this, Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) have investigated whether boys' reported stronger confidence in their intelligence could be explained by gender differences in specific areas of intelligence measurement (verbal, numerical, figural, and reasoning abilities) as well as by parental perceptions. This study found that both boys' and their parents' estimates of boys' abilities were biased in a gender-stereotypical manner. They concluded that this over-confidence in boys' ability, particularly in relation to mathematics and science, could lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy in which girls' lower self-confidence and boys' over self-confidence might result respectively in either their lower or higher academic achievement. However, other studies have also found that girls' confidence in their own learning may be influenced by developmental factors. Kline and Short (1991) found in their study of gifted girls that whilst pre-adolescent girls had a more positive self-perception of their scholastic ability than boys or non-gifted girls of the same age, during adolescence their perception changed considerably. This study found that during adolescence gifted girls experienced lower levels of self-confidence and more perfectionist traits than in their pre-adolescent years.

Therefore, understanding the intricate relationship between confidence and achievement and its impact on girls' learning and social outcomes is an important concern. In exploring this concept, one area that is often associated with this research is the understanding of girls and competiveness. Like confidence, girls are often perceived as demonstrating a lower level of competitive behaviour in comparison with boys (Booth & Nolen, 2009a, 2009b). Again, understanding how the relationship between girls and competition impacts on achievement and social outcomes will be important in ensuring that the needs of girls are met as a result of the education that they receive.

Girls and competition

With regard to competitive behaviour and students in general, Martin (2010) has indicated that competition has its place; that it can bring out the best performance in individuals. However, competition can also be a risk factor, especially when it is associated with competence or cleverness rather than effort. Therefore, a competitive student who associates success with competence, and thus ultimately self-worth, will as a consequence of failing or underperforming on tasks run the risk of damaging their self-esteem and ultimately confidence in taking on future tasks (Dweck, 2006; Martin, 2010). However, other research in this field has indicated that competition may be quite beneficial in particular contexts. In a study of competitive behaviour in adolescents, Booth and Nolen (2009a) found that girls were more competitive against same-sex peers in single-sex environments in comparison with girls in co-educational settings. In single-sex settings, girls were less likely to convert to gender-stereotypic expectations and thus felt a greater capacity to be able to express competitive behaviour. Likewise, a study of girls who played competitive team sports revealed that these girls had higher levels of self-confidence, participated less in high-risk behaviour associated with drug and alcohol use, and had higher academic achievement (Perry-Burney & Takyi, 2002).

However, competition between students does not just have an impact on students' self-worth; it can also have a significant effect on peer relationships (Schneider, Woodburn, Toro, & Udvari, 2005). Schneider et al. found in their study of this concept that girls were less competitive with friends than were boys. It has been cited by others that this is due to girls' greater reliance on dyadic relationships (Maccoby, 1990) and need of peer approval (Archard, 2011; Rudolph, 2010). Schneider et al. have concluded from their study that ‘competition between female friends is linked with conflict and the dissolution of friendship’ (2005, p. 187), whereas this is not a feature in boys' relationships. Thus competitive behaviour may be avoided by girls as a method of maintaining same-sex friendships. Other research has also explored the negative aspects of competitive behaviour on girls' peer relationships. Merten found that ‘meanness became an essential feature of the competition for, and conflict over, popularity’ (1997, p. 175). In this study it was found that girls used negative behaviour in order to compete with other girls within their friendship group for popularity. Merten found that this was an ever-present undercurrent in the interpersonal relationships amongst the girls studied.

However, it is not possible to enter into competitive behaviour without coming to terms with the risk of failure. How girls deal with the prospect of failure is an important part of their social and cognitive development.

Girls and failure

How students cope with failure is often linked to their self-concept. A person's self-concept defines how they respond to failure by assigning an attribution to the reason behind the failure; that is, as an external or internal cause (Epstein & Katz, 1992). In response to the different understandings of the cause of failure, different coping strategies may be put into place. A person's ‘coping behaviour is affected by the way that people view themselves as well as by the way they view their stress’ (Poon & Lau, 1999, p. 640). Poon and Lau have indicated that coping strategies could include internal mobilisation, which relies on the person drawing on personal resources such as past experience and planning; this type of person normally has a higher sense of self-efficacy and self-confidence. Or, alternatively, external mobilisation could be used, which involves the person drawing on external forces such as talking to other people or asking for help. Poon and Lau have noted that it is the later strategy that is often used by women and girls, and that both groups are more likely to seek the support of same-sex peers.

The impact of failure on students can manifest in multiple ways. Failure anticipation can have negative effects on adolescents, particularly girls, leading to depressive symptoms and peer contagion (Zalk, Kerr, Branje, Stattin, & Meeus, 2010). As indicated by Zalk et al., this theory states that adolescents will base their anticipation of failure on past experience and thus apply this to future tasks. Adolescents with high failure anticipation will get trapped in a cycle of self-handicapping behaviours, which in turn increase depressive feelings and behaviour. Because girls rely more on other girls as a coping behaviour for failure, they are then more likely to pass on depressive symptoms through peer contagion. The negative impact of failure can also be passed onto students in other ways. In a study of the difference between person versus performance praise on children's motivation, Corpus and Lepper (2007) found that following failure girls were more intrinsically motivated by product and process praise, and that person praise had a negative impact on girls' motivation. It was also found that person praise became more detrimental to girls as they moved through adolescence. In another study that involved teacher expectations, Tiedemann (2000) found that teachers attributed girls' unexpected failure at mathematics to low ability whereas boys' failure was attributed to lack of effort. These perceptions of girls' failure then became self-fulfilling prophecies as the teacher belief then became the student belief. Therefore, girls' response to failure can be affected by both internal and external forces, thereby impacting on the students' locus of control over these factors.

Ultimately a girl's sense of confidence is affected by her response to both competition and failure. Where she attributes her successes and failures, and what other implicating factors might intervene as external or internal forces are important as to the outcomes achieved. Of interest to this study is how confidence, competition, and ultimately failure might impact on a girl's ability to take on and enact leadership positions and behaviour in a girls' school context. As demonstrated in the review of the literature, girls are more likely to suffer from a lack of confidence in comparison with boys; and whilst they are competitive in single-sex environments, the need to maintain relationships with peers is of greater importance than success through winning. In addition to this, girls are also more likely to attribute failure to internal causes such as a lack of ability. How these factors then affect a girl's leadership potential will be important to assess in order to address these concerns in schools.

Therefore, this paper will explore these phenomena by hearing from female student leaders with regard to their experiences of confidence, competition, and failure in relation to their own leadership practice and behaviour. By outlining these experiences and points of view, educators will be able to better understand the impact of these factors on girls' ability to demonstrate leadership. As a result, educators may put more supportive measures in place to assist girls both in leadership roles and their academic lives, and thus young women will be better prepared for their role as leaders in the future.

Research questions

In order to collect the beliefs of adolescent girls with regard to the concepts of confidence, competition, and failure, the following research questions will be explored:

•	What are the perspectives of girls in current leadership positions with regard to each of the concepts: confidence, competition, and failure?
•	What impact does the concepts: confidence, competition, and failure, have on their ability to lead in a girls' school context?
•	Do these student leaders acknowledge gender differences with regard to their understanding of the concepts: confidence, competition, and failure?

Methodology

In order to engage adolescent girls in a discussion on the concepts of confidence, competition, and failure six focus groups were established. These focus groups were conducted electronically using Skype Instant Messaging.1 According to Kitzinger, focus groups are ‘group discussions organized to explore a specific set of issues’ (1994, p. 103). Focus groups with teenage participants have also been found to be particularly successful in finding out about participants' identities (Raby, 2010). However, whilst Kitzinger found that group interaction was also part of the data collection, the use of Skype Instant Messaging did not facilitate this outcome; instead, participants interacted with each other electronically from separate locations. Whilst this method of data collection may present a disadvantage with regard to the lack of group interaction, it did present other advantages.

The use of Skype Instant Messaging allowed for the collection of a transcript, thus avoiding transcription errors. Past research into focus groups has also indicated that low-status voices are often muted, especially with regard to girls (Mitchell, 1999). Since the method of data collection employed for this research allowed for participants to maintain their anonymity, this concern was removed. Skype Instant Messaging also provided a method of interaction in which adolescents were both familiar and comfortable. Therefore, focus groups using Skype Instant Messaging were seen as an ideal way of engaging girls in discussion and collecting data on the concepts under investigation.

A series of standardised questions were used as a way of gaining consistency across the different focus groups discussions. According to Morgan, ‘standardization is actually a matter of degree, and even standardized designs allow minor variations that accommodate the unique aspects of each group’ (1996, p. 142). Therefore, whilst each group was asked a standard series of questions, the various dynamics of each group meant that questions were sometimes added or varied in order to expand on or clarify answers. The questions asked of each focus group were aimed at facilitating discussion around the three previously stated research questions.

Inductive coding was then used to analyse the transcripts of the student focus group discussions. This type of coding enables the researcher to develop codes based on themes that become apparent during the examination of data (Johnson & Christensen, 2004). Responses from across the different focus group discussions were therefore collated together under common ideas. The main essence of these themes is reported in the ‘Findings’ section of this paper.

Research participants

According to Parker and Tritter, ‘participants are asked to engage in focus groups because they have something in common with each other and something which the researcher is interested in’ (2006, p. 26). In the case of participants in the focus group discussions, all were students from girls' schools, all were in their final year of schooling and therefore of similar age (16–18 years), and each currently held a leadership position. For these reasons the participants were also of interest to the researcher as they shared the common experience of being female leaders in a single-sex school environment.

The use of a single-sex environment allowed the researcher to explore each of the concepts under investigation in relation to a girls-only context, whilst also facilitating an assessment of the influence of same-sex peers. Girls were then able to compare these experiences, where relevant and possible, with experiences with males outside this context. Thus, the girls in each focus group discussion were in a position to comment on their personal experiences with regard to the impact of confidence, competition, and failure in relation to leadership experiences in a single-sex environment. However, in order to provide some diversity to the focus group discussions, or alternatively explore if different groups of girls held similar views, each focus group was constructed of girls from a variety of locations across Australia, with one school located in South Africa.

Before collecting data from students in the focus group discussions ethics clearance was first gained by the researcher from the previously mentioned university. The parent/guardian of each participant then received an information sheet outlining the purpose of the study, the voluntary nature of participation and ability for withdrawal without consequence, and assurance of confidentiality. The parent/guardian then gave permission for their daughter to participate in the study by signing a consent form and forwarding this onto the researcher before the focus group was to take place.

Each focus group was comprised of schools from the following locations:

•	Focus Group 1: 1 x New South Wales, 1 x Queensland and 1 x Western Australia (total: seven students).
•	Focus Group 2: 1 x Victoria only (total: four students).
•	Focus Group 3: 1 x New South Wales and 1 x Queensland (total: four students).
•	Focus Group 4: 1 x New South Wales and 1 x Queensland (total: six students).
•	Focus Group 5: 1 x Queensland and 1 x Victoria (total: seven students).
•	Focus Group 6: 1 x Queensland, 1 x Victoria and 1 x South Africa (total: 10 students).

In total, 13 schools and 38 students participated in the study.

Findings: student focus groups

In the exploration of girls and leadership, the six focus groups discussed the three concepts: confidence, competition, and failure. In particular, there was a focus on how girls viewed each of these concepts in relation to their own lives as well as their observations of girls in general.

Girls and confidence

Each focus group was asked to discuss the relationship between girls and confidence. In these discussions, students drew on their personal experiences as well as their observation of peers. From these conversations it was found that:

•	girls at times lacked confidence in their leadership ability and underestimated themselves as a leader;
•	girls often displayed doubt in relation to their skills and ability, particularly in comparison with others;
•	the single-sex school environment had a positive impact on girls' level of confidence; and
•	girls held conflicting views as to gender differences with regard to confidence.

Many factors concerning the relationship between girls and confidence were highlighted by students. It was noted by one student that having confidence was about achieving the right balance: ‘if you're overconfident you'll put people off, and if you're under confident you'll be unable to command respect and motivation’. However, students also indicated that when it came putting themselves forward for leadership many girls lacked confidence and often ‘underestimated themselves as leaders’. This was articulated by one student who stated: ‘the lack of confidence is one of the biggest turn offs for people who have the opportunity to gain a leadership position. Feeling awkward about nominating yourself and worrying about if you truly deserved the position you are given’. It was also noted that the lack of confidence was linked to ‘fear of failing to reach the position’ and as a result ‘girls tend to doubt their abilities and they think, “well I'm never going to get that position” so they don't try for it’. Other student responses stated this simply as the effect of ‘doubt’; of oneself, and one's ability.

Student leaders noted that at times girls lacked confidence in their leadership skills. This was demonstrated through a range of responses, such as: ‘I think … many girls have the skills required but their fear or lack of confidence prevents them from pursuing those opportunities’ and ‘girls sometimes don't perceive themselves to be as good or well equipped as others around them, and don't want to put themselves forward I think for fear of not living up to expectations’. Other students indicated that girls also showed a lack of confidence in relation to their physical appearance. It was stated by students that ‘[girls] are more likely to feel pressure to look good all the time’, ‘in today's society there is so much pressure from the media about appearance!’ and ‘from a girl's perspective there are definitely physical pressures and self image problems in teenage girl's lives that have an effect on confidence levels’. However, the effect of too much confidence was also acknowledged by students: ‘we want leaders to be empowering not overpowering’. It was also acknowledged by students that confidence in leadership was something that could develop over time: ‘I think confidence increases as the year progresses along with comfort in the position and you as a person’.

Some girls made reference to their school context as having a positive impact on girls' levels of confidence. In these examples, students stated that within the girls' school environment barriers to the development of confidence were ‘dissolved’ and confidence was instead ‘cultivated’. This sentiment was again encapsulated through the statement: ‘the promotion of women in the world at our school really highlights for us girls the importance of being a strong, independent woman and not feeling undervalued by gender’. Students were also asked to comment on whether girls were more confident around same-sex peers as opposed to boys. Whilst girls mostly agreed with this statement, they also recognised that this was based on context. Students stated: ‘if we were a co-ed school it would be greater, i.e.  we would have less confidence. In a single sex school there is nothing to fear and no stereotypes about boys having to always be the leaders’ and from another student, ‘we are confident with our own pupils but if you put some girls in front of 100 male students and the pressure of looking good and sounding smart, they may be overwhelmed by it all’.

In their focus groups, students discussed gender differences between boys and girls with regard to confidence. Students indicated that boys and girls had the same level of confidence; this was shown through comments such as ‘I don't think girls are less confident than boys; they just have a different way of showing their confidence’, ‘Boys’ competitiveness is more open and driven by their testosterone. Girls however are more subtle in their competitiveness but I believe they are just as confident', and ‘I honestly do not think girls are less confident then boys. Boys and girls act differently and it may come across as being more confident if they are louder and voice their opinions more’. However, other students held opposing points of view, these students stated: ‘yes, I definitely think girls are more prone to have less confidence in themselves’ and ‘I believe that boys are more decisive when it comes to leadership. Girls often look at the prospects and outcomes of leadership at a deeper level and that can sometimes lead to a person doubting themselves.’

The students' discussions highlighted that having confidence was an important prerequisite to leadership; however, with regard to the influences that may impact on their level of confidence, these were mostly associated with image and self-concept. It was also noted that the girls' school context attributed positively to girls' higher levels of confidence. After exploring the relationship between leadership and confidence, students then explored the impact of competitiveness on girls, as was noted by one student: ‘being confident can spur on competitiveness’.

Girls and competition

As with the discussion on confidence, each focus group put forth their views on girls and the impact of competition. This discussion found that:

•	girls generally viewed competition as a positive concept;
•	competition was mostly associated with academic achievement, with some association to sport; and
•	girls had conflicting views as to gender differences with regard to competitive behaviour.

With regard to the relationship between girls and competitiveness this was viewed by students as ‘healthy’ and linked to facilitating ‘girls’ drive to do better’. This was particularly noted in relation to academic performance. For example, students made comments such as: ‘our entire education is based on competition … we are all aware that we are all competing for the top few positions and these transfer to the rest of our lives’, ‘academically our school is based on competition – it is how we excel’, ‘a fair bit of competitiveness can be seen academically which can be good as it inspires others to push for their goals’, and ‘our school takes pride in the academic side of things and we have many awards at the end of the year so girls can get competitive (even just within themselves) as they want to achieve the best results possible’. Competitiveness was also correlated to sport, as highlighted by one student: ‘we have a strong sport program with representative teams so we see people's competitiveness come through that!’

Girls offered a range of other insights into the correlation between girls and competition. One student linked this to the impact of leadership: ‘because of the strength of our leadership, lots of people are competitive and even though girls might not voice it in the same way as boys, it is still apparent’. The outcome of this competition was also made evident: ‘sports, academics and culture have a strong emphasis at [name of school] and we have awards and recognition evenings’. Competition was also linked to ambition: ‘we are told from the outset that ambition is admirable’. It was also noted by one student that at her school girls were encouraged to compete against themselves rather than peers: ‘we have a system where only the teacher knows our grades so we cannot compare ourselves to our friends and peers so it makes things easier academically’. Students also commented on the difference between boys and girls with regard to competition: ‘I think girls are just as competitive as boys’, and, conversely, ‘I think boys can be more competitive than women sometimes, mainly because they show it more through their aggression or their strength.’

Girls in their focus group discussions viewed competition as a positive concept and mostly associated this with driving them towards academic achievement. However, with confidence and competition comes the risk of failure and thus it was important to hear girls' understanding of this concept.

Girls and failure

As with confidence and competition, girls in their focus group discussions were also asked their opinion on the relationship between girls and failure. The focus group discussions revealed the following:

•	girls understood the necessity of failure;
•	girls had a fear of failure and this fear had the potential to incapacitate girls' leadership aspirations and potential; and
•	girls recognised the importance of overcoming failure and learning from it.

One aspect of failure that became apparent in these discussions was the necessity of it. This was expressed in a variety of ways: ‘it would help students by merely exposing them to it’, ‘I think it is crucial to self growth for everyone to learn about failure, not just females; it is a reality for everyone’, and ‘if you have support and are driven in your goals then fear can be something that helps’. This fear of failure was noted by other students: ‘girls are afraid of failure, often to the extent that they don't try’ and ‘girls take failure more personally and are more self-conscious about their failures’. The effect of failure on girls was also acknowledged: ‘I think that we take failure really, really, really, badly here’ and ‘even not being the best is taken pretty hard by many of us, and I think that a lot of people can be badly affected by it’.

Many other aspects of failure and girls were also noted. The effect of failure on girls' leadership capacity was one of these. This was expressed as: ‘if one sees themselves as having failed something their confidence will decrease which can lead them to second guess their leadership decisions’ and ‘as soon as the feeling of failure is felt by girls it becomes hard for them to see themselves in a positive light – especially leadership’. With regard to coping with failure, girls stated: ‘some girls cope, some don't. It just depends on your personality and what you've been exposed to before. Everyone usually finds their own way of coping though’, and, in comparison, ‘girls definitely don't handle failure well at all. Coping strategies aren't usually very helpful. We cry, get angry, mope, sulk etc. I don't necessarily think experiencing failure makes you immune to it’. However, the use of mentoring as a way of overcoming failure was acknowledged by one student: ‘once you have experienced [failure] it can be a challenge to bounce back. Girls can overcome this with good mentoring’.

Girls also acknowledged the importance of overcoming failure and learning from this experience. Students recognised that success needed to be balanced with failure, as stated: ‘I think you need to experience failure in conjunction with success so that you understand it's not always going to be smooth sailing, but that you can always, always learn from failure and improve how you approach your responsibilities’ and ‘if you can balance out your failures with successes then you'll be resilient enough to be persistent’. The experience of failure in relation to leadership was also acknowledged by students: ‘a year ago I would have found it extremely difficult to pick myself from failures but I think being in a leadership position teaches you resilience and more importantly, to learn from your mistakes’ and ‘if someone can't overcome failure then they aren't very well suited to a leadership position’. Students also acknowledged the importance of learning from failure. Students stated: ‘I think it is extremely important that girls learn about failure through facing difficulties, one's ability to overcome these situations and look positively toward the future is developed’, ‘although sometimes failures can be a setback, it often drives them to work harder in their roles. It's a good way of learning from your mistakes’, and ‘I think that it is embarrassing to fail yet once it's done you learn from your mistakes and you push your self to make better of the failure!!’

Through the focus group discussions, many important issues were raised with regard to girls' understanding of the impact of confidence, competition, and failure on their ability to enact leadership. In addition, these concepts also had significant impact on girls' general social and academic behaviour.

Discussion

The student focus group discussions highlighted many areas of interest with regard to the individual concepts of confidence, competition, and failure as well as the relationship between these ideas. In particular, it was noted that girls' level of confidence was directly affected by their response to competition and failure. In conjunction with these concerns the literature review highlighted several areas of interest, including girls' lower self-confidence despite apparent academic success (Baker, 2010; Schober et al., 2004), the positive and negative impact of competition on girls (Dweck, 2006; Martin, 2010), and the correlation between coping with failure and a girl's self-concept (Poon & Lau, 1999). In addition, comparisons between the concepts under investigation and the impact of gender were also made (Dahlbom et al., 2011; Schneider et al., 2005; Tiedemann, 2000).

With regard to confidence and leadership, various areas were indentified in relation to girls' lack of confidence. In particular, it was noted that a lack of confidence may inhibit some girls in applying for school leadership positions. The word ‘doubt’ became a salient theme behind this lack of confidence and was linked to both self-doubt and doubt in enacting the leadership role. The association between self-belief, self-efficacy, and confidence, as raised by Lloyd et al. (2005), was therefore evident in the student responses. This lack of confidence was not just related to girls' uncertainty in their leadership ability and behaviour; several girls also linked doubt to their physical appearance and self-image. In addition to this, girls cited that a fear of failure was another contributing factor to their lack of confidence, it was also highlighted that some girls may be anxious as to whether they deserved a leadership position and for this reason they felt uncomfortable about nominating for leadership. Girls indicated that they also measured their leadership capacity against their peers, and this in turn led them to question whether they were as good or well equipped as their peers, as a result they feared not living up to the expectations of others.

Whilst the evidence provided through the literature review referred to the positive and negative effects of competition on girls, the girls in the focus group discussions mostly viewed competition as a positive concept. In essence, many of the participants linked competition to their academic lives, specifically in relation to achievement. As a result of this achievement, girls received rewards and recognition. In this way, competition was associated with inspiring girls to meet their goals and excel academically. However, as the literature has indicated, despite this academic success, it was found that girls still lacked confidence in their leadership ability (Baker, 2010; Schober et al., 2004). Some reference was also made to competition and sport, perhaps highlighting Perry-Burney and Takyi's (2002) proposal that girls who participate in competitive team sports have higher levels of self-confidence. Whilst the findings of Booth and Nolen's (2009a) research indicated that girls were more competitive against same-sex peers, one finding of the focus group discussions was that girls were encouraged to compete against themselves rather than peers. Another important area regarding competitive behaviour identified in the girls' school context was the competition for leadership positions. Competition in this domain was affected by girls' level of confidence and self-efficacy; that is whether the student felt that they deserved such a position or thought they had the capacity to fulfil the requirements of the role.

The relationship between confidence, competition, and failure was made apparent by the female student leaders. Students insightfully recognised the paradoxical nature of failure in providing girls with the skills and knowledge required for self-growth and the building of resilience. This development of skills and consequently the development of confidence would in turn improve how girls approached their leadership responsibilities. With regard to overcoming failure, it was noted by one student that mentoring could assist with this matter. However, it was also acknowledged by other students that girls had a propensity for employing ineffective coping strategies, for example: ‘we cry, get angry, mope, sulk’. Whilst mentoring suggested the use of an external coping strategy, it was unclear from the data what other internal or external coping strategies were used (Poon & Lau, 1999). The fear of failure was also clearly acknowledged by students. One implication of this fear was that girls simply ‘don't try’ in order to avoid the impact of failure. This self-handicapping behaviour was indicated earlier by Zalk et al. (2010). The effect of failure and how it might impact on girls' leadership capacity was emphasised by many students. Whilst the focus group discussions have demonstrated a link between failure and self-concept (Epstein & Katz, 1992), the student leaders have not clearly articulated an attribution for this failure. The need to learn from failure was a common response from students, thus indicating at least an awareness that past experience was an important precursor for a future response (Zalk et al., 2010). Some girls also noted that if students could not learn to overcome failure then they were not suited to a leadership position. The recognition of the link between coping with failure and leadership is perhaps an important point put forward by these focus group discussions.

Many comparisons were made between girls and boys in relation to the three concepts under investigation. There were conflicting reports as to whether boys had more confidence than girls or vice versa, particularly in relation to leadership. It was also suggested that whilst boys were confident of success, girls demonstrated a fear of failure and as a result tended to ‘start beating themselves up and putting themselves down’. Perleth and Heller (1994) established this same finding in their study of gifted girls. Other responses indicated that boys and girls had the same level of confidence; however, they demonstrated this behaviour in opposing ways. The positive impact of single-sex schooling was highlighted by students and it was acknowledged that girls were more confident amongst same-sex peers. The single-sex school environment provided girls with settings where stereotypes could be confronted and confidence barriers dissolved. This was directly contrasted to co-educational settings where girls perceived that the ‘pressure of looking good and sounding smart’ would influence their aptitude for leadership.

However, a limitation to this study was that it only represented a small, although diverse, research sample. Therefore, the findings are only applicable to this sample group and may not be representative of female adolescent student leaders in general. Whilst some girls may have had experiences in co-educational school settings, or were drawing from experiences of other co-educational environments, girls may have been relying on speculation with regard to the comparisons made between themselves and boys. It was also not always clear from the student responses as to where or to what girls were attributing their successes and failures; it would be important to ascertain this more precisely in future research in order to deal with this concern. Nevertheless, the use of Skype Instant Messaging provided a new and engaging way for facilitating discussion between adolescent girls. One limitation of this method was that it prohibited girls from seeing the person/people with whom they were conversing; however, it also provided the anonymity needed to guarantee freedom of expression, for this reason it is recommended as an appropriate tool for future research. The focus group discussions have provided an interesting insight into the concepts of confidence, competition, and failure from an adolescent female perspective. Clearly girls are influenced by all of these concerns in different ways.

Conclusion

Whilst it was acknowledged at the beginning of this paper that girls' school achievement has not translated into life achievement (Baker, 2010; Skelton, 2010), the means of bringing this conundrum to an end is not clear. However, understanding the barriers that may inhibit girls and women in their pursuit of leadership, such as the lack of confidence, not engaging in competitive behaviour, and the fear of failure, would be an important step forward in achieving this outcome.

Through the focus group discussions it was demonstrated that adolescent girls have a clear understanding of how confidence, competition, and failure have a significant impact on their lives, especially with regard to their capacity as leaders. Their awareness and clearly articulated responses to each of these concerns was a reassuring sign that students and their schools are putting their own measures into place in order to contest these issues. It was certainly made apparent by this research that girls at times lacked confidence in themselves and their ability enact leadership, and whilst the girls articulated their highly competitive nature, especially in the academic and sporting domains, the word ‘doubt’ continuously resonated throughout the student responses. Overcoming this ‘doubt’ will be an important measure in ensuring that girls see themselves clearly as leaders both within their school context and beyond.

The need for girls to leave their secondary schooling with experiences of leadership and confidence in their leadership capacity will be important in overcoming concerns regarding the lack of women in leadership positions. The educational experiences that a girl receives and in which she participates must prepare her as much for failure as it does for success; only then will the doubt that girls have in their ability as leaders be addressed.

Notes

1. Instant Messaging is available through Skype as an alternative to video calls. It allows for real-time (free) text conversations between individuals or groups. Members of the conversation can respond simultaneously and a transcript of the conversation appears in a window at the bottom of the screen. This transcript is then saved under ‘History’.