‘Imagine, just 16 years old and already a dad!’ The construction of young fatherhood on the Internet

Abstract

Studies exploring young fatherhood have mainly looked at low-income and unemployed young men. The literature is thus focused on fathering at the margins of society and mechanisms of exclusion. This discourse of young, marginal, excluded and often fragile fatherhood is also strongly connected to discourses on young parenthood in general. There is, for example, an ongoing and parallel discussion in many countries on young teen mothers and social exclusion. In general, the discourse on young parenthood has focused to a greater extent on the mother's situation. In this article, we explore young fatherhood. In Sweden a new phenomenon has emerged: young fathers creating blogs and presenting themselves on the Internet. The images of young fatherhood constructed in these blogs are often positive and framed within a discourse of the caring father. Using a narrative approach, the article investigates how these young fathers present their self on the Internet. The results indicate the presence of a caring, present and reflexive young father.

Keywords::

• fatherhood
• young fathers
• masculinity
• Internet
• blog culture

Introduction

The notion of teenage parents as a social problem is deeply ingrained and represented in society. There is a massive body of academic literature on teenage pregnancy, teenage parents' social situation, patterns of poverty and especially on single young mothers' psychological, social and economic situation (Kulkarni, 2007; Myklebust & Solvang, 2005; Phoenix, 1991). Single young mothers are often portrayed as irresponsible and morally suspect. This public and often moralistic image of teenage motherhood has been contradicted by research. Phoenix (1991), for example, shows that there is great variation among the category of ‘young mothers’. No homogeneous category of young mothers exists; rather, significant variation depending on class and ethnicity. Moreover, not all young mothers live under difficult conditions. Their living conditions are largely dependent on their social and economic situation, their support networks and family situation. The central dividing line between young mothers with a precarious situation and those with a stable and secure situation is primarily connected to having a weak economic situation and not primarily to age. However, some studies have shown that, in order to develop a respectable adult position, working-class women become mothers at earlier ages than middle-class women do. By investing in femininity and motherhood, working-class women increase their heterosexual and culture capital (Skeggs, 1999).

Although most discussions and studies on teenage parenthood have targeted and focused on young mothers, especially young single, vulnerable mothers, there is also a growing body of literature on young fathers. Most of these studies focus on young vulnerable fathers. The pattern is quite similar to that discovered in studies on young socially disadvantaged mothers. Young parents are generally described as vulnerable, immature and socially disadvantaged. However, it is possible to distinguish some differences in the construction of young fatherhood respective to motherhood. While young mothers are depicted in terms of being poor, lone, vulnerable and morally suspect, young fathers are portrayed as being absent, criminal, violent and socially excluded. Thus, young fathers are described as being more of a high-risk group compared with young mothers, especially in a Swedish context. Furthermore, according to Tryggvason, Sorbring, and Samuelsson (2012), young fathers' identity is not directly related to parenting but rather to the role of breadwinner, while young mothers identity work to a higher degree corresponding with the position of being a parent.

The age at which individuals become parents varies by factors such as ethnicity, socio-economic status and other relevant social living conditions. A recent American study on young dads concludes that the individuals entering into parenthood at a young age are often less healthy, unemployed, less educated and in general socially disadvantaged (Berger & Langton, 2011). Swedish studies confirm this picture of young fathers. Young dads are portrayed as a high-risk group (Ekéus & Christensson, 2003a; Holmberg & Berg-Kelly, 2002; Lalander & Johansson, 2007). Drug use, suicide, disease, unemployment and violent crimes are more prevalent, and the young father is also perceived to be more gender traditional than older fathers (Berger & Langton, 2011; Bunting & McAuley, 2004; Ekéus & Christensson, 2003b). Moreover, young parents are measured against the common cultural and in some senses normative ideal that one should wait and postpone parenthood until one's early thirties. In relation to this tendency, young parents stand out as an anomaly (Thompson & Lee, 2011).

In Sweden, the average age at first birth is 31 years for fathers and 29 years for mothers (SCB, 2012). In 2010, there were around 6000 parents under 20 years of age in Sweden. Nearly 4700 of them were women and, consequently, about 1300 were men. The number of babies born each year to teenage mothers is relatively constant, about 1300 children (Ungdomsstyrelsen, 2011). In Sweden, the question of young parenthood has not been a particularly prioritised area, although there have been some studies and policy discussions. There is a much more present and central discussion and concern about the vulnerability of many young parents in, for example, the United States and Great Britain. However, the Swedish National Board for Youth Affairs (Ungdomsstyrelsen) has in several reports drawn attention to young parents' poor economy, lack of education and their difficulty establishing themselves on the labour market (Ungdomsstyrelsen, 2008a, 2008b, 2009, 2011; also Integrationsverket, 2007; SOU, 2003). Statistics show that three out of four young parents have not completed three years of high school by 25 years of age. The corresponding figure for young people without children is 17%. Young parents are also over-represented in the youth unemployment statistics and are at risk of dropping out of the labour market, which results in dependency on income support and marginalisation. Adding ‘foreign born’ to the categories ‘young’ and ‘parent’ makes the situation even more problematic. Approximately 20% of all 20–24-year-olds in Sweden has children. Among young people 20–24 years of age who neither study nor work, the proportion of parents is around 25% among native born but 30–40% (depending on the source) among foreign born (Ungdomsstyrelsen, 2007).

Research on young parenthood has largely focused on social problems and the economic, psychological and social challenges connected to becoming a young parent. Few previous studies have presented a more optimistic and positive image of young parents. However, there have been attempts to put forward a more nuanced and complex understanding of young parenthood (see, for example, Hettler, 2000; Kiselica, 2008; Phoenix, 1991; Reeves, 2006; Speak, Cameron, & Gilroy, 1997). Reeves (2006) suggests, for example, that for several of the young men she interviewed, parenthood becomes a form of ‘rescue’ from past destructive and anti-social identities and results in a positive sense of responsibility and development.

In the present article, we will investigate and put forward a recent and highly interesting trend among young dads in Sweden. Since the 1990s, we have seen a trend in Sweden in which fathers display and describe their lives as fathers in the media and in autobiographies. During the 1990s, there were a number of books on fatherhood, where young and middle-aged journalists wrote about their experiences of being caring and present fathers and parents. These narratives often displayed a young, gender-equal and highly reflexive fatherhood (Herz & Johansson, 2011; Wall & Arnold, 2007; Williams, 2008). Recently we have seen a totally different but probably connected phenomenon, in which young and teenage fathers tell their stories of everyday life and fatherhood on blogs.

The aim of the article is to investigate and analyse a number of recent Swedish blogs, where young fathers around 20 years of age tell stories about their everyday life, time with their kids, parenthood, school and leisure time, and where these experiences are framed as ‘my life as a young dad’. The research questions asked are: How do young dads portray and put forward their roles and identities as fathers in these blogs? How is the relation between the father and the child narrated and constructed? In what way can these narratives be read and understood more specifically in relation to dominant conceptions of masculinity, and more generally in relation to notions of a caring and more present fatherhood?

We will use empirical data from the Internet and from blogs as our source and research material. The study will be framed within gender studies and masculinity research.

Young families and young fathers

During the 1990s, the sociology of the family was rejuvenated by new and groundbreaking theoretical frameworks of modernity, sexuality, family and identity (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 1995; Giddens, 1992). These authors' descriptions and analyses of the modern family were part of a much wider theoretical discussion on modernity and on how to analyse different phases and transitions in modernity. In this context, the family was investigated and presented as an example of how modern institutions were being transformed. Parallel to this theoretical elaboration within the sociology of the family and related fields of research, we have a rapid development in masculinity studies. Owing to Raewyn Connell's (1995) Masculinities, and a growing interest in theories of masculinity, questions have been raised about men's lives and what it means to be a man today. A large part of this discussion has taken place in close connection to feminist research and theorising. During the 1990s, a new understanding of men and masculinities evolved. One key area in this context is fatherhood research. There has been very rapid growth of critical studies on fatherhood in contemporary society. Quite a number of studies from the 1990s also show that fathers are becoming more and more present, gender-equal and nurturing (see, for example, Dienhart, 1998; Deutch, 1999; Johansson & Klinth, 2008; Lupton & Barclay, 1997). There is also a long tradition of studying absent fathers and more problematic images of fatherhood, such as violent and authoritarian fathers (Billier, 1993; Bradshaw, Stimson, Skinner, & Williams, 1999; Johansson, 2003).

The research on young parenthood in general, and on young fatherhood in particular, has often been framed in another theoretical context. This kind of research has frequently been connected to policy questions and to more practical and clinical work on support systems for young parents (Du Bois-Reymond, 2009). As previously mentioned, research on young parenthood has primarily focused on low-income parents. There is, obviously, a large body of literature on the effects of poverty on teenage pregnancy and parenthood (Glikman, 2004). Findings from different studies show that young parents generally have more difficulties finishing their education, getting a job and achieving a stable economic situation (Kulkarni, 2007).

The literature on young fathers is still quite limited, and it often exclusively focuses on young disadvantaged fathers (Berger & Langton, 2011). There are a number of international studies on criminal young fathers, and on parenting classes and clinical work with young fathers (Jarvis, Graham, Hamilton, & Tyler, 2004; Lesser, Tello, Koniak-Griffin, Kappos, & Rhys, 2001; Wilkinson, Magora, Garcia, & Khurana, 2009). Although some studies indicate that young fathers convey a desire to be more present in their children's lives and in family life, contextual and cultural factors (such as gender values, employers' attitudes, legal frameworks, etc.) often work to restrict these ambitions, resulting in feelings of being excluded from and alienated by a range of services (Speak et al., 1997). But there are also exceptions, as revealed in research showing young fathers' strong will to be present and play an active role in raising their children (Deslauriers, 2011; Devault, Deslauriers, Groulx, & Sevigny, 2010).

Whereas the focus on vulnerability and social exclusion is common in this field of research, here we will instead turn our attention to a group of young fathers who are to some extent characterised by more social and psychological resources and a more secure and stable social situation. Although we are aware that there are a number of risks associated with young parenthood, our ambition is to nuance the image of the young parent and father, and to explore the possibility of more caring and present young fathers.

Setting the empirical context

The young father is often three to five years older than the adolescent mother (for example, Hettler, 2000). He is thus usually in his early twenties. Consequently, the young fathers included in the present explorative study of representations of fatherhood on the Internet are all in their early twenties. The empirical material consists of eight blogs, which is all of the existing blogs written by young fathers in Sweden during autumn 2011. The blogs had been in use and published during a period of one or two years, and some of them are no longer in use. But even though the young father writing the blog has stopped publishing material, the blog is still available. Here, we are investigating the traces of the narratives that can be found in these types of archives of masculinity and fatherhood.

The empirical material and the cases were sampled by searching ‘young dads’. We used the following criteria when selecting cases:

• Blogs that contained narratives on fatherhood, and on the relation between father and child.

• Blogs that had been running for at least one year, and that contained images, stories and narratives on everyday life as a father.

• Blogs written by young fathers in the age range 18–22 years.

• Blogs with at least 30 entries.

At the time of this investigation, the following eight blogs were found on the Internet:

• Blog 1: Erik, 18 years old, three children.

• Blog 2: Rikard, 19 years old, a son, separated from girlfriend.

• Blog 3: Johannes, 20 years old, a son.

• Blog 4: Ronny, 18 years old, a daughter.

• Blog 5: Mikael, 20 years old, a son, separated from girlfriend.

• Blog 6: Lucas, 22 years old, a son and a daughter.

• Blog 7: Oskar, 20 years old, three children.

• Blog 8: Anders, 20 years old, a son, separated from girlfriend.

Naturally, the use of this kind of empirical material raises a number of ethical questions. Narratives published on the Internet are a new type of source for empirical research on various subjects. Although this is a rather new type of material, it has many similarities with more ‘conventional’ empirical sampling (Fleischmann, 2004; Orgad, 2006; Sheehan, 2010). Online spaces for communication and social media are embedded in a national, social and cultural context. Blogs and other types of social media often target specific lifestyle groups and sections of the potential audience (Orgad, 2006). The blogs used in the present study seem to have a broad audience in mind, especially other parents. When selecting quotations, we have been careful not to focus on the most sensitive material, and we have restricted our use of quotations to those that facilitate a relevant analysis of this new kind of phenomenon (i.e. young fatherhood and masculinities). The names used are all pseudonyms. However, all of the material used in the analysis is available to everyone on the Internet. Additionally, the empirical material from the blogs has only been used for research publications.

A narrative and discursive approach and methodology have been used in the analysis. Narratives and discourses give meaning to our experiences and make the world intelligible. Our attention is directed towards the relation and contact between young fathers' stories and more general images of Swedish fatherhood, and fatherhood in general (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Clandinin, 2007; Daiute & Lightfoot, 2004; Gee, 2003; Kvale & Brinkman, 2009; Wodak & Krzyzanowski, 2008). The analysis will focus on the young fathers' construction of identity, masculinity and fatherhood. A discourse analytical approach claims that discourses affect and shape our actions, identities and stories about ourselves. They both produce and reproduce social relations and identities. We intend to read, interpret and understand the empirical data in light of a broader discursive context, through which the narratives are constructed, given meaning and take shape. We also intend to focus on the implications of the discourses; that is, what constructions the discourses on young fatherhood generate in terms of identities, masculinities and fatherhood.

Conceptual framework

There is a clear lack of theoretical studies on young fatherhood that analyse the social construction of masculinity and fatherhood. The focus, instead, is on social exclusion, life transitions, developmental issues and psychological distress. The conceptual framework of the present article will be gender theory and theories of fatherhood and masculinity. The ambition is to place the discussion and the analysis of these stories and narratives in the context of masculinity research.

Raewyn Connell's groundbreaking study on the transformation of masculinity was published in 1995. In her book Masculinities, the concept of hegemonic masculinity is put forward as a key concept in gender studies (Connell, 1995), although the concept had been introduced already in the 1970s, and in Gender & Power (Connell, 1987). In Masculinities, Connell defined hegemonic masculinity as follows:

Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women (Connell, 1995, p. 77)

Hegemonic masculinity is constituted and formed in relation to subordinated and marginalised masculinities as well as in relation to women. The interplay between different masculinities is, according to Connell, an intrinsic part of the patriarchal order. The concept of hegemonic masculinity points towards possible changes and transformations of masculinity. Connell uses the concept of complicity to discuss how men relate to power and to the hegemonic structures of masculinity. Although the actual number of men practicing and embodying hegemony are quite few, Connell argues that most men have some kind of complicated, dependent and ambivalent relation to power. The power structure put forward is dynamic but also fairly stable and durable. This structure also builds on a hierarchical system of different gender relations. These relations are described as either being subordinated – for example, gay masculinity or ‘feminine men’ – or as complicity, which means that the majority of men gain from the hegemonic patterns and the patriarchal dividend. Connell also extends the discussion of possible relations to other structures such as class and race, and thereby it is also possible to analyse the relation between marginalisation and the authorisation of a certain hegemonic position. The young men in the present study are marginalised – on the basis of both age and class – but they articulate their masculinity and fatherhood in relation to middle-class values and cultural ideals. According to Skeggs (1999), they seem to disidentify with a working-class position. We will develop this idea later on.

Today there is an ongoing critical discussion and re-evaluation of the concept of hegemonic masculinity (Beasley, 2008; Hearn, 2004; Messerschmidt, 2008). Presented are more optimistic texts on masculinity, pointing towards changes in dominance and in the construction of masculinities. But the main parts of this discussion are taking part within a discourse of a hierarchical relation between men, and between men and women. There are also other voices, however. Anderson, for example, is highly critical of Connell's theory of hegemonic masculinity:

In a culture of diminished homohysteria, boys and men will be free to express emotional intimacy and physical expressions of that relationship with one another. Accordingly, this culture permits an ever-greater expansion of acceptable heteromasculine behaviours, which results in a further blurring of masculine and feminine behaviours and terrains. The differences between masculinity and femininity, men and women, gay and straight, will be harder to distinguish, and masculinity will no longer serve as the primary method of stratifying men. (Anderson, 2009, p. 97)

Anderson is arguing for a more pluralistic and open theory of masculinity. However, these attempts to open up and construct a more pluralistic theory of masculinity face other problems; for example, when we try to explain how inclusive masculinities relate to hierarchies of power.

Another possibility would be to recognise inclusive masculinity as an expression of a changing content and structure within hegemonic masculinity. Rather than throwing out the concept of hegemony altogether, we should instead focus on the transformations and the processes of redefinition of masculinity/fatherhood. In the present study, the relation between marginal and hegemonic masculinity/fatherhood is of central importance. The aim of the study is to put forward and analyse a specific form of contemporary and young fatherhood. The conceptual framework is intended to help us analyse what kind of fatherhood we are approaching when we read these young men's blogs. Using a dynamic concept of hegemony, directing our attention to complex and new ways of putting together, mixing and blending traits, attitudes and behaviours, we will try in particular to discover how these young men construct their identity as a father at the crossroads between marginal, complicit and hegemonic masculinity, and how this also can be interpreted as part of a transformation of hegemony, and as articulations of new ideals and forms of masculinity.

The construction of young fatherhood on the Internet

The hegemonic type of Swedish father could be said to be heterosexual, white, mature men in their thirties, with one or two children, and a middle-class background. Consequently, younger men in their early twenties with a working-class background are often excluded from this imaginary world of Swedish fatherhood and masculinity. They are young, some of them are still pupils in high school, their financial situation is often bleak and they repeatedly have to rely on their parents for emotional and financial support. As previously mentioned, young fathers are quite often stigmatised and treated as the Other (Berger & Langton, 2011). When looking for articles and entries on young fatherhood in Swedish newspapers, we often find a problematic and questioned masculinity. Young fathers are treated as immature, problematic and irresponsible. However, the image of young fathers and of fatherhood in general is also ambivalent and complex. In one Swedish daily newspaper we can read about Albin, a young father:

– What I find most difficult, says Albin Hedberg 22, is the distrust you meet all the time.

– You see some raised eyebrows, as a young single father I'm always questioned, says Albin.

– People think: ‘okay so you will sit there with your baby in your knee, drink beer and watch soccer’. As a dad you're much less valued than a mother, and that hurts.

But sometimes Albin also gets praise for being a good father.

– So because I'm a guy I get extra praise. Either you're a hero, or you meet mistrust, like two sides of the same coin. (Nordgren, 2010)

Albin describes vividly the different reactions and attitudes he seems to trigger in people. The stereotypical picture of an irresponsible, careless, typical young male is present, but there are also other types of reactions and responses, such as support and admiration. The young father is constructed as a Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde character. Analytically, we must understand these reactions as being intersectional in terms of people's images of masculinity, age (youth) and class. In Connell's terms, we are talking about a marginalised masculinity. This version of masculinity, however, is also intimately connected to, defined through and coloured by hegemonic masculinity, in terms of conceptions of what it means to be a man and representations of the relation between masculinity and bringing up children.

The eight blogs we have studied all have a similar structure and content, with some variations. The blogs are filled with almost ethnographic self-observations of the ongoing construction of young fatherhood. There are also many pictures of the children, often together with their fathers hugging and kissing them. The pictures of the children often express love and care. There are pictures of children playing, bathing, painting, swinging, sleeping and eating. There are also pictures of children's birthday parties, the baby's first tooth, first steps, and so on. In one of the pictures, Erik's feverish son is depicted, followed by the comment: ‘Today, little Hugo [pseudonym] has a fever. He had a 39.8-degree fever. You can almost see it in the picture, I feel sorry for him! But he's alert and playing as usual, though he's not eating as much.’ In another picture, we see Eric's forearm, with the names of his children tattooed on it.

People following the blog often give input to the ongoing discussion. Some responses contain language in defence of these young parents, and a great deal of support. Sometimes they contain questions:

Hey. I'm a 16-year-old girl, who wants some advice. I really want to have a child now. What do you think I should do? I have six siblings and lots of cousins (we're a big family). I've made up my mind to work with kids and stuff. Since I was 6 years old. Have a good time with your son. Hugs.

P.S. He's really cute. (Blog 2, question from a reader)

Hello, I think you're both wonderful. I read your blog, but seldom respond to anything. But now I really felt like writing something. You seem so much older and mature, and you're so good together. I hope you can keep up that relationship. Don't mind what other people say, just keep up your good relationship. I hope you can maintain a good relationship when you have another child soon, if you want to then anything is possible; many hugs sent from a 27-year-old mother of two children in Northern Sweden.

Thanks a lot! (Blog 1, comment from a reader)

The latter input from another young mother is from a blog run by Erik, a father of three children. When his first child arrived he was 16 years old, and still going to school. It took some time before he told his parents, and they were shocked but still supported him and his girlfriend. Erik uses the blog to tell other people about the pros and cons of being a young father. For the most part, Erik and other young fathers actually use the Internet and their blogs to relate positive and empowering stories of young parenthood. There are elements of self-confession, and these stories and narratives can thus be read and interpreted in terms of self-evaluations and ways of scrutinising the self (cf. Foucault, 1988). These self-presentations can also be read as ways of telling another kind of story about young fatherhood, and as attempts to re-write and reformulate the notion of young fatherhood. Moreover, the narratives can be framed as indicators of ongoing learning processes, and as identity projects that reveal central changes in definitions of young fatherhood.

Between marginality and empowerment

The presentation of self and fatherhood that unfolds in these blogs should probably be understood in relation to a growing tendency in contemporary culture and social media to bring private issues into the public sphere. In Sweden during the past 15 years, there has been a steady flow of self-confession books written by journalists and celebrities (Johansson, 2007). In this sense, auto-biographical texts on fatherhood have almost turned into a new genre. In comparison with the middle-aged men writing self-confession books, and even self-help books on fatherhood, the eight young men in focus here represent a somewhat different angle on masculinity and fatherhood. Their stories are coloured by their marginal and stigmatised position, their poor financial situation, their need for support, and so on. At the same time, they also give another and more nuanced image of young fathers, as in Lucas's case:

When I was told that I was going to be a father, it just felt unreal. Imagine just sixteen years old and a dad. I also felt immature and not ready for becoming a dad, but it kind of worked out anyway. The second time, it was almost more unreal than the first time. I was just seventeen years old, and soon a father of two children. But everything worked out well, and my children are the whole world to me. But without the support of my parents, it would have been really tough. […] It's clear that my life has been different. As soon as I don't have training or school, I'll try to see my children every day! I enjoy my life. (Blog 6)

The self-presentations are coloured by the fact that these young men belong to a minority of men, often portrayed as marginalised and disadvantaged fathers. Thanks to the possibilities available today on the Internet, these men can conquer a place in the public sphere, make their selves visible, and tell their own story. One-half of the stories in this small sample bring forward a kind of self-confession, and to some extent we also find narratives of ‘coming to terms with the past’, and constructing a new and more empowered identity resulting in a positive sense of responsibility and development (Reeves, 2006). A few cases fit quite well into the common image of the disadvantaged young father, but these young men also put a progressive and revanchist spin on their stories. Rikard, 19 years old, has been taking care of his son since his girlfriend, the mother of the child, left them two years ago, three months after his son was born. He has not heard from her since then. According to Rikard, his former girlfriend did not have the strength to bring up and take care of their child. At 17 years of age, Rikard was on his own and it was a difficult time he says, and it still is, although Rikard has never considered letting somebody else take care of his son. His parents have been a great support for him the whole time and he has never regretted being a father. He quit high school when he was 17 years old and was unemployed for a while, but now works in a warehouse. He started the blog to show that it is possible for a young father to raise a child alone, and to provide an alternative image to the stereotypical young father who deserts his children.

Becoming a father at such a young age is something I don't regret at all! I love my life and I'm tremendously happy. I want to say that I've been blessed indeed. My son is the best thing that has happened to me, and it's he who makes me a whole person. It's him I live for and will always live for! I look forward to every year we will have together and I look forward to seeing how he grows and develops. My life is absolutely wonderful. There are people who think I'm pathetic and have a pathetic life as a young father, but they could not be more wrong! It's the best thing that's happened to me and it's just made my life better. […] When I was young I did all kinds of stupid things. […] I spent time with the wrong kind of people, and got stuck in bad crowds of people. I was close to burning my candle at both ends, and it could have ended badly. I was not a good person, at all, and I didn't respect people, not even my parents. I let people down, and was first and foremost an egoist, an idiot, cold and arrogant. Thinking back on this time makes me very sad: Becoming a father really saved me, and made me a better person. (Blog 2)

Reading these stories we get a different, more positive image of young masculinity and fatherhood. For these young men, fatherhood and having a family have become part of a project of empowerment. Ronny (Blog 4), for example, has had problems all his life, feeling alienated and different. He has a psychiatric diagnosis, and has had problems with studying, and fitting into society. Recently, through his identity as a father, his family and his friends, he has felt a part of a social and supporting environment.

I just love my tattoos. They get me thinking about all the things I've been through, and it reminds me of what I'm capable of. I'm an alphabet kid with ADHD, but I'm strong and together we are invincible. Stand up for yourself: real friends accept and love you in spite of your faults. If someone wants to change you, tell them to find new friends instead […] My little daughter is getting big. Next Friday she'll be one year old! My little girl. It's so wonderful to be on paternity leave, I have a lot of time with my daughter. It will be tough going back to work! I love you, Emma [pseudonym]. (Blog 4)

These stories can be read as a sign of new possibilities of expressing and constructing young parenthood. The narratives are part of a changing media landscape and especially of a new social media, where people can find ways of exploring and extending the public sphere. Analytically, these stories must be read in relation to a genre of self-confessions and self-presentations on parenthood, and they can also be read in part in relation to a gradually increasing psychological culture. Stories about identity projects, parenthood, emotions, conflicts and ways of boasting and empowering the self have become an intrinsic and common part of the media and the entire self-help culture (Johansson, 2010). However, the stories must also be framed in relation to changes in and contextual negotiations within hegemonic masculinity, and as stories about the changing notion of fatherhood.

Dads, children and masculinities

In Swedish society, and in many other European countries, there is a clear move from the notion of father as breadwinner to that of the caring father (Johansson & Klinth, 2008). In the Swedish context, the notion of the caring and gender-equal father is a central part of the imaginary of contemporary masculinity, especially in a middle-class context. It is also notable how the young fathers in the current study portray themselves as present, caring and involved fathers who spend a great deal of time with their children. The narratives point towards this kind of caring, present and engaged fatherhood, a father who prioritises the child. These are stories of love and admiration for partners, but most of all for the children, as in the three different blogs below.

It feels unreal that you've been here on the earth for almost a year now. Today you're having your first birthday, and you've already started pre-school, where everything is working just fine. Time passes really fast. It's just one year ago we were sitting at home, watching television and decided to go for a walk […] Later that evening Mariah started having labour pains. We decided to phone my dad, and ask him to drive us to the hospital. Mariah was in great pain during that short car trip, but we only had to make a short drive to the hospital. (Blog 5)

Having children requires time, patience, tolerance, and lots of love. Many may think that this sounds simple, but I know it's not. When you have a child you should be well aware that this child will actually be with you your whole life and that it's not like a toy, if you get tired and sick you cannot put it aside and set it up again when you're eager to play. Your child must always be put first. For some, this is obvious and for others, it's not. (Blog 3)

Now we come home and should only stay inside the rest of the day and cuddle. It's amazing how I've missed him even though we were only apart one day. He is my other half this little guy; I don't function normally without him near me. (Blog 2)

The young fathers use their blogs to present themselves as caring dads. The stories told are stories of love and closeness. The children are very present, in the stories told about everyday life, in all the detail related about the small children's lives, and in the numerous pictures of the children. These pictures often show the fathers playing with, caressing and spending positive time with their small children. The narratives and imaginaries can be interpreted as part of an emotionalisation of contemporary fatherhood. Read, for example, this poem, dedicated to a son:

Lucas [pseudonym] you should know that I will always be on your side,

Whatever happens, and whatever you do,

No matter what age you are, or what age I am,

I will always be there for you,

Whatever path you choose to take in life, dad will always be there for you. (Blog 7)

Although many of the stories are empowering and positive, there are also elements of self-critique and reflection. The young men are aware of some of the most common images of masculinity, and of the traditional depiction of men as emotionally closed and incapable of showing feelings. However, these stereotypes and images are also used to construct a plausible and interesting self-presentation:

Today our Princess is 2 months old. It feels like she's been here much longer, but obviously not. Sometimes I have problems showing my feelings in a visible way, but I hope that most people understand that my children are the whole world to me, and the biggest thing that's happened to me. (Blog 6)

What does this mean in terms of hegemonic masculinity and domination? Thus far, we have seen how these often marginalised young men mobilise their resources and present an image of a present, caring and emotionally involved fatherhood. Yet what we are studying here are merely representations and presentations of masculinity and fatherhood, so it is impossible to draw any general conclusions regarding changes in hegemonic masculinity. However, these stories can be interpreted as part of an ongoing change towards more inclusive images of masculinity, and perhaps also as signs of the erosion of a stable notion of hegemony. Alternatively, they can be read as evidence of central changes and re-articulations in hegemonic masculinity, influenced by ideals deriving from constructions of middle-class fatherhood. These stories are consequently part of a more general movement in society towards new ways of seeing and constructing fatherhood as more caring and present.

Trying to find material connected to issues of gender equality and these young men's relation to their partners is difficult. The main themes of the blogs are everyday life as young fathers, which is interesting. However, there is a notable absence of stories on the love relation and on how these fathers handle negotiations about household work and the general workload in a family. Issues about sharing things equally are not found in these stories. There are, however, some narratives on household work and vacuum cleaning:

Sundays are boring, and I don't know why, but I have always felt that way about Sundays. Anyhow, it's an opportunity to have a nice time with the children, lie on the sofa. Right now we are sitting on the sofa under a blanket and watching some children's programmes on television. I have been vacuum-cleaning the whole morning. Sundays are the cleaning day in our family. Well, that's maybe why I hate Sundays. Well I have started cleaning, and now maybe my wife can help me out a bit, and teach me how to do it. (Blog 8)

It is obvious that, in this quote relating to women, spending time with the children is highly prioritised, whereas cleaning is a low priority. There is also a clear collision between being a youngster, and part of the youth and leisure culture, and having to maintain a home. According to Frewin, Tuffin, and Rouch (2007), the change from being a young man to being a young father involves a re-evaluation of one identity and a conflict between the experience of being a child and being an adult. The teenage father is forced to grow up, take responsibility and plan for the future (which of course also applies to young mothers). There is less time for personal interests and the experience of a lost adolescence can be strong. Several of the young men Frewin et al. (2007) interviewed had difficulties seeing themselves as fathers and struggled to construct an identity as a parent. They partly embodied the irresponsible child and partly the responsible parent. In our study, these tendencies are less evident, although some of the young fathers express experiencing a conflict between being young and parenting.

To be a dad is one thing, but to be a young dad with lots of responsibility is a completely different business; all the responsibility for cleaning and keeping the home in good shape. I have to contact my girlfriend and see if she can help me out; maybe. My friends are on their way here, to watch sports. But I have to finish cleaning, and right now I just want to play computer games. (Blog 5)

The young men in the present study often live at home with their parents. Three young men are already divorced, and just a few have married and are settled in their own homes. This means that it is actually quite difficult to gain any real insight into how these young fathers relate to issues of gender equality and equal distribution of household labour. They are still caught up in a transitional process.

What we can say is that these young fathers are conscious of the existence of negative images of young fatherhood in society, and that they seem to actively trying to reformulate and reconstruct the notion of young fatherhood. When doing this, through their blogs, they are particularly concerned about conveying a clear image of their relationship to their children, and their thoughts on being a young father, whereas other aspects of life seem to be left out of the story.

Conclusions

What moves me politically, and that for which I want to make room, is the movement in which a subject – a person, a collective – asserts a right or entitlement to a livable life when no such prior authorization exists, when no clearly enabling convention is in place. (Butler, 2004, p. 224)

The phenomenon studied here is very new. Men and fathers have been quite absent from the public discourse on parenthood. When young men appear in the public sphere and in the media, they are shown as deviants, abusers and as violent. Discourses on young parenthood and young fathers have almost exclusively been focused on disadvantaged parenthood and social exclusion. What is exciting and also new about the phenomenon studied here is that young fathers make their lives visible in the media space, and tell their stories in their own words. Through the blogs, we learn about how these young fathers view themselves and how they want to be portrayed.

In one respect, these young men can be positioned as marginal and subordinated. However, their position and identity are still under construction, so to speak, which makes it difficult to discuss their identity and gender position in terms of fixity and constancy. The narratives studied imply that they see an opportunity to present another kind of picture and to correct the image of young, poor and disadvantaged fathers. There is also a visible effort to present and position their identity as a caring father. However, there is an interesting absence of discussions on gender equality, partners, the household workload, and other aspects of family life. It is easy to get the impression that these young men find themselves in some kind of transitional process, leaving their teenage life and trying to give shape to a life as parents and responsible adults.

Following Butler, it is probably possible to interpret these father's stories as indications of subtle and slow changes in contemporary fatherhood. As earlier pointed out, the theory of hegemony obviously has some problems capturing these kinds of ongoing processes in everyday life. Although it is tempting to agree with Anderson and argue for a more pluralistic and inclusive theory of masculinity and fatherhood, it is also important to analyse these signs and new archives in relation to gender and power.

These young men express, albeit in different ways, a ‘new’ masculine position and attitude towards care-giving. They give priority to intimate relations and emotional experiences with their children. The case studies/blogs presented give a complex and varied image of a new fatherhood. Thus, the study should be viewed as an attempt to show the variation, complexity and possible developments in masculinity and fatherhood. Perhaps we are also witnessing a slow but gradual process towards a more gender-neutral and equal parenthood. These changes can also be understood as part of a more general re-definition of hegemonic masculinity, connected to central changes in especially the middle class and its self-conception, which also colour and influence these young marginalised men's self-understanding. We have to remember, however, that these cases and individuals still belong to a small minority of men.

According to Skeggs (1999), marginalised individuals sometimes dissociate themselves from a stigmatised and subordinated position. Cultivating practices and beliefs related to other groups or segments in society becomes a way to avoid the feeling of subordination. In Sweden, we are now witnessing a shift from the notion of the man as breadwinner, to that of the man as an active, caring father (Herz & Johansson, 2011). This development varies of course greatly across social strata. There are data suggesting that young fathers work more after becoming parents. But there are also signs that men prioritise home and family over work, not least middle-class men. In the present study, the young fathers' construction of a conscious, caring and present fatherhood is in some sense related to official and politically initiated representations of Swedish middle-class fatherhood, even if these representations are not necessarily acted out in men's real lives as fathers. Through their blogs, the young fathers present an image that in many ways resists societal notions of the young irresponsible father. Instead we see a present, loving and caring father. Through these practices, the young fathers disidentify with the stereotypical young father and thus with the subordination, saying: ‘I am not like other young fathers, I am not one of them’. Accordingly, we can see an articulated difference between the young fathers' social (class) position and expected fatherhood, on the one hand, and how they talk about and identify themselves, on the other. Being aware of your social position does not necessarily mean that you identify with this position. Instead, Skeggs (1999) shows how this position (if it signals low status) may serve as a starting point from which one tries to move forward by acquiring other class-related symbols. Within a Swedish and official middle-class discourse, the young fathers find a space in which they can position themselves as loving, present and caring.

The practices of the young fathers may also be related to age. Young working-class men often lack the masculine ‘alibis’ and cultural capital included in institutionalised discourses of adult masculinity (Hammarén, 2008); that is, positions such as ‘father’, ‘rich’, ‘husband’, ‘employee’, and so on. While these ‘alibis’ or other resources signalling adult masculinity and success are rarely available for young working-class men, manifesting an explicit and tough masculine identity can function as a symbol of masculinity. However, by compensating for their young age and marginalised position through caring fatherhood, the young men in the present study position themselves within a discourse on maturity and manhood. Consequently, parenthood can be interpreted as a masculine and adult ‘alibi’.

The development of a potentially ‘new’ fatherhood and masculinity are tied to developments in popular psychology and counselling. In many men's stories about fatherhood, it is possible to see traces of discussions from psychological models of thinking about modern relations and intimacy. In these young men's stories, we can see how certain aspects of parenthood are highly valued and presented as promoting personal development. This is especially true of their relationships to their children. Emotional learning processes are visible in these cases studies. Parenthood is seen as a way out from previous personal difficulties and behaviours. Hate is replaced with love.

The narratives presented and interpreted here can be seen as part of an ongoing construction of a new archive of masculinity. Through the Internet and the social media, we have an opportunity to gain insight into previously secluded and excluded life-worlds. The empirical material used in the present study has been available for some time on the Internet, but it is impossible to know how long it will remain available. As Derrida (1995, p. 68) writes: ‘The archivist produces more archive, and that is why the archive is never closed. It opens out for the future’. The archive is in a constant state of flux. These young men's stories are available only for a short time, and by studying their narratives we get a momentary glimpse of, and insight into, different ways of presenting and constructing modern and young fatherhood.

Acknowledgements

Thanks to Karen Williams who proofread the manuscript, and to Chris Haywood and Carrie Paechter for valuable comments.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Thomas Johansson

Thomas Johansson is professor of education in the Department of Education, Communication and Learning at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. He has written extensively in the field of gender studies, the sociology of the family and youth research. Johansson's recent books include The Transformation of Sexuality (Ashgate, 2007) and Young Migrants (Palgrave, 2011) with Katrine Fangen and Nils Hammarén. Johansson has published articles on gender, ethnicity and identity in journals such as Men & Masculinities, Ethnicity, Acta Sociologica, Journal of Family Communication, Young, Journal of Men's Studies, Journal of youth studies, and so forth.

Nils Hammarén

Nils Hammarén has a PhD in social work and works as a senior lecturer in the Department of Education, Communication and Learning at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. He has published extensively in the area of youth culture, identity, masculinity and multiculturalism.