Young people’s experiences of social fears

ABSTRACT

Social fears are considered common and life-restrictive problems, especially among young people. This study examined young people’s experiences of social fears. The data consisted of responses collected via a qualitative e-form questionnaire from Finnish participants (n = 78) whose average age was 25 years. The data were analysed with the content analysis method. The theoretical insights of the study were drawn from symbolic interactionism and the existential-phenomenological approach. The participants’ fears were classified and named in relation to social situations and significant others to 1) Formal situations and authorities 2) Groups and peers 3) Public places and anonymous crowds 4) Dyadic relationships and close people 5) Generalized fears. The study indicates the diversity of social fears. It suggests that dealing with underlying reasons and getting new healing experiences of fear-inducing social situations can help sufferers.

KEYWORDS:

• Social fears
• experiences
• significant others
• situations
• young people

Introduction

Most people have symptoms of social fears and social anxiety at some point in their lives or in some situations (Walsh, 2002). According to some professionals (e.g., Bandelow & Michaelis, 2015), even qualified psychiatrists find it difficult to differentiate anxiety disorders, social phobias, social fears, social withdrawal, normal shyness, modesty, etc. It is proposed that fears and anxieties exist along a continuum from normal to pathological and develop in conjunction with both environmental and individual factors (Hofmann & DiBartolo, 2014; Hur et al., 2019). In this study, it was explored how young people make sense of their fear experiences in relation to social situations.

In the Encyclopaedia of Human Behaviour, it is defined that fear is an emotional response to a concrete and specific danger (an object or a situation) and anxiety is more cognitive, a reaction to a non-present or unknown threat (McNeil et al., 2012, pp. 161–168). However, most published research primarily focuses on individuals that meet the diagnostic criteria for social anxiety, which limits the understanding of subjective experiences of those suffering from social fears taking place in certain situations.

In social sciences, social fears are typically discussed as a social problem that relates to shyness. Shyness is said to be an example of how previously normal behavioural characteristics have become an ‘unhealthy state of mind’ because the prevailing cultural norms and values portray social and outgoing characteristics as the ideal (Scott, 2006). Shy people are more likely to be excluded in Western societies, because they may be seen incompetent or cold, eliciting the emotions of pity or contempt (Cuddy et al., 2008). From this perspective social fears can be seen as extreme shyness and therefore these fears should be approached more as ‘a problem of living’, and not as a medical one (Walsh, 2002).

From the prevailing clinical and psychiatrist perspectives again, social fear is approached more as a problem residing within an individual. The results from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication suggest that social anxiety is the most common anxiety disorder and the third most common mental health problem (Kessler et al., 2005). According to The American Psychiatric Association (APA) DSM-5 (2013), social anxiety means feeling anxiousness in or avoiding one or more social situations (e.g., conversation, meeting new people, public speaking). Studies of people who have been diagnosed with social anxiety have shown that sufferers have various difficulties in many life areas such as functional impairment and difficulties in occupational, social, and academic functioning (Aderka et al., 2012; Dryman et al., 2016).

There are only a few studies that have elucidated the interactional aspects and social relationships that contribute to the development of social fears (Alden & Taylor, 2004; Morris, 2001; Teachman & Allen, 2007). For example, Hur et al. (2019) study showed the central role of social context and close relationships, e.g., with friends, family or romantic partners. In this study, the premise is to locate the sufferers’ experiences in relation to social situations with significant others. In this study, social fears are understood as social and emotional problems that impair a person’s ability to be in social situations and in interpersonal relationships. Social fear is a problem that degrades the quality of life and causes suffering for the people involved.

Social fears among the young

In the transition from adolescence to adulthood, requirements and social demands, such as education, employment, and the establishment of a permanent partnership increase, which are potential reasons for the development of social fears (Stewart & Mandrusiak, 2007). The previous studies from a developmental perspective have shown that adolescents encounter problems in forming and maintaining close relationships, such as dyadic friendships and romantic relationships (Hebert et al., 2013). Young people with social anxiety are less liked among peers and are more likely to suffer from peer victimization (Acquah et al., 2016).

According to epidemiological studies, social anxiety often begins at a young age, around the age of 15–25 (Kessler et al., 2005). Erath et al.’s (2007) study with a clinical sample disclosed that poor peer relations and negative social performance expectations were risk factors for social anxiety among middle school students. According to the research of La Greca and Harrison (2005) adolescent peer crowd affiliations, positive qualities in best friendships, and the presence of a romantic relationship protect them against feelings of social anxiety. Poor romantic relationships and lack of social support are again risk factors for social anxiety (Porter & Chambless, 2017).

Common fears in adolescence are social humiliation and embarrassment that occur, particularly, in interaction situations (Caouette & Guyer, 2014). Social and evaluation fears are explained, for example, by widening self-consciousness and stronger sensitivity to peer influence in adolescence (Leigh & Clark, 2018). Development of more complex aspects of social cognition, such as mentalization and metacognition, provoke feelings of shame and inadequacy (Kilford et al., 2016). Greater independence from parents means more responsibility, arranging and managing social interaction by oneself (Erath et al., 2007).

In this study, the focus is on the subjective experiences of social fears among young people. Particular attention is paid on how they make sense of their experiences in relation to specific social situations and significant others. The difference compared to past studies is that the participants are not required to have a diagnosis of SAD and thus the sample is not limited to mental health patients but represents a vast number of young people (outside of the treatment) who suffer from social fears.

Theoretical aspects of the study

The theoretical insights of this study were drawn from symbolic interactionism and the existential-phenomenological approach. According to Mead’s theory of symbolic interactionism (Mead, 1934/1967), the self emerges from social interaction with others and the environment, which has created a strong foundation for studying social aspects of the self (ME). The social self is the visible side of behaviour that is formed by the reactions of others (Mead, 1934/1967). Mead emphasizes the importance of others, by arguing that self-consciousness is constituted by adopting the perspective of the other towards oneself.

The theory of symbolic interactionism implies that human activity depends on what the situation and people involved mean to a person. Blumer (1986) has also emphasized that individual meanings are interpreted and formed in interpersonal situations and are therefore not dependent on the characteristics of the individual, but rather on social aspects. The meanings of the situations are complex and often emotionally charged (Blumer, 1986).

The existential-phenomenological (Heidegger, 1962; Rauhala, 2014) approach emphasizes the subjectivity and context-dependence of the experiences (Tsekeris, 2015). It suggests that subjective (experiences) can’t be separated from objective reality (situations), which always mean something to a person (Moran, 2019). The focus of this study was on what social situations mean to young people and how they make sense of their experiences in relation to significant others (May, 2015; Rauhala, 2014). The young person’s background and experiences are assumed to influence how young people interpret situations (e.g., Moran, 2019; Rauhala, 2014).

Method

Data collection

The study plan was approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Eastern Finland. The data collection was conducted by a qualitative E-form questionnaire indicated for young Finns suffering from social fears. The recruitment advertisement and the link to the questionnaire were shared through public websites on mental health, such as Nyyti ry (support centre for students), Tukinet (an online crisis centre), Headsted Oy (creates online self-help programs) and Mielenterveystalo (professional Mental Health House) and via some private groups in Facebook communities.

The data were collected anonymously and online because social fears are considered a potentially sensitive subject. Social fear sufferers are likely to decline or be unable to participate in a spoken interview. Findings from previous online surveys (e.g., Issakainen, 2015) support the view that the Internet gives an opportunity, for those young people who find it difficult meeting face to face, communicating, and sharing their experiences. The Internet offers privacy and an emotionally safe place for young people to reflect on and express their emotions (McKenna, 2007). Furthermore, young adults tend to spend a significant part of their leisure time on the Internet (social media), where they are presumably easier to reach.

The e-form questionnaire consisted of four main sections. In the first section, the participants were asked to describe their social fears. In the second section, they were asked what kind of situations they were afraid of and how the fear manifested. In the third section, the participants were asked to describe a significant thing or an incident that had an impact on their fear and to tell about the experience. In the fourth section, it was asked, among other things, whether any means had helped them in overcoming social fears. Finally, the participants were asked to give some voluntary demographic information (age, gender, and education).

The questionnaire was open from the end of September 2014 to the beginning of January 2016. During this time, anyone could share the link online, so it was not possible to control either who were participating, or the channels used. The participants were instructed to respond to the questionnaire in a free-form and the length of the answers was not limited. The total number of respondents was 131.

Participants

The sample of the present study (n= 78) consists of 68 women, 9 men, and 1 non-binary gender, who self-identified experiencing social fear. At the time of the response, the participants were 15 to 31 years old (mean age 25 years). There were 8 participants who did not specify their education, 2 said they were unemployed, and 1 participant reported having no education. 6 had a basic education background and 20 a vocational education background. 25 were undergraduates and 16 had graduated either from a University or from a University of Applied Sciences.

Some of the participants expressed that they had a diagnosed social anxiety disorder or other psychiatric disorders (e.g., depression), but among the participants, there were also individuals without diagnosis of similar problems. There was a considerable number of participants who had not received professional treatment.

Data analysis

The data that was analysed for this study consisted of 93 pages (Microsoft Word, Times New Roman 12, line spacing 1.5). The average number of words written by respondents was 425. The analysis was based on the answers in section 1 ‘Defining fear’ (two questions) and 2 ‘Experiencing social fears in different situations’ (six questions) and 3” Situational significances” (four questions). Answers from section 4 ‘Ways of coping’ were excluded and they were analysed and presented in another study. Data were analysed with a content analysis method both inductively and deductively (Crowe et al., 2015; Krippendorff, 2004).

In the first phase, I analysed how the participants described their fears and in what kind of situations they experienced fears. I was interested in the (social) aspects triggering fears, possible places where the fear was forgotten or disappeared, and how the fear had influenced their lives (in terms of education, residence, relationship, etc.). I divided the data according to whether the participants connected their fears mainly to formal and public situations or personal and close relationships. The central contexts where fears appeared were, for example, school, university, and leisure activities. Most respondents pointed out that the fears were situational and dependent on social changes.

In the next phase, I analysed the individual meanings respondents attached to the situations, such as negative experiences, emotions, other people’s behaviour in social situations, and their significance to the participants. In this phase, the social fears were analysed deductively in relation to significant others in young people’s everyday life, such as family, peers, friends, and romantic partners (e.g., Bukowski et al., 2018). Because they are formed in relation to others, the meanings were attached to the social context in which the action takes place (Patton, 2015). The data revealed that situational fears were commonly experienced in social relationships, such as meeting with authorities, with peers, or in crowds or in one-to-one friendships.

Finally, the data were categorized based on the participants’ experiences in relation to feared situations and significant others present in these situations. In the following section, the findings are presented with illustrative extracts, which are all from different respondents.

Findings

Some of the participants described themselves as being shy or introverted and some as social or extroverted. Shy participants reported that they were struggling more with situations that required sociability and good social skills (e.g., group situations) and if the feared situation was a specific one (e.g., personal relationships), it affected the participant’s emotional well-being.

Most of the young people in this study expressed that they suffered fears only in certain situations, but otherwise, they managed well. The participants’ accounts showed that fears intensified in new life situations such as a change of residence, place of study or relationship. Those participants, who disclosed that they were diagnosed with a social anxiety disorder or other concomitant problems (e.g., depression) described their fears more generalized and their accounts illustrated that fears restrict social functioning comprehensively.

Fear of formal situations and authorities

Fears were often experienced in formal situations such as performing, presenting or meeting strangers. Also, transaction situations such as talking to a clerk, speaking a foreign language, or official phone calls were considered distressing, especially if there was uncertainty about the matter. Several participants felt that people were judging or observing them. They were scared that something embarrassing would happen and they would be negatively exposed. One participant shared her fear of presenting in the following extract:

Although I am a social person, it feels awful to worry about situations where there are a lot of people. I don’t know why it is like that, I am probably afraid that I’ll fail and that I’ll do something stupid. The more formal the situation, the worse. for example, presenting in front of some type of jury; performing in an experimental situation. But also, everywhere where other people are monitoring you. (Female, age 27)

The participants connected their fear of formal situation to power relations: dealing with teachers, employers, authorities and socially more respected groups or people. Some had a negative view of other people, and they evaluated them as harsh, offensive, supercritical, and malicious. Physical symptoms, such as sweating or blushing, were predominant in presenting situations and they were ashamed that others would notice their anxiety. A young female adult who was bullied at school described her fear symptoms in the following way:

In general, the presence of other people, especially unknown, and people in a higher position. If the situation is new. Performance situations, talking to new people, doing something new in front of others. Mostly physical symptoms emerge. The voice becomes really tense, the heart is beating fast and the limbs are hard to control. Thoughts do not always seem to be in order, and I am scared of making a mistake when talking/moving. The only thing in my mind is that I want out of the situation. (Female, age 26)

The fear was strongest when needed to be physically present or if certain social behaviours were expected. Not having planned and encountering new and unfamiliar situations boosted fears. The increasing demands of sociability and visibility in working life and society can partly explain these fears (Scott, 2006). Especially the youngest participants of this study expressed a negative self-perception and they felt deficient in meeting social norms and expectations (Moscovitch, 2009).

Formal situations were fear-provoking because they were associated with the fear of being criticized, talking to strangers and physical discomfort. Some participants disclosed that in more casual and informal situations and in the presence of familiar people they did not fear. Experiencing that other people are not judging or criticizing them and feeling safe and secure alleviated fears, as described by a participant:

If I get to talk about a topic that I know well, fear is easier to control. It also depends if I feel that people are nice and easy-going, then it is less scary. (Female, age 25)

Common triggers that caused fears were the risk of failure, negative experiences of performing and lack of familiarity. Some of the participants expressed that experiences were facilitated by good preparation, knowledge of the topic being presented, and a receptive audience. In routine situations and at home fears interfered less than in formal situations.

Fear of groups and peers

The participants’ social fears were often related to peer relations and being in groups in free-time or at school. Peer interaction is a comparative action where there is a high risk for negative self-evaluation, which has a possible correlation to social fears (Rubin & Burgess, 2001). According to Teachman and Allen (2007), if adolescents feel they are not liked or feel misunderstood, they are more prone to fear and expect to be evaluated negatively. A participant who recalled a negative experience in her partner’s friend party, where she felt being an outsider, addressed that her fear was strongest in similar situations. She explained this causal relationship in the following way:

It was my partner’s friend’s birthday party when no one came to talk to me. I felt worthless and invisible. Since I myself didn’t want to contact them, the others didn’t either. My partner also made me cry, by blaming me for not being active myself. That caused a reaction that I will never ever want to go to a similar situation. And since then I haven’t participated in any events with that gang. I feel that I need their approval in order to be a good partner. (Female, age 25)

The participants’ descriptions indicated that the core fear (e.g., Moscovitch, 2009) with peers was being excluded from the group. Fears were reported to occur as psychological symptoms such as being reserved, difficulty in being present, or unintentional tension. In conversation situations, they had trouble relaxing, speaking out, or thinking rationally. Most of them just listened and sat quietly in groups in order to avoid causing conflicts or expressing negative emotions. In the following extract a young female adult respondent, who had suffered burnout and difficult relationships with her family, described her fear in groups.

I’m mostly scared of grouping and such situations where there is a pressure to be open, social, and talk to lots of people. I do not like “marketing” myself. For example, a social gathering at my classmate’s home and the grouping weekend were super-distressing, both of which I survived by spending a long time in the bathroom, helping in the kitchen, disappearing for a while, and things like that. Situations, where one must be social and in which one cannot immediately get away from, are nightmares – I am the silent one, an outsider, the situations in which this becomes visible are difficult. (Female, age 26)

Several young people in this study expressed that they analysed a lot about what others think of them. Some assumed that others looked down on or disliked them while others were afraid that they would seem arrogant or rude. Some feared that others would find out that there was something wrong with them or that they would be unattractive or unwanted. The following extract demonstrates that they somehow anticipated that their presence would evoke negative feelings in others.

Social fear for me is the kind of feeling that I am not really accepted and that others secretly wish that I would not hang out with them because I’m weird. If no one else starts a conversation with me or approaches, then I do not dare to try contact either, because then they won’t dare to say that they do not want to be with me. (Female, age 17)

Aspects that mediated fears were different personalities, communicating problems and lack of understanding and accepting differences between people. Fear was said to be relieved when being alone, and in places where talking with others was not compulsory (library, art gallery, theatre). Also spending time with familiar people or favourite hobbies helped them. In the following excerpt a young woman highlighted certain social aspects that helped her:

Fear is sometimes forgotten if I and the people around me are doing something together, where it is not important to talk or communicate with each other constantly. I think I’m an incompetent communicator and it is easier to do something that does not require thinking about other people’s reactions. In the company of well-known people, I usually don’t get anxious if they’ve seen me in all kinds of situations. Then there is no fear that they will see something new and disgusting in me and will suffer from it. (Female, age 24)

How others saw them was of heightened importance to the young participants. In groups, they tried to maintain cohesion by pleasing others and adapting to the norms. A few participants said that they could express themselves when there was no fear of being misunderstood. Some of them said that it was easier to get along with people who they trusted and knew well.

Fear of public places and anonymous crowds

Fear of public places was often connected to the participants’ experiences of losing control of the situation. Some of them had traumatic experiences such as accidents and crimes behind their fears. Fear manifested itself as social restlessness or irritability, and for men often as aggressive or prejudiced behaviour. Unpredictable acts of strangers, intoxicated people, and walking late at night were said to engender fears in crowds. One participant who had suffered domestic violence in childhood described her fears as following:

My fear is drifting into conflicts, that someone gets angry at me, or that I find myself in a situation where I follow others quarrel. They can be strangers arguing in the city, on the bus, in the shop, etc. I’m afraid of shouting, threatening, violence. I’m afraid I don’t know what’s going to happen next. When someone raises their voice and looks angry, I get anxious and start crying even if it is not targeted at me. (Female, age 28)

For the participants, the threat was real, based on their previous experiences. Cramped places, such as cinemas, shopping malls, or transportation, where it was difficult to exit, were described fear-provoking. Some of the participants disclosed that they had a mental or physical disability, such as an injury, a handicap, or a defect for which they were afraid of getting negative attention. A participant explained her fear that was strongest in public places in the following way:

Going shopping alone requires plenty of effort, especially during “rush times” when people are moving the most. I am afraid that people are staring (e.g., some part of the body, clothes, makeup if one of the above mentioned happens to be new to oneself). I am scared that people will laugh and point at, shout comments, stare for a long time. (Female, age 24)

Some of the participants who were afraid of public places, however, expressed that they had no fears at home or when they were chatting from distance (e.g., internet) or walking in public places with friends. A participant explained that in places where there was a place to hide (e.g., toilet) or an easy access out or a nearby exit where he felt could control the fear:

The home is the safest. If you can, for example, disappear totally into the bathroom or leave the situation completely. You feel safe when you know in advance that you can get out of the backdoor. (Male, age 28)

In crowded places, the participants were afraid of anonymous attacks. They described that threat could be either physical or psychological. External physical and environmental threats intensified the fears. They were afraid of being victimized by other people or external conditions and that something unexpected would happen.

Fear of dyadic relationships and close people

The fears of some participants were more connected to emotional aspects and close relationships. Adolescent friendships are considered as both a protective factor and a risk factor for social fears. Positive effects of close relationships include providing companionship and affection as well as socioemotional well-being (Bagwell & Schmidt, 2011). Those whose fears were related to dyadic friendships reported the fear of not being valued or meeting expectations of the significant other. In the next extract, a young woman describes her fear of people closest to her.

My social fears have been related to feelings of insignificance and invisibility. I’ve always hated the feeling of being socially insignificant and unnoticeable. The worst fears are connected to situations in which you are with the ones you know the best. My worst fear in social situations is that others don’t care whether I am there or if I say anything. Similar feelings are not so strong in a group with strangers or in a crowd, for example. Mainly only with the close ones. (Female, age 24)

The writings showed the importance of emotional bonds and close friendships in the lives of young people. The end of a close relationships was said to be a difficult experience and they felt abandoned. Some of the participants’ descriptions indicated that negative experiences in important interpersonal relationships caused conflicting feelings in them. A participant shared her experience behind the fear of dyadic friendships and the friend’s significance in her life:

I was spending the day with my best friend, but I didn’t come up with anything to talk about. It was really embarrassing and made me anxious. Ever since I have been afraid of dyadic situations and avoided them. Because I try to avoid such situations and I therefore also avoid my friends and I’m so lonely. A friend tried to talk to me, but I was totally locked. We sat quietly, which haunted me. I liked it when the friend tried to talk, even though it didn’t take away the anxiety. I was thinking about how bad a friend I was and foolish because I could not even be myself with my best friend. My thoughts were negative as always in my mind. The friend is important and means a lot to me even though we are more distant nowadays. (Female, age 23)

The fears also had a negative effect on the quality of romantic relationships, and they made it difficult or impossible to engage in deeper relationships (e.g., Alfano & Beidel, 2011, pp. 96–97). Romantic relationships give social support (La Greca & Harrison, 2005; Porter & Chambless, 2017), but they might also reinforce anxiety emotions. A common fear was that a partner would insult or hurt their feelings. A male participant, who described himself as social and outgoing disclosed that his fear was strongest in romantic relationships:

Externally, I’m socially very talented but at the individual level at some point, the fears currently pound so hard against that the creation of a trusting relationship is difficult. – At present, I fear revealing the deepest delicate innermost, and especially if a woman shows an interest in me and I should talk about personal matters as well. It is difficult to describe the intensity of fear because of only a few social relationships, but generally, I try to hide my own sensitivity and peculiarities from others in order to avoid those being used against me in the future. (Male, age 28)

The participants were not normally afraid of other social situations than being in personal relationships. Some described themselves as social and outgoing but suffering inside. The participants felt that they missed out on many things because of fear. Some experienced difficulties in being themselves or being present in close relationships. A participant’s answer about the consequences of the fears demonstrated that it could lead to loneliness and depression:

Yes, because I had to make a conscious, but reluctant, decision of being alone. I do because I am currently afraid of meeting new people and I do not know many people now. I lose friendship, love, and life. (Female, age 21)

The participants did not want to be alone, but they were afraid of creating an emotional bond that would have required revealing the true self and facing another person. The participants reported that it was difficult for them to establish close relationships with other people, which at the same time led to experiences of loneliness. A participant explained fears using a metaphor of a cage or an aquarium where one can see everything but cannot touch anything. The answers of some participants indicated that good social relationships helped them to deal with fears.

Generalized fears

Some of the participants’ fear experiences seemed to be more generalized. For them, the general well-being and the current mental state had the strongest influence on how social situations were perceived. Feeling depressed, tired or a lack of energy increased the level of anxiety. Difficult life situations or changes in social or personal life made the fear stronger. Crises, such as the death of a loved one, loss of a job, a change at the workplace, a new neighbourhood, or the end of a relationship were the common triggers of fear. The fear was related to the effects of the situations and the feeling of helplessness that it aroused. The severity of the fear was shown by the respondents’ experiences of self-disintegration and paranoia illustrated by a participant:

Fear means loss of control, paranoia. I am the focus of the events even if it was not so. Things that have happened previously in the same situations. And that the situation cannot be controlled beforehand. (Female, age 31)

The participants with generalized fears reported a difficult past and shared traumatic experiences, such as adverse childhood conditions, physical or mental illness or disability or death of a family member, which are known risk factors for depression and anxiety disorders (Chu et al., 2013; Mcmillan & Asmundson, 2016). For the traumatized participants, it was difficult to trust other people and they feared that others want to hurt them, take advantage of them or disappoint them (Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (US) Trauma-Informed Care in Behavioral Health Services, 2014). A traumatized young adult participant described how negative memories and experiences were activated in difficult life phases:

Fear is that your own performance fails, and you can’t rely on your ability to cope. At those moments when fear takes over, I feel like I am the small and helpless child, who didn’t get the support she needed, not an adult. So far, I have learned a lot from my social fears and now they become present only at times when I’m most fragile anyway: when I feel tired, depressed, and ill, I am prone to experience anxiety, which I feel I can otherwise control. (Female, age 30)

In addition to personal interpretation of the situation, how other people reacted in a crisis also had an impact on experiencing fears. The feeling of anxiety intensified if other people confirmed the seriousness or the dangerousness of the situation by being concerned and paying close attention to the person. Other people’s behaviour, such as being emphatic, helped in reducing fear. Thus, the fear was related to the inner sense of control that was, however, dependent on other people and external circumstances.

Table 1 summarizes the young people’s social fears in significant situations. It shows what kind of social aspects (triggers) and relationships are related to each situation and how the participants responded to them. The generalized fears affected one’s ability to function more holistically and were more personal than other more situational fears. All fears were related to other people, and their actions, but the nature of the fear was different.

Table 1. Young people’s social fears in significant situations.

	Formal	Public	Groups	Dyadic	Generalized
Triggers	Performing Presenting	Public places Traffic Threat of violence	Leisure activities Social gathering	Personal relationships Private space and meetings	Life changes Crisis Mental health
Significant others	Authorities Officers Teachers	Anonymous crowds Strangers	Peers Semi-familiars	Close people Friends Romantic partners	Caregivers Relatives Social workers
Response	Escape-reaction Physical symptoms, Palpitation Redness Sweating Chest pain	Fighting response Aggressive behaviour Nervousness Irritation	Feeling reserved Strained Difficulties to communicate	Contradictory behaviour Mixed feelings Difficulties in expressing emotions	Withdrawal from social situations Inability to act

Discussion

Although several studies have shown that social anxiety is a common problem among young people (e.g., Alfano & Beidel, 2011) their experiences of social aspects connected to their fears have not been previously studied in social sciences. This study showed that young people experience social fears in relation to social situations and significant others. Most of the participants felt that their fears were situational, but some described fears more generalized. These results highlight the social nature of the fears and indicate that there are different fears that can be understood by exploring the individual experiences and situational meanings.

Social fears of the young participants in this study were often related to peer-relationships, friendships, and romantic relationships that are connected to anxiety in several studies (e.g., La Greca & Harrison, 2005). Fear of public speaking (presenting, performing) is the most common and studied single fear that has similarities with the fear of formal situations (Ebrahimi et al., 2019). Fear of public places has, in the American Psychiatric Association (APA) DSM-5 (2013) classification, its own diagnosis, agoraphobia. What makes these findings different, is the emphasis on social and emotional aspects of fears, (e.g., environmental risk, relationship to others, experiences, and feelings). The conclusions are consistent with Hur et al. (2019) multidisciplinary study that the identification of situational factors associated with the real-world experiences of social fears can help in developing ways to help the sufferers.

The study indicates that personality characteristics, such as shyness do not explain social fears, but they might be related to the kind of situations they fear. As Scott (2006) has stated, in Western societies, a social and outgoing personality is preferred in the labour market. They are more competent and desirable in times when the importance of networking, performing and social skills is emphasized. Quiet people again may be considered a bit restricted and slow or having a lack of social skills, if they don’t like to show up or engage in social affairs.

Some of the study participants described that fears provoked contradictory feelings. Young people have a strong need to be accepted and liked by a peer group, but at the same time, they may have the extreme fear of being rejected or humiliated (Caouette & Guyer, 2014). The findings are in line with the results from previous research (Bukowski et al., 2018), according to which relationships that are important for young people’s mental health and well-being can at the same time cause experiences of inadequacy and suffering.

From a symbolic interactionist and existentialist perspective, social interaction is a fundamental bottom shaping the meanings young people attach to social situations and the ways in which they respond to their experiences. Therefore, as suggested in the study of Issakainen (2014), gaining information regarding harmful as well as helpful ways of interacting is of vital importance. The interactive nature of the problem should be considered. For example, peers in social situations may lack social skills, which reinforces the sufferers’ negative experience. Also, the way in which teachers and other adults give feedback and respond to a critical situation is crucial.

One limitation of this study is the small sample size of young men volunteering to participate. The reason for this can be that young men do not seek as much help or they don’t consider writing as a helpful way to handle fears (cf. Issakainen, 2014). Despite the number of the participants, some of the answers, especially from the youngest participants, were quite short, which led to a greater use of data extracts from young adults. A deeper analysis could have been obtained through an interview, but on the other hand, some of the participants of this study may have been left out because of their social fears. However, not all people view online interaction merely as easy or helpful. Some might experience the lack of non-verbal gestures and face-to-face contact uncomfortable owing to difficulties in feeling connected with others (Haberstroh et al., 2007).

No psychiatric diagnosis was required to participate in the study, which enables broadening the insight into social fears compared to past studies of patients with psychiatric social anxiety disorders. It is not possible to measure subjective suffering, which is why a person’s own evaluation of the disadvantage that fear caused was a more relevant criterion for participating in this study. Most of the participants said they didn’t seek professional help for their fears, which supports the notion that web-based help has the potential to reach a larger number of people with this kind of problem (e.g., Stasiak et al., 2016).

Identifying the social origins of fears points to the need for social and situational interventions. Preventive measures include supporting children and young people growing up in adverse conditions. In school context, attention should be paid to valuing people’s diversity, no one should be left out or stigmatized in public. A concrete way is to tackle harmful situations such as peer victimization. Negative life events can result in social fears if the events and negative emotions are not adequately treated. Supporting young people facing a challenging life situation so that they can maintain a positive idea of self and have confidence in other people, despite the incident, is therefore of paramount importance.

The major practical contribution of the present study is that it provides much needed experience-based data on the nature of social fears, which implies that the practitioners should consider social ways, such as peer and group support, friends and family, and sharing experiences provided by social media. The experience of being valued and having something concrete (e.g., peer support) showing that fears can be overcome reduce the fear of being in interactive situations. The study indicates, consistent with the conclusions of Hur et al. (2019), that existing social relationships have an important role in enhancing social connection, acceptance, and support.

An important implication of this study derives from the findings of the meaning of social situations and significant others. Based on this, I suggest that people with social fears should be supported in different ways, for example, with online therapy. Also, exposure to social situations in familiar surroundings by asking a friend or a trusted adult to accompany may help to cope. Social interaction and relationships can be practiced in advance, for example, by virtual means or by performing imaginary exercises. The use of virtual reality (VR) has provided promising results in the management of social fears. Facing fears can be initially learned in controlled and safe circumstances by creating an interactive, simulated environment. (e.g., Albano et al., 2018.)

In future studies, examining the critical incidents behind social fears, emotions evoked by the situations, and the (social) ways of dealing with fears can help to broaden the understanding of social and emotional aspects of fears. Increasing risks in society, social demands, the requirement of sociability and problematic interpersonal relationships threaten young people’s mental health, increasing the risk of withdrawal and mistrust towards other people. The desired outcomes of future research are social tools that support young people’s personal strengths and values so that they can act in ways that promote their own and the others’ well-being and successful engagement in social relationships.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to the participants for their willingness to share their experiences and all the insightful responses I received. I would like to thank my supervisors at the University of Eastern Finland, professor Vilma Hänninen and Professor Anna-Maija Pietilä. Thanks go to the Faculty of Social Sciences for supporting the research. Thank you Dr. Mervi Issakainen for kindly coaching me with the current version of this manuscript. Her critical examination of the manuscript and constructive comments helped me keep working with it. I thank Eeva Yli-Länttä for checking the grammar.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Heta Yli-Länttä

Heta Yli-Länttä is a doctoral student at the University of Eastern Finland in the Department of Social Sciences. My research interests lie in the branch of mental health and well-being in the field of social psychology. The topic of my dissertation is Experiencing social fears in significant situations. The aim of my study was to examine young people’s experiences of social fears and to introduce social-scientific ways of dealing with them. I am especially interested in social (situational) determinants of anxiety.