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ABSTRACT

The ubiquity of social media platforms promises greater government insight for horizon scanning, warning notice, investigations and situational awareness. This paper concludes that SOCMINT has utility in horizon scanning, offers limited value to warning notice and situational awareness. For the Five Eyes nations the adversary utilisation of SOCMINT is considerable and outweigh the advantages of this technology. Western powers are currently losing the information component of hybrid conflict. Consequently, capable and hostile cyber powers understand the western centre of gravity and have been able to undermine confidence in the public’s certainty in facts and democratic institutions.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Andrew Monaghan, David Smith, John Downey, Paul Thomas, Robert Johnson, Paul Baines, Thomas Jackson, EF, TD, HW and Ellen Mickiewicz for discussing these issues with me, and reading sections of drafts. Many thanks also to the anonymous reviewers and the editors for their comments. All errors remain mine.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. Facebook was founded in 2004 but became open access in 2006. Twitter was also publicly available from 2006. Whilst the less regulated spaces of 4Chan (which is more a posting forum) and Reddit, were founded in 2003 and 2004 respectively, with 8Chan, originally called InfinityChan, which is an even less regulated posting forum established in 2013.

2. Bradshaw and Howard, “Troops, Trolls and Troublemakers.”

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5. HMIC, The Rules of Engagement.

6. Tonkin, Pfeiffer, and Tourte, “Twitter, information sharing and the London riots?”

7. McMillan, “After New Zealand Shooting”; and Arango, Bogel-Burroughs, and Benner, “Minutes Before El Paso Killing”.

8. Wolfsfeld, Segev, and Sheafer, “Social Media and the Arab Spring”; and Khondker, “Role of the New Media in the Arab Spring.”

9. Cobain, “How Britain Did Gadaffi’s Dirty Work”; and Mozur and Qiqing, “Hong Kong Takes Symbolic Stand.”

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11. Snowden, Permanent Record, 177–80.

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13. Urban, The Skripal Files.

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18. Tokmetzis et al., “Here’s how we found the names and addresses”; Bellingcat, “MH17”; and Bigo, “Shared Secrecy.”

19. Bradbury, “In plain view”; and Gupta and Brooks, Using Social Media for Global Security.

20. Andrus, “Toward a Complex Adaptive Intelligence Community”; Shipley and Bowker, “Investigating Social Networking Sites”; and Jaegar and Cavelty, “From madness to wisdom.”

21. Private interview data, Home Office interviews June 2017 and international law enforcement officers, July 2017.

22. Interview with Home Office official, October 2017; and Nasr, Bahramali, and Houmansadr, “DeepCorr.”

23. Bellaby, “Going dark”; and Ronn and Soe, “Is social media intelligence private?”

24. Interview with UK Ministry of Defence official, December 2018.

25. Dover, “UK Response to Hybrid Threat Inquiry.”

26. Ibid.

27. https://www.statecraft.org.uk/, last accessed 24 October 2019.

28. British Army, “Who we are: Bridge 77, Influence and Outreach.”

29. Duncan, “Institute for Statecraft.”

30. Lucas, “Don’t swallow Labour’s claims of ‘black ops.”

31. The TAGS system can be found at: https://tags.hawksey.info/.

32. Pfaffenberger, “Beyond #covfefe – a critical look.”

33. The original DEMOS paper on SOCMINT by Omand et al had a sixth principle, which was ‘the reasonable prospect of success’, and interviewee evidence suggests that this paper was widely circulated by practitioners who were trying to make sense of how SOCMINT fitted within the new Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000.

34. Ruggiero and Vos, “Social Media Monitoring for Crisis Communication.”

35. Gioe, “Cyber operations and useful fools.”

36. Clausewitz, On War.

37. Iron, “What Clausewitz Really Meant by Centre of Gravity.”

38. Echevarria, “Clausewitz’s center of gravity.”

39. Eikmeier, “Center of Gravity Analysis”; and Neumann, Evans, and Pantucci, “Locating Al Qaeda’s Center of Gravity.”

40. Given that Clausewitz is a long time dead, we might reasonably say that he was only ever capable of expressing the view about military capabilities. Harley, “Information, technology”; Strange, “Centers of Gravity and Critical Vulnerabilties”; and Niglia, “Critical Infrastructure Protection.”

41. Johnson, “Hybrid war and its countermeasures.”

42. Khondker, “Role of the New Media in the Arab Spring”; and Eltantawy and Wiest, “Social Media in the Egyptian Revolution.”

43. Farwell, “The Media Strategy of ISIS”; and Amble, “Combatting Terrorism.”

44. Engesser et al., “Populism and social media”; and Georgakopoulou, “Small stories transposition and social media.”

45. Margetts, “Why Social Media.”

46. Seaton, “Brexit and the Media.”

47. Sunstein, #Republic: Divided Democracy; Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”

48. Cunningham, “The Idea of Propaganda”; and Holland, “Dezinformatsiya.”

49. Mitrokhin, The Soviet Intelligence Officers Handbook.

50. Seely, A Definition of Contemporary Russian Conflict.

51. Monaghan, Dealing with the Russians.

52. House Intelligence Committee, The Russia Investigation Taskforce.

53. Digital Culture Media and Sport Select Committee, “Fake News”; and Defence Select Committee, UK Response to Hybrid Threats.

54. In which Democrat members of the House compiled lists of alleged Russian controlled accounts: https://democrats-intelligence.house.gov/uploadedfiles/exhibit_b.pdf.

55. University of Swansea, “Bots Generated Social Media Stories.”

56. Rogers, “Commander US Cyber Command.”

57. NATO, “Hybrid Warfare.”

58. Nye, “Soft Power”; Mearsheimar and Walt, “US Foreign Policy”; and Brister, “Revisiting the Gordian Knot.”

59. Monaghan, Dealing with the Russians; Deep, “Hybrid War”; and Bartles, “Russia’s Indirect and Asymmetric Methods.”

60. UK Ministry of Defence, “Joint Doctrine 1/18.”

61. Parker, Statement.

62. Monaghan, “Putin’s way of war”; Monaghan, Power in Modern Russia; and Renz, “Russia and ‘hybrid warfare.”

63. See note 41 above.

64. Gioe, “Cyber operations and useful fools”; and Omand, “From nudge to Novichok.”

65. Veil, Buehner, and Palenchar, “A Work‐In‐Process Literature Review.”

66. See note 2 above.

67. Johnson, “Hybrid War and Its Countermeasures,” 159.

68. Ruggiero and Vos, “Social Media Monitoring”; and Rubin, Amlot, and Page, “The London Polonium Incident.”

69. Palttala and Vos, “Quality Indicators for Crisis Communication.”

70. Reynolds, “Response to Best Practices.”

71. Vosoughi, Roy, and Aral, “The spread of true and false news online.”

72. Reuter et al., “Social media in Emergencies”; and Vos et al., “Developing a crisis communication scorecard.”

73. Chadwick, The Hybrid Media System.

74. Burgess, “The UK has no public nuclear alert system.”

75. Coombs, “Protecting organization reputations during a crisis.”

76. European Council and The European Parliament, DIRECTIVE (EU) 2018/1972.

77. Private interview data with a Ministry of Defence and National Ambulance Resilience Unit officials, April 2018.

78. Woon and Pang, “Explicating the information vacuum.”

79. Kreiger, Amlot, and Rogers, “Understanding public responses.”

80. Glueck, “How to Stop the Abuse of Location Data”; and Perlroth, Conger, and Mozur, “China Sharpens Hacking.”

81. Barbero and Riverio, “Understanding the Political Representations”; and Mellon and Prosser, “Twitter and Facebook are not representative.”

82. Kreiss, Lawrence, and McGregor, “In Their Own Words.”

83. Dover, Downey, and Smith, “Communicating in a Haze.”

84. Dencik, Hintz, and Carey, “Prediction, pre-emption and limits to dissent.”

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Robert Dover

Robert Dover is a Associate Professor of Intelligence and International Security, University of Leicester

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