“You are Among Friends”: Conservative Sympathy and Support for White Minority Rule in Southern Africa, 1975–1990

ABSTRACT

In the 1970s, a network of politicians, media, businesspeople, clergy, expatriates, and activists coalesced on Canada’s political right wing to provide tangible support to white minority regimes in southern Africa. But what did white minority rule represent to these individuals and groups, and why were they willing to endure reputational costs and other penalties on behalf of Pretoria and Salisbury? Drawing on newly declassified material from Canadian, British, and South African archives, this article argues that white South Africans and Rhodesians were designated as part of the Canadian political right’s in-group, or “moral circle of concern,” seen to be combating the same existential threat posed by the advance of “liberalism” in other political theaters. Mapping this network of support for white minority rule not only offers insight into the history of conservatism in Canada but reveals much about the spread of norms of racial equality in the late 20th century.

KEYWORDS:

• South African apartheid
• conservatism
• political right
• transnational advocacy networks
• emotions
• ideology

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank Asa McKercher, Jennifer Tunnicliffe, Kassandra Luciuk, Kevin Anderson, Matthew Hayday, Raymond Blake, the two anonymous reviewers, and the editors of the American Review of Canadian Studies for their incisive comments and recommendations.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. The list of scholarly work is long. See for example Massie (1997); Borstelmann (2000); Nesbitt (2004); Fieldhouse (2005); Thörn (2006); Irwin (2012); Stevens (2014); Grant (2017); Konieczna and Skinner (2019); Larson (2020); Telepneva (2022); and Manulak (2024).

2. Bueckert’s article (2019) also details the relationship between the South African embassy and Canadian friendship groups but is more centrally concerned with the anti-apartheid movement.

3. To be sure, Freeman (1997, 173–176) asserts that there was a divergence between Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and PC MPs over the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa but she does not explore these dynamics further. In Bueckert (2019) and Langford (2023), Mulroney and the Secretary of State for External Affairs, Joe Clark, are mentioned only in passing.

4. In this article, the term “conservative” broadly refers to individuals and organizations on Canada’s ideological and political right wing. All of those below considered themselves conservative, but they were not necessarily perceived as such by others. Indeed, many within the conservative camp did not recognize Brian Mulroney and Joe Clark as true conservatives, especially as it pertained to their anti-apartheid initiatives. The Progressive Conservative Party was a “big tent” containing “Red Tories,” such as Mulroney and Clark, “Blue Tories,” like John Crosbie, and right-wing figures, namely former Minister of Defence Robert Coates. The “political right” encompassed those on the ideological spectrum ranging from the Blue Tories in the PC Party to South African friendship groups and advocacy organizations. In addition to social democrats and liberals, the “mainstream” refers to supporters of the PC Party, which includes Blue Tories, businesspeople, and clergy, and, as such, some (but not all) members of the Canadian-South African Society. In short, these were not discrete categories as there was considerable overlap and cross-pollination among these groupings. For the political right wing, Blue Tories served as a gateway to the Canadian mainstream.

5. On moral circles of concern, see Singer (2011).

6. On Paul Fromm’s activities as part of the Edmund Burke Society, see McKercher (2022).

7. See the many letters to the editors commenting favorably on Hilborn’s and Howson’s articles.

8. For examples, see Canada (1978a, 31 October, 681–682 [MP Stanley Schumacher]); Canada (1978b, 28 November, 1105 [MP Lloyd Crouse]).

9. See for example “Admission of White Rhodesians to Canada” authored by Donald M. Campbell, Rosedale Progressive Conservative Association,” 20 June 1980 (Jake Epp Papers 1976–1980).

10. A clipping of Coates’ article “South Africa: Their Future—Our Future” published on 25 May 1977 in the Daily Colonist was striking enough to be preserved in the NDP Defence Critic’s papers. See Andrew Brewin Papers (1977).

11. The article was authored by one of the leading intellectuals behind apartheid, Piet Cillie, and sent to Lambert from the embassy’s information counselor. “Marcel Lambert to Paul Coetzee,” 25 July 1977, Marcel Lambert Papers (1977).

12. See “Owen’s sabotage angers Rhodesians” (January 1978), clipping filed in (Lubor Zink Papers 1978–1979); “Record of a Discussion among the Five Western Foreign Ministers at Herr Genscher’s House in Bonn on the Evening of Sunday 16 July,” Foreign and Commonwealth Office 36/2209, TNA.

13. “Telegram by A.E. Criss, Executive Director of the Black United Front of Nova Scotia,” 7 November 1977 and “George T.H. Cooper to Robert Coates,” 9 November 1977, in Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

14. See for example “Tory fears smear campaign,” 1 November 1977, Edmonton Journal, clipping filed in Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

15. See “Jake Epp to A.E. Criss,” 17 November 1977, Jake Epp Papers (1976–1980).

16. Larry Zolf, “Dief, Camp should end feud for the sake of the country,” 14 November 1977, Ottawa Journal, clipping filed in Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

17. In October 1977, the South African government detained hundreds of activists and banned 18 black consciousness organizations, culminating in the murder of Steve Biko in police custody. “Backgrounder,” 9 December 1977, in Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

18. Making the case that good relations with Pretoria was a strategic imperative in the Cold War, Diefenbaker called the Trudeau government’s measures “a major policy blunder” that was tantamount to “slapping South Africa in the face … The course that was taken so cavalierly yesterday is one which is fraught with terrifying danger to the future of freedom everywhere in the world.” Canada (1977, 2072–2078).

19. “Progressive Conservative Policy Statement on South Africa,” November 1977 (Jake Epp Papers 1976–1980); Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, 31^st Parliament, 1^st Session, no. 4 (20 November 1979) 16.

20. See “John Diefenbaker to Lubor Zink,” 2 February 1979, Lubor Zink Papers (1978–1979).

21. “Concluding Comments of J. Page R. Wadsworth, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, on South Africa at the Annual General Meeting of Shareholders,” 9 December 1975, General Synod, ACCA (1981).

22. “Report on Meeting with the Toronto Dominion Bank, April 2, 1975,” General Synod, ACCA (1981).

23. Conrad Black, “Re-Birth of the Right—With Brains,” 7 July 1979, Globe and Mail. Clipping found in (TCCR 1979–1986).

24. These goals were stated in a 1981 pamphlet titled “Canadian-South African Society.” Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

25. For details, see “J.M. McAvity to Maurice Sauvé,” 23 October 1981, and “Canadian Visitors to South Africa,” 27 January 1981, Maurice Sauvé Papers (1981–1982).

26. As Crosbie wrote to Madge Griffiths of the SAF on his tour: “We had five days in Rio on the way back [from South Africa] which was quite a contrast particularly with respect to the complete absence of law and order due to the fact that hundreds of thousands live on the borderline of existence.” “Crosbie to Madge Griffiths,” 16 February 1981, John Crosbie Papers (1980–1982).

27. South African embassy officials believed that while Crosbie attended functions and was sympathetic toward them, he was cautious about offering public support due to his political position. Even so, Crosbie agreed to a request from McAvity to “encourage” other MPs to attend events on the CSAS’s behalf. See “Canada: Half-Yearly Report: 1981,” 2 July 1981, 1/28/6, DIRCO (1975–1987) and “Crosbie to McAvity,” 2 March 1982, John Crosbie Papers (1980–1982).

28. See “Die Nuwe Kanadese Kabinet,” 18 September 1984, 1/28/3, DIRCO (1975–1987); “Robert Coates to John Becker,” 28 April 1981, Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982)

29. See “Report on Tour of Western Canada,” 28 October-5 November 1982, Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982).

30. See “J.M. McAvity to Maurice Sauvé, Initial Draft: J.M. McAvity to Allan MacEachen,” 6 December 1982, Maurice Sauvé Papers (1981–1982).

31. “Constructive engagement” advocated continued association with the apartheid regime to encourage it toward evolutionary reform. It was the cornerstone of American and British policy toward South Africa. “Call to Probe SACC,” Fall 1981, Newsletter, Confederation of Church and Business People, in Maurice Sauvé Papers (1981–1982).

32. “J.M. McAvity to John Chettle,” 28 December 1984, Rare Books and Special Collections, MG 4225, Box 1, John David Shingler Fonds (1964–1996), McGill University Archives, Montreal.

33. See, for example, Eric Margolis, “Pathetic Canada snubs Buthelezi,” Toronto Sun and Peter Worthington, “Canada’s obtuse about South Africa,” 11 May 1986, Financial Times, clippings filed in Wiseberg and Scoble (nd).

34. See Roger B. Smith, “Why G.M. Decided to Quit South Africa,” 30 October 1986, New York Times; “Ford proceeds in plan to quit South Africa,” 18 December 1987, Globe and Mail, clippings filed in TCCR (1979–1986) and “Report of the Annual Meeting of Shareholders of Alcan Aluminum Ltd., Montreal, 27 March (1986),” TCCR (1979–1986).

35. “Business group closes office,” December 1985, United Church Observer. Clipping found in Division of Finance Papers, UCCA (nd).

36. See for example “Ambassadeur se Gesprek met Buiteslande Sake,” 16 October 1986, 1/28/3, DIRCO (1975–1987); Ottawa Citizen (1986a; 1986b).

37. “Report from the Visit to Rome (Italy), Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, Edmonton (Canada), Chicago, Washington (United States) and Paris (France), 20 February 1987, 1/28/3, DIRCO (1975–1987).

38. In a 1984 editorial in the Toronto Sun, journalist McKenzie Porter wrote: “Throughout Africa, black people are waiting to cheer the return of responsible, white administrators, knowing that these alone can manage an orderly, peaceful, practical progress toward the certain if still far distant goal of democracy for both races.” Clipping found in Robert Coates Papers (1977–1982), Vol. 6, Folder 1.

39. “Necklacing” was when a tire was placed around a person’s neck, covered in gasoline, and set on fire. It was a method by which the ANC and their allies dealt with collaborators.

40. See George Manz, “South Africa: Neo-Nazi leader and pro-apartheid network exposed,” Southern Africa Chronicle, 6 March 1989, clipping filed in Wiseberg and Scoble (nd).

41. As Fromm put it, so-called radical elements would not be satisfied “until South Africa has a bloody revolution, the communist African National Congress takes over, and the last white South African who is not a collaborator is killed.” Revealingly, Fromm referred to white South Africans who supported the ANC as traitors. See Manz “South Africa” in Wiseberg and Scoble (nd).

42. See “South African Information and Censorship Management: A Report for the Department of External Affairs,” 22 January 1988, Joe Clark Papers (1988).

43. See for example “Doug Collins to Dave Nickerson,” 5 December 1986, Dave Nickerson Papers (1986).

44. On the Northern Foundation, see “The Continuing Crisis” (nd), Northern Foundation Pamphlet and Paul Koring, ‘“True” conservatives get together to seethe,” 11 January 1989, Globe and Mail, clippings filed in Wiseberg and Scoble (nd).

45. Quoted in Manz, “South Africa,” in Wiseberg and Scoble Collection (nd).

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Funding

The author reports there is no funding associated with the work featured in this article.