Mapping Violence against Women in Pakistan: A Galtungian Reading of Fatima Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon

Abstract

This study explores the intersecting factors contributing to violence against women in Pakistan as depicted in contemporary literary works by women writers. Drawing upon Johan Galtung’s typology of violence, we aim to examine the dynamics of direct, structural, and cultural violence within Fatima Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013). The novel is particularly suited for this analysis as it delves into the lives of Pakistani people amidst war, political turmoil, and societal repression. We argue that Bhutto’s novel underscores the cyclical perpetuation of oppression and the reinforcement of societal norms. This is achieved by illustrating how violence is perpetrated across micro, meso, and macro dimensions, and how intersecting identities shape women’s experiences of violence. Through the experiences of female characters like Mina and Samarra, the novel elucidates the complexities of violence by expanding its scope beyond physical abuse to encompass psychological trauma, societal discrimination, and political exploitation. Moreover, the interplay between cultural norms, structural inequalities, and violence against women is reflected in how direct violence—ranging from physical abuse to sexual assault—permeates the lives of female characters and is normalized and justified by the insidious nature of cultural and structural violence.

Keywords:

• Pakistan
• direct
• cultural
• structural
• Fatima Bhutto
• Johan Galtung

Introduction

The theme of violence against women has emerged as a prominent feature in post-9/11 Pakistani literature in English. Previous studies on literary works from the country have focused mainly on representations of domestic violence as the most pervasive form of human rights abuse against women (Ahmed 2021; Kanwal and Aslam 2018; Sadaf 2019). Scholars have identified physical battering, honor killing, spouse abuse, and marital rape as common types of violence against women in contemporary literary representations of or about Pakistani women (Bhattacharya 2014; Paul 2015; Tadros 2020). However, what often escapes critical notice is the fact that women in Pakistan are subjected to various forms of gender-based violence across micro, meso, and macro levels. In other words, violence is not confined to individual and subnational interactions but permeates a top-down process, where national states serve as initiators and authorizers of mass violence. Therefore, as Finkel and Straus aptly state, “theorizing all three levels should be part of a comprehensive agenda for studies” of various forms of violence (2012, 58). Recent ethnographic studies indicate that women in Pakistan face persistent threats to their security, health, and well-being due to cultural and religious factors at the meso level, as well as institutional violence at the macro level (Emerson 2018; Grare 2007; Hadi 2017; Khan 2020; Khan and Hussain 2008; Mustafa, Anwar, and Sawas 2019). These threats, according to Zeb and Ahmed (2019), are further exacerbated during times of war, civil conflicts, and political tensions when sexual violence, political violence, and systematic processes of exclusion (e.g., education, healthcare, housing) are perpetrated against women. Hence, it is not surprising that “the post-September 11 wars in Iraq and Afghanistan provoked a renewed wave of interest in questions associated with the study of” various forms of violence in the region (Kalyvas 2012, 660). Within this context, it is equally crucial to broaden the scope of literary analysis beyond a narrow focus on domestic and physical violence to include depictions of other forms of gender-based violence at meso and macro levels.

This study argues that Fatima Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013) offers a nuanced portrayal of the multiple layers and complexity of violence against women in contemporary Pakistan. Bhutto’s novel highlights how gender-based violence operates at different levels and intersects with other forms of oppression such as politics, religion, culture, class, and ethnicity. The novel portrays the lives of five young people in Mir Ali, a town in the tribal areas of Pakistan, on a rainy Friday morning in 2007. The story revolves around three brothers who meet for breakfast before going to different mosques for prayers, as they fear that one of them might be bombed. The eldest brother, Aman Erum, is haunted by his past relationship with Samarra, a woman who joined the independence movement against the Pakistani government. The middle brother, Sikandar, is a doctor who works at a dilapidated hospital and tries to save lives amid the chaos and bloodshed. His wife Mina is a former psychologist who suffers from depression and attends funerals of strangers. The youngest brother, Hayat, is a student who is drawn to the radical Islam preached by his charismatic teacher. He rides his motorbike with a mysterious girl named Sonya, who has a secret mission of her own. The story unfolds through multiple perspectives on this single morning and reveals the complex and tragic realities of these characters’ lives who struggle for identity, faith, and justice in a world aflame. Amidst the violence and the ravages of military intervention by foreign powers, women like Samarra and Mina emerge as resilient pillars that challenge existing norms. Through the experiences of these characters, the novel challenges how patriarchal structures and cultural norms perpetuate violence against women while also revealing how resistance can emerge from unexpected places. The novel’s preoccupation with various forms of violence underscores the need for intersectional approaches that take into account the various intersecting identities and experiences that shape women’s experiences of violence.

Johan Galtung’s (1969, 1990) theoretical framework on violence offers a valuable lens through which to analyze Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon. His categorization of violence into three distinct types - direct, cultural, and structural - provides a useful tool for examining the complex nature of gender-based violence in the novel. Galtung asserts that these categories are interrelated and mutually reinforcing, with direct violence serving to reinforce structural violence while cultural violence is often used to justify both forms (Galtung and Fischer 2013). In other words, despite the fact that micro-interactional violence happens on the level of individuals or small groups and macro and meso level violence are coordinated in larger patterns, the three levels “cannot be entirely distinct” as the latter two “always contains micro within” themselves (Collins 2009, 17). By applying Galtung’s framework to the novel, this study seeks to unravel the ways in which it depicts gender-based violence in Pakistan as influenced by a range of factors, including patriarchal norms, cultural and societal norms, religious beliefs, political ideology, and individual standards that are complex and interconnected at the same time. Before delving into the analysis of the novel through this perspective, it is crucial to contextualize Bhutto’s work within the contemporary landscape of violence in Pakistani society and literature.

Violence in Pakistani Society and Literature

Over the past two decades, the portrayal of violence against women has become a central motif in South Asian literature written in English (Chew and Asl 2023; Dasgupta 2011; Qiuchen, Asl, and Pakri 2023; Yasmeen and Chawla 2020; Yan and Asl 2023). Specifically, female authors from countries like Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have portrayed the day-to-day realities of gender-based violence in these countries to draw attention to cultural norms and patriarchal standards that perpetuate such violence (Anuar and Asl 2022; Asl 2018; Elmi, Keikhosrokiani, and Asl 2023; Kanwal 2018; Liaqat 2023; Pourgharib, Hamkhiyal, and Asl 2022; Pourgharib and Asl 2022; Safdar and Yasmin 2021). Through diverse literary genres such as social realism, magic realism, historical fiction, and autobiography/memoir, Pakistani novelists such as Bapsi Sidhwa, Kamila Shamsie, Bina Shah, Uzma Aslam Khan, and Fatima Bhutto explore how violence shapes the Pakistani nation and people as well as the role of women in resisting and surviving violence. As Kanwal asserts, contemporary Pakistani anglophone feminist speculative fiction offers a representation of the “misogyny, human rights violation, structures of oppression, including exploitative patriarchal system, [and] religious fundamentalism” (Kanwal 2023, 103). Much of the critical examination of this body of literature mainly delves into the theme of violence against women in its physical and domestic manifestations, thus focusing predominantly on visible forms of violence at micro level (Abdullah 2021; Yaqoob 2018). However, ethnographic research indicates that violence against women in Pakistan extends far beyond mere physical harm and encompasses a broad spectrum of abuse that includes macro-level sexual assault, neglect, discrimination, gender inequality, verbal attacks, threats, harassment, and various forms of coercion aimed at overpowering or controlling women (Abbas et al. 2023; Critelli and Willett 2013; Jamal 2005; Kfir 2014; LaBore et al. 2019; Asl 2022; Sheikh 2012). This means that even though existing studies examining literary representations of violence against women have yielded valuable insights into the daily ordeals faced by Pakistani women—i.e., acts such as rape, sexual harassment, beatings, and physical torture (Asl 2023; Moynagh 2023; Sancheti 2022)—there is an imperative need for new scholarly inquiries to transcend the confines of domestic violence and explore the national, social, cultural, and political dimensions of the fictional representations of violence. Such perspectives, as argued by Kaushal and Tripathi, would reveal how authors challenge the pervasive “silence over violence, and thereby revise the official historiography” that attempts to conceal the ongoing atrocities against women (2023, 1).

The existing body of criticism on Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013) suffers from a similar lacuna. As Lamichhane (2017) and Zaidi, Sahibzada, and Farooq (2022) aptly observe, Bhutto raises questions about the violence perpetrated by government officials and militants who hold ultimate authority in the region. Political instability and police corruption, unequal education opportunities, and patriarchal oppression are some of the major forms of violence against women that are represented in the novel. According to Anam, Lodhi, and Anwer (2021), Bhutto is a proficient writer for political fiction who generates in The Shadow of the Crescent Moon an extraordinary story of war, betrayal, political unrest, and the loss of identity with literary skill. Throughout her novel, she portrays the political and social relationships which draw readers’ attention to the reality of war on terror discourse. However, critical scholarship on Bhutto’s novel predominantly focuses on direct violence rather than other dimensions of violence (Ali and Dodhy 2021; Murtaza and Shafiq 2021; Shazmeen, Dr. Zareena, and Dr. Asifa 2023). Therefore, it is essential to expand our understanding of violence against women in Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon beyond physical and sexual abuse to include other forms such as social exclusion, cultural discrimination, political exploitation, and psychological abuse that operate at meso and macro levels. To realize this goal, the study employs Johan Galtung’s theorization of violence as its theoretical framework.

Typology of Violence in The Shadow of the Crescent Moon

The analysis of Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon through Galtung’s framework provides a profound understanding of the intricate forms of violence experienced by female characters. Violence, in both latent and visible forms, is depicted as a tool in perpetuating patriarchal norms and systemic discrimination. The following analysis divides the exploration into three distinct sub-sections based on Galtung’s typology of violence—i.e., direct, structural, and cultural violence. This is followed by a smaller section to show how the novel emphasizes the interconnectedness between these forms of violence and how they reinforce each other.

It is noteworthy that Galtung theorizes direct violence as overt aggression that involves physical harm or injury “directed against a specific group or person” and encompasses acts such as murder, sexual assault, and discriminatory behavior (Galtung and Fischer 2013, 11). He explains that direct violence violates crucial human needs, including survival, well-being, identity, and freedom. In contrast, he describes structural violence as subtle and systemic that stems from unequal power relations and manifests in “social injustice” like poverty and marginalization (Galtung 1969, 171). It operates through entrenched political, economic, and social inequalities, hindering equal access to opportunities (Dilts et al. 2012; Zeb and Ahmed 2019). Galtung defines cultural violence as “any aspect of a culture that can be used to legitimize violence in its direct or structural form” (Galtung 1990, 291). It operates through cultural domains like religion, ideology, language, art, empirical science, and logical/formal science, justifying acts of aggression or oppression. Although the three concepts of violence are distinct in nature, they are deeply intertwined and manifest across micro, meso, and macro levels. Galtung argues “a causal flow from the cultural via structural to direct violence can be identified” (1990, 295). Furthermore, all three types of violence can also be latent, which is a type of hidden or potential aggression that has not yet been actualized but has the potential to cause harm in the future (Parsons 2007; Vorobej 2008). Laten violence operates as a threat to victims and can be used as a means of control through positive and negative exercises of power.

Direct Violence and Reinforcement of Patriarchal Norms

In the context of Bhutto’s novel, direct violence, especially against women, is rampant and shown in various forms such as physical abuse, war-related tragedies, and sexual assault. The novel highlights the physical abuse of women and children by higher authorities in Pakistan, where there is “no match for the ruthlessness of the state” (Bhutto 2013, 165). This violence that occurs in both latent and visible forms ranges from minor acts of aggression such as pinching or squeezing to more severe forms over time that deeply affect the victims’ physical and mental well-being. The narrative transcends the mere depiction of violent incidents as it utilizes a tapestry of literary devices to evoke profound emotions and societal reflections. Throughout the novel, the manifestation of direct violence, which is “intended to insult the basic needs of others” (Galtung 1969, 40), can be observed through female characters like Samarra and Mina who are frequently subjected to physical abuse, beating, and sexual assault. Through these characters, Bhutto uses metaphors, imagery, and similes to symbolize violence’s profound impact and provide a glimpse into characters’ souls and enabling readers to deeply empathize with their plight.

Samarra is subjected to horrendous treatment by a group of men who kidnapped her as well as a soon-to-be retired military man who is referred to as the “boss.” The “boss” physically assaulted Samarra by blowing her off from the chair, stepping on her face and hair, and pulling her hair off from the ground. Samarra’s “cheek was pressed against the floor and her skin was red and torn from his hand. He stood up again and dug one of his ox-blood boots into her face. She bit her tongue involuntarily. Her jaw clicked against his heel” (Bhutto 2013, 166). The use of symbolism enriches the narrative, mirroring societal structures and cultural norms that contribute to violence. He demanded that she divulge information about the movement she was involved in. Furthermore, he reminded Samarra of previous victims who had suffered rape and beatings for speaking up about the state’s corruption (Bhutto 2013, 164-166). The dialogues and language choices used in this encounter reveal underlying power dynamics and societal tensions, and thereby shed light on characters’ motives and socio-cultural influences.

Another harrowing account of this direct violence is the aggression that Mina similarly endures. Mina faced physical abuse when she confronted the Talibs for their actions toward her child and other victims in the hospital. A gaunt Talib pushed Mina with a weapon and threatened to kill her if she continued with her accusations. Then, “he holds his Kalashnikov between his two hands like a shield and pushes Mina with it … She stumbles, one foot hitting the other with the force of the blow … He pushes her again with the weapon, knocking her on her shoulders for the second time” (Bhutto 2013, 212). These instances are consistent with Galtung’s theory that “a person can be influenced not only by punishing him when he does what the influencer considers wrong, but also by rewarding him when he does what the influencer considers right” (Galtung 1969, 170). The physical abuse inflicted upon Samarra and Mina highlights how power dynamics can lead to violent behavior toward those who challenge authority or speak out against injustice. Such acts of violence perpetuate a cycle of fear and intimidation that suppresses dissenting voices and reinforces oppressive systems. In other words, these patterns of violence “are consistent with an interpretation of the Terror as a political weapon against dissent” (Kalyvas 2012, 659). Through this incident, the novel also shows how besides such visible forms of physical aggression, latent violence is utilized as a primary tool to amplify the effectiveness of various forms of violence against female characters. By creating an environment where women anticipate harm, latent violence reinforces patriarchal norms that perpetuate gender-based discrimination. Direct violence, in the form of frequent acts of physical abuse and sexual assault, is utilized as a fear tactic—or to borrow from Kalyvas, violence is “strategic and instrumental” (2012, 659). Hence, it is no surprise that Mina similarly experiences latent violence on a daily basis, like the time when a Talib pushes her with his weapon for speaking up for herself. These torments are anticipated by both characters through prior knowledge gained from past experiences and those of others.

Sexual violence is a prevalent form of physical violence in Pakistan, and perpetrators often evade punishment, indicating the government’s incompetence in implementing laws (Paxton, Hughes, and Barnes 2020). In The Shadow of the Crescent Moon, sexual violence is perpetrated by military men, which falls under the category of community violence as they are not related to the victims. This type of violence involves nonphysical coercion to compel women to engage in sexual activities (Watts and Zimmerman 2002). Despite being aware of the increasing cases of sexual violence against women, incidents remain either unreported or disregarded as “rapists never made it to court” (Bhutto 2013, 165). Women are often blamed for what happened to them instead of holding the perpetrators accountable. The novel depicts several instances where women were sexually violated due to their outspokenness against state corruption. For instance, “a consultant … was raped and beaten in her official bungalow, the home let to her by the government, and left for dead one November… She was later admitted to an asylum for the infirm and insane” (Bhutto 2013, 165). Another example is the way Samarra is physically assaulted by Taliban. On one occasion, after she is interrogated, “the army man held her against the wall, his palms against her forehead, her neck … ‘Bring the boys in.’ He issued the command and released her” (Bhutto 2013, 167). Both Samarra and Aman Erum realize that what they had done to her “could not be erased or lightened with soap and make-up” (Bhutto 2013, 167). This scene highlights how sexual violence robs women of their dignity and self-respect, indicating that direct violence perpetrated by military men is supported by violence at a larger level.

Moreover, in its portrayal of direct violence, The Shadow of the Crescent Moon goes beyond the physical manifestations such as beatings and sexual abuse to demonstrate how direct violence also affects individuals mentally—that is, the psychological impact of direct violence on women and other vulnerable individuals. Even though women are not directly involved in Mir Ali insurgent movement, their mental health is severely affected by the war. This is perfectly demonstrated in the novel through Inayat’s narrative about his first battle for Mir Ali in which, as he tells us, “men were kidnapped from their streets, women were widowed and children were orphaned to teach the town its most important lesson” (Bhutto 2013, 18). The impact of political unrest on communities and families is thus depicted as devastating, particularly in terms of basic human needs of safety, love, and belonging. Women who are victims of direct violence suffer from traumatic stress disorder, depression, and anxiety. In the novel, Samarra and Mina both experience the loss of their families due to state violence. Samarra has a strong bond with her father, Ghazan Afridi. She “had been her father’s constant companion, his lodestar” (Bhutto 2013, 11). However, the uncertainty of Pakistan’s political situation forces them to separate ways. Ghazan Afridi leaves Samarra with her mother alone at camp only because she was “too much of a woman to accompany him” and “it was dangerous” for her (Bhutto 2013, 11). The separation, which happens because of war-related tragedies such as displacement, leaves Samarra with long-lasting emotional pain and suffering. Moreover, the symbolism of separation and displacement in the text serves as a reflection of societal structures and power dynamics, and thus unravel the hidden themes and contextual implications of acts of violence.

In a similar tragedy, Mina experiences the devastating loss of her son which occurred at the hospital she used to work at. Mina has lost her rationality and a portion of her sanity due to tragic experience during the Taliban’s mass killings. As Bhutto notes, “[i]t was the hatred, the searing anger that robbed her of her calm” (2013, 112–115). The changes in Mina’s behavior are a direct result of the political unrest and serve as an example of latent violence where actions have effects that extend beyond those directly involved. These actions, driven by her traumatic experiences, underline the intertextual echoes of historical and sociopolitical contexts. Much like Samarra’s case, although Mina was not directly subjected to physical violence, she bears the emotional damage from the loss of her child. In this manner, the novel shows that when one’s needs are not fulfilled, they experience feelings of unhappiness and sorrow. Samarra’s sorrowful feelings transform her into a distressed and rebellious person. As Hayat observes, “she was something else now – she seemed anxious, afraid” (Bhutto 2013, 178). She smokes in public and is deeply committed to the independent movement, fueled by rage and a need for revenge that ultimately puts her in distress. Similarly, Mina has become “an unhinged woman … hysterical” who dares to rage, hit, and scratch the breast of a Talibani commander. As Sikandar observes, Mina appears to be living a new life after her child’s death. These examples illustrate how unmet needs caused by direct violence have profound emotional effects on individuals and their families, leading to feelings of grief, anger, and despair which are manifested in various ways. By drawing on these intertextual references and literary influences, Bhutto not only deepens the characterization of Mina but also illuminates the universal themes of grief, loss, and the human response to violence. In this manner, the novel becomes a powerful exploration of the intricate interplay between personal tragedy and broader societal forces. It showcases how violence resonates across generations and shapes individuals’ identities and actions long after the initial traumatic event. In this way, intertextual references and literary influences serve as potent tools that enrich the thematic exploration of violence and its enduring consequences within the novel.

Structural Violence: Impeding Access and Opportunity

In The Shadow of the Crescent Moon, structural violence is shown as restricting women’s rights and opportunities. The novel underscores this through the portrayal of women like Samarra, whose aspirations are stifled by societal norms. According to Galtung (1990), structural violence is a form of latent violence that occurs when an individual is deprived of political, legal, or economic advantages through a system, policy, or norm adopted by institutions, organizational structures, or groups within a state. The identification of this type of violence is often linked to inequality. Gender-based discrimination in education and politics and the restriction of freedom of speech are prominent examples of inequality that can be observed in Bhutto’s work. In the first chapter, Bhutto describes how girls are expected to attain only a tenth-grade education as it is widely believed that they would never “have cause for further studies” (Bhutto 2013, 15). In later chapters, it is also described that societal norms would discourage women from talking “provocatively, eagerly – not about anything and certainly not about men” (Bhutto 2013, 34) Limitations like these are perfect example of latent violence as women cannot peacefully enjoy their right to education and social-political participation. Throughout the novel, Bhutto utilizes various literary devices to enhance her exploration of structural violence. Literary elements such as symbolism, imagery, irony, satire, and foreshadowing are employed to underscore the constraints imposed by societal norms and critique the patriarchal society’s hypocritical standards. The interplay of these literary elements elevates the novel beyond a mere portrayal of violence, allowing it to serve as a mirror reflecting the inequalities faced by women in Pakistani society.

The restriction on women’s education in Pakistan constitutes a form of structural violence that undermines gender equality and perpetuates social injustices. Ethnographic studies about contributing factors on violence against women in Pakistan have pointed to the socially accepted notion of “women’s role within the home should be passive, submissive, and subservient. Failure to meet this expectation is considered deserving of punishment, in the form of various types of violence” (Karmaliani et al. 2012, 821). Bhutto’s novel highlights this issue in the opening chapter, where Samarra is expected to limit her education to a certain level as it is collectively agreed that “matric, tenth-grade education…was more than enough for a seventeen-year-old beauty … [as] she would not have the time to study once married and living in her husband’s home. (Bhutto 2013, 15). Bhutto further emphasizes how Samarra had to work hard to obtain her family’s permission to continue studying, relying on used books and self-taught methods at home. In this example, both symbolism and imagery are used to underscore the constraints imposed by societal norms. On the one hand, the limited education for women is symbolized by the restriction to a tenth-grade level, emphasizing how their potential is curtailed. On the other hand, the imagery of Samarra studying with secondhand books and self-taught methods symbolizes the resilience of women in the face of oppression, and thus highlighting their determination to overcome structural barriers. As we are told, Samarra “would study on her own, at home, reading secondhand physics books … and doing exercises in used exam workbooks until eventually the elders had no choice but to relent and allow her to attend the local university, provided she stopped after a Bachelor’s degree” (Bhutto 2013, 15) Although the family eventually allowed her to attend a local university for her bachelor’s degree, girls are often taught that their primary goal should be marriage rather than pursuing their studies. Such restrictions and denial of educational opportunities for women are manifestations of structural violence because they reinforce existing power imbalances and perpetuate social injustices. In this manner, the novel critiques Pakistan’s patriarchal society for denying women the opportunity to develop their full potential and contribute meaningfully to their communities by limiting their access to education.

The Shadow of the Crescent Moon shows that the issue of inequality is not limited to education systems but also extends to the political field and freedom of speech. Throughout the novel, structural violence is reflected in the ways in which women like Samarra or the ones with professional jobs such as doctors, secretaries and consultants are restricted from engaging in politics due to societal norms that limit their participation. Through the portrayal of such cases, Bhutto employs irony and satire to criticize the patriarchal society’s hypocritical norms. While the irony lies in the stark contrast between the society’s expectations and the characters’ aspirations, the satire is evident in the portrayal of the absurdity of societal norms that dictate women’s roles. The established societal expectations dictate that women must fulfill domestic duties, including tasks like, “dressing the children, plaiting their hair and painting their fingertips and palms with henna while the older women cook the day’s meals” (Bhutto 2013, 220). Such limitations and impositions result in a loss of potential for the women who could otherwise contribute significantly to society. Scholars indicate that education is the primary means through which women can achieve empowerment (Emerson 2017). However, the presence of violence severely limits their ability to do so. In her depiction of the Pakistani society, Bhutto shows that the existence of inequality further exacerbates this issue, as women who attempt to challenge the oppressive system face brutal retaliation. This is best exemplified when Samarra joins Mir Ali insurgent movement in an effort to resist oppression—an incident in which Bhutto skillfully uses foreshadowing to create tension and anticipation. The foreshadowing of Samarra’s involvement in the Mir Ali insurgent movement hints at the challenges she will face as a consequence of defying societal norms. Hence, her involvement results in her being subjected to torture by military personnel for “know[ing] things that she shouldn’t” (Bhutto 2013, 163). The example illustrates how women are often restricted from participating in political spheres and are denied their right to freedom of speech as citizens. These occurrences also highlight the ways in which latent violence influences other women’s beliefs about their potential for empowerment.

Similarly, the curtailment of freedom of expression for women represents a form of structural violence in Bhutto’s novel. The ability to express oneself freely is a crucial means of empowering women, allowing them to articulate their views on issues such as bodily autonomy and individual rights. However, in Mir Ali, a woman who speaks her mind is labeled a “rebel” or “baghi” (Bhutto 2013, 165), and rebels are deemed deserving of violent punishment. Both Samarra and Mina have experienced violence as a result of their outspokenness about the government’s corruption. Mina has suffered the loss of her only child, Zalan, in an attack carried out by the Taliban. When she expresses her emotions and thoughts on the incident, one of the Taliban members rebukes her, threatening her to “shut up and get in the van before I kill you and your kafir drever” (Bhutto 2013, 212). He claims that the attack was launched as a reminder to those who fear everything except God. This illustrates how political unrest and religion have been used as justifications for direct violence against women who dare to criticize those in power. The experiences of Samarra and Mina also demonstrate that limiting women’s freedom of expression constitutes a form of structural violence that perpetuates gender inequality by silencing their voices and denying them agency over their lives. The aforementioned scenario is closely linked to Galtung’s theory of “violence begets violence” (Galtung 1990, 295), which posits that individuals who experience deprivation of their basic needs are more likely to resort to direct violence as a means of retaliation.

Cultural Violence: Justifying and Perpetuating Oppression

Cultural violence, as defined by Galtung (1990), refers to any aspect of culture such as religion, ideology, language, art, logic, or mathematics that can be utilized to justify and legitimize acts of violence against certain groups. This type of violence is reflected in The Shadow of the Crescent Moon through two primary concerns: religious ideology and rape culture among oppressors. The novel depicts how women who hold different beliefs or ideologies from the oppressors—i.e., Talibans or other militia groups—are subjected to torture and violation through community violence. This is vividly illustrated when Mina and Sikandar, Shia Muslims, are confronted by a Sunni Taliban: “The gaunt Talib grows heartier, less anaemic-looking, as he breathes in the exclusive power of his faith. He grips his gun like a saber, threatening to bring it down over Sikandar, before barking: ‘If you are not a Shia declare it! Who are you hiding your pride from?’” (Bhutto 2013, 188). As Galtung explains in his Human Rights in Another Key, torture is a system that enables individuals to exercise social and political control over others. The individuals who have been trained to inflict torture, also known as “torture software,” have no biological relationship with their victims. Therefore, this form of violence is categorized as community violence, which in the case of the portrayed patriarchal society, facilitate prioritizing male dominance and increasing the prevalence of physical abuse against women. For instance, the Talibs who believe that they are responsible for the country’s safety have killed and assaulted many innocent people including women. Everyone knows “what they did with women like her[i.e. Samarra] … [W]omen doctors and secretaries raped in Balochistan’s Sui gas fields because they had spoken too loudly of the state’s pilfering” (Bhutto 2013, 165). According to Galtung cultural violence allows for a change in the ‘moral color’ and is analogous to “murder on behalf of the country as right, on behalf of oneself wrong” (Galtung 1990, 292). Hence, direct violence can be legitimized through cultural violence.

In the novel, the state conducts two forms of cultural violence: restricting individuals’ rights to choose their religious beliefs and promoting rape culture through its organizations. The former is realized by constant policing and control which is perfectly demonstrated in the ways “The army was both an invisible and an omnipresent force in Mir Ali. On the mornings of important religious holidays, you could hear their armored vehicles squeeze through the bazaar, parking themselves at busy intersections, searching the dedicated throngs, just in case” (Bhutto 2013, 36). These acts perpetuate a cycle of oppression against women in Pakistan’s patriarchal society. The omnipresence of the military in Mir Ali symbolizes the control and suppression enforced by the state, making the reality for its citizens opaque, as they are unable to see the violent acts perpetrated against them. Such militarized presence also becomes a metaphor for the societal blindness to the violence, illustrating Galtung’s concept of cultural violence that obscures the perception of the violent acts and normalizes them.

Through the experiences of Mina and Samarra, the novel shows how the state’s restriction on religious freedom in Mir Ali violates human rights and promotes intolerance toward minority groups. The protagonist, Mina, is a Shia Muslim who is asked by Sikandar to hide it to avoid danger from Sunni Islamist nationalists who believe they are “the protectors of this region, we are the saviors of Waziristan” from disbelievers (Bhutto 2013, 212). Such references to Shia and Sunni Muslims serve as cultural allusions that not only illustrate the religious tensions and divisions but also deepen the portrayal of societal norms and their influence on individual actions. Mina’s situation can be explained through Galtung’s (1969) notion of violence which refers to the social structures that harm individuals by preventing them from meeting their basic needs. In this case, the social structure is the strict religious ideology enforced by the higher authority in Mir Ali. This ideology prevents individuals from freely practicing their religion and results in cultural violence, which works by “making reality opaque, so that we do not see the violent act or fact, or at least not as violent” (Galtung 1990, 292).

In addition, the manipulation of an individual’s beliefs such that they view exploitation or repression as natural or normal is a manifestation of cultural violence. As Galtung explains, “the culture preaches, teaches, admonishes, eggs on, and dulls us into seeing exploitation and/repression as normal and natural, or into not seeing them (particularly not exploitation)” (1990, 295). This form of violence is evident in the military man’s questioning of Samarra regarding previous victims who were women from Pakistan. Samarra is already aware that her engagement in political matters has made her prone to sexual assault by military personnel as “everybody knew – what these men did to women like her” (Bhutto 2013, 165). Rape has become a cultural norm within the state’s organization and is used as a form of punishment or reminder for women who speak out against the government’s cruelty. Hence, it is no longer an event, to use Galtung’s terminology, but permanence, “remaining essentially the same for longer periods, given the slow transformation of culture” (1990, 294). This act of violence not only traumatizes these women but also restricts their ability to fight for their rights as citizens of Pakistan.

Rape culture is shown as a common practice among the higher authorities in Mir Ali who use it as a tool for controlling people, particularly women. The military superiors are constantly accused of “of ordering and orchestrating the … [sexual] abuse” of women (Bhutto 2013, 165). The harassment that women like Mina and Samarra experienced not only highlights the systemic oppression of women in Pakistan and their lack of agency over their own lives but also sheds light on how religious fundamentalism and patriarchal norms contribute to this oppression. Moreover, rape culture perpetuated by state organizations normalizes sexual assault against women and reinforces gender inequality. As Galtung observes, “failure to perceive the reality of patriarchy in human society … [is] an example of cultural violence at work” (1996, 40). The normalization of sexual assault against women is a form of cultural violence that legitimizes direct violence against them. Rape is thus depicted as a common practice within the organization, indicating that cultural violence motivates direct violence as a form of punishment rather than thoughtless violence, as Galtung argues.

Interconnectedness of the Three Types of Violence

The application of Galtung’s framework to Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon illustrates the ways in which different manifestations of violence—i.e., direct, structural, and cultural—are portrayed as interconnected, reinforcing each other in a vicious cycle and creating a complex web of oppression and inequality. On the one hand, this depiction resonates with Galtung’s assertion that there are “important interconnections among types of violence … particularly the way in which one type of violence may be reduced or controlled at the expense of maintaining or even increasing an other” (Galtung and Fischer 2013, 37). According to him, direct violence often emerges as a result of cultural and structural factors. For example, cultural beliefs that dehumanize certain groups may lead to acts of physical harm against them. Similarly, structural inequalities can create conditions where direct violence becomes more likely to occur – for instance when marginalized communities face limited access to resources or opportunities. This means that “there are linkages and causal flows in all directions” (Galtung and Fischer 2013, 47). Cultural violence also reinforces structural inequalities by perpetuating discriminatory norms and practices within society. Prejudices based on race or gender can influence hiring decisions or educational opportunities leading to systemic disadvantages for certain groups. On the other hand, the established interconnection in the novel aligns with existing ethnographic studies which identify “contributing factors toward gender-based violence at the micro, meso, and macro levels”, lack of formal education, joint family systems, and entrenched patriarchal norms and values (Karmaliani et al. 2012, 820).

In The Shadow of the Crescent Moon, this interconnection is reflected in various ways. At the micro level, direct violence is shown as a fear tactic deeply embedded in cultural norms. The use of direct violence, such as rape, legitimizes and perpetuates structural violence, like restricting education and political participation for women. The use of latent violence is particularly insidious because it creates an environment where women constantly live in fear of surveillance, control, and punishment. This is revealed to us during one of Samarra’s rendezvous that “There were eyes everywhere in Mir Ali; people watched you even as you slept, as you dreamed. No conversation was safe from listeners who intruded upon every fleeting thought” (Bhutto 2013, 165). The fear is further compounded by structural violence at the meso level that limits women’s access to resources and opportunities while reinforcing patriarchal norms that perpetuate gender-based discrimination. At the macro level, the intricate entanglement of direct, structural, and cultural violence is shown even more vividly. Religious extremism and patriarchal norms validate both direct and structural violence, creating a self-perpetuating cycle of oppression and a society where dreams are “diminished, methodically squashed by the creation of larger and larger military cantonments” (Bhutto 2013, 102). The Taliban’s acts of violence, such as mass killings, serve not only as threats or revenge against their opposition but also as tactics to instill fear among civilians. This fear deprives individuals, especially women, of their fundamental rights, including freedom of expression and political participation. The novel thus presents cultural violence operating at both micro and meso levels due to its pivotal role in sustaining gender-based violence. The normalization of rape within the state’s machinery is a stark example of how cultural norms sanction direct acts of violence and further entrench structural inequalities. This is consistent with Galtung’s assertion that “with the violent structure institutionalized and the violent culture internalized, direct violence also tends to be institutionalized” (1990, 294). Moreover, cultural violence reinforces patriarchal norms through socialization processes that teach women to accept their subordinate status and internalize beliefs about their inferiority. Such intertwining of direct, structural, and cultural violence throughout the novel underlines the myriad ways in which gender-based violence intersects with other forms of oppression such as religious fundamentalism and political tension in Pakistan’s patriarchal and conflict-ridden society.

Conclusion

This article analyzed Fatima Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon through a Galtungian lens to study the complexities and varieties of violence experienced by women in Pakistan. We focused on the multiple manifestations of violence experienced by female characters to examine the interrelation between various concepts of violence, namely direct, cultural, and structural violence. The application of Galtung’s theory on Bhutto’s work underlined that each concept of violence requires other forms of violence as justification and legalization. For instance, direct violence cannot be sustained without support from cultural and structural violence which validate and legitimize direct violence. The analysis revealed that the novel highlights how direct violence has become the primary means of abuse while cultural and structural violence are viewed as generational cruelties that cannot be eradicated. Hence, it is concluded that the novel’s depiction of violence against women differs from traditional physical violence depicted in other fictional narratives and past research. Within the context of the portrayed Pakistan, gender inequality and patriarchal oppression are prevalent in Mir Ali due to the ongoing war, which disproportionately affects Pakistani women who experience different forms of violence such as direct, structural, and cultural violence. The latter type appears as a pervasive form of violence manifesting itself in various ways and permeating different aspects of society. Religious ideology and rape culture contribute significantly to cultural violence against women in the oppressive milieu of the society. This type of violence is particularly harmful as it perpetuates misogynist beliefs and practices that justify the subjugation of women. Structural violence is depicted as another form of pervasive violence that affects women’s physical and mental well-being by limiting their potential. The novel also highlights how gender discrimination and stigmatization persist in the country, where women’s participation in politics puts them at risk of threats and violence. Societal norms restrict female characters’ involvement in politics, resulting in a loss of potential for these individuals who could otherwise contribute significantly to society. It is also revealed that structural violence is not always visible but can be identified through its effects on individuals who are marginalized or excluded from mainstream society. Last but not least, the story demonstrates how cultural norms and power dynamics contribute to the normalization of violence against women in societies where patriarchal values are dominant. Considering these findings, it is concluded that Bhutto’s novel not only underscores the urgent need to address gender-based violence as a systemic issue that requires comprehensive solutions beyond individual acts of resistance or empowerment but also provides new insights into how different types of violence are interconnected and how reducing one form can impact others.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Moussa Pourya Asl

Moussa Pourya Asl is an Affiliate at the Faculty of Humanities, University of Oulu. He received his PhD in English Literature from the School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia, where he worked as a Senior Lecturer of literary studies from 2018 to 2023. His primary research area is in diasporic literature and gender and cultural studies. He has guest edited two special issues on postcolonial and diasporic literature and theory for the journal of The Wenshan Review. He has edited two books: Gender, Place, and Identity of South Asian Women (2022), and Urban Poetics and Politics in Contemporary South Asia and the Middle East (2023). He has published several articles in the above-mentioned areas.

Syaidatul Asyiqin binti Mohd Hanafiah

Syaidatul Asyiqin binti Mohd Hanafiah is an independent researcher. Her research interests encompass gender and cultural studies, with a primary focus on South Asian literature in English.