Holographic ABBA: Examining Fan Responses to ABBA’s Virtual “Live” Concert

ABSTRACT

In 2021, ABBA reunited, released a new album, Voyage, and announced holographic concerts featuring their digital avatars or “ABBAtars.” Using visual effects and motion capture technology, these performances create a realistic illusion without physical presence. This study analyzed reactions to these virtual musicians, highlighting concerns of ageism, undermining live music, and profit-driven motives. While the public was excited to “experience” ABBA again, there was speculation about the nature of a virtual concert.

KEYWORDS:

• ABBA
• avatar
• digital immortality
• holographic
• live music
• virtual concert

Introduction

Technological shifts have and continue to shape the music industry. The influences of piracy and streaming services adversely impacted the economic potential of music (Low; Naveed et al.), prompting studio executives to rely on measures such as 360-degree contracts to continue generating any sort of profit (Klein et al.). Nevertheless, while the purchase of music albums declined, interest in the experience of live music continued to flourish. As of June 2022, Allen documented that the gross earnings for the top 100 tours worldwide were $3.5 billion USD, while ticket sales totaled 46.8 million. As Brown and Knox contend, live music is now the primary source of income for artists and their executives, functioning as what Oberholzer-Gee and Strumpf consider a complementary product that offsets the financial losses of piracy. In fact, it is argued that consuming music for free generates interest in attending the live music performance (Naveed et al.) and have led to people paying ticket prices which have risen considerably (Brown and Knox). It is no wonder, then, that the enormous profits that can be made from concerts have prompted the reemergence of defunct acts, mainly because the most significant amount of profit seems to be derived from older, established acts (Rogers).

One such older, established act reformed recently is the Swedish Europop band ABBA. The four members (Agnetha Fältskog, Björn Ulvaeus, Benny Andersson and Anni-Frid Lyngstad) had had successful individual music careers in Sweden prior to forming ABBA in 1972. The band gained international success in 1974 after appearing in Eurovision and performing “Waterloo.” Their success was far-reaching, and by 1980, they were said to be an even bigger foreign earner than car manufacturer Volvo (Firth). Johansson contends that ABBA was able to garner such success because they created a “vocal-oriented sound” that differed from that on offer in the Anglo-American pop and rock scene of the time (135).

Furthermore, Firth outlines that their music appealed to young and old alike because they combined “child-friendly chorus lines with slick choreography and a tacky erotic glamor that gave them a camp appeal” (200). As a pioneer in the use of videos to market their music, ABBA developed a reputation for trying different approaches and techniques to attract audience attention (Isaac). In 1982, the band ceased to make music as a group (Petridis, “Super Troopers!”), but their popularity remained with movies (Muriel’s Wedding) and stage shows (Mama Mia!), ensuring their work remained in the public consciousness (Firth; Petridis, “Super Troopers!”). In 2021, the band reunited (Isaac).

On 2 September 2021, members Bjorn and Benny announced via live stream that the band had reunited (O’Connor and Aubrey), planned to release a new album titled Voyager (Beaumont-Thomas and Brown), and would be developing a series of virtual performance concerts that would promote both the new album and their reunion (ABBA). These concerts, delivered in the form of holographic avatars achieved via digital replicas of the ABBA band members, are used to provide the singing and show experience of a live performance (ABBA). These concerts were to be delivered in a purpose-built arena in East London, with the first concert occurring on 27 May 2022. The digital versions of the ABBA band ensemble were created by US-based visual effects company Industrial Light and Magic, aka ILM, who are distinguished for their special effects capability which is used in the film and television industry, and they are most famous for being founded by George Lucas and creating the effects in Star Wars (“Star Wars”). The digital avatars or what has been termed the ABBAtars that ILM created came about after 850 people worked to reproduce the perfect copy of the band members in their prime using motion capture technology to scan “every mannerism and every motion” of the musicians, who are now in their 70s, as they performed their iconic music (“ABBA Announce,” 2:35). This feat of digital replication, as explained by ABBA’s producer Ludvig Andersson, was achieved by putting each member of the band on a “stage in front of 160 cameras and almost as many VFX geniuses while they performed every song in this show, to perfection, over five weeks” (“ABBA Announce,” 2:23).

The announcement of the new music and concert was met with mixed reviews: commentary online saw audiences celebrate the opportunity to see ABBA either again or for the first time in concert, while others speculated that the decision to use ABBAtars and to reform after so many years was financially, rather than creatively, motivated. In the wake of these sorts of responses, we sought to analyze the comments made by members of the public across social media platforms to determine how people were responding, not only to the reforming of ABBA but specifically to the new and novel approach of offering a virtual concert. The decision to assess what people were saying in the public sphere before the concerts took place was purposeful. Products of the creative industries are experiential, and how people respond to them is often based on personal subjectivities (Caves). However, much of the marketing and hype around a creative product takes place before the product is officially launched, and it is in and around those conversations that early reactions and meanings are made (Hirsch), especially when involving new or novel approaches to a creative enterprise (Chang, Potts, Shih; Hutter). To this end, these meanings can start to shape the experiences of the creative good and could, therefore, influence the likelihood of people choosing to attend the concert. We explored those meanings, especially because this concert is redefining the live music experience and relying on technology in new and innovative ways with the inclusion of digital humans.

Literature Review: The Concert Experience

Despite some disdain over the increasing price of tickets (Brown and Knox; Westgate), people continue to attend live music concerts, sometimes repeatedly (Baxter-Moore and Kitts), because live music has a unique selling point: it “is something fans cannot fully experience merely by listening to recorded or online music” (Naveed et al. 2–3). Aside from being accompanied by acting, dancing, and visual effects that entertain the attendees (Holt), Brown and Knox argue that live music is attractive because the sound is different from recorded music. Live sound lacks the interventions of the mixing in recording studios allowing for a more authentic performance. In fact, Firth contends that live music is the most authentic of musical experiences: a point echoed in the work of Holt, who believes it is only in live music performance that the audience can contrast the “musicianship” (245) with what they have heard previously in recordings. Therefore, among the reasons audiences continue to attend concerts is the seeing-is-believing, or in this case, hearing “is-believing” prerogative (Baxter-Moore and Kitts; Firth). A musical artist or group’s pursuit of authenticity can also lead to audiences enjoying the overall novelty of the performance. Novelty or the unknown in the concert experience can generate anticipation in audiences who relish the chance to be “part of something unique” (Brown and Knox 243), especially if there is a chance that audiences may never see the musical artists or groups perform again, as is often the case when one-off or reunion concerts are on offer.

The live music concert brings like-minded people together to engage in the likes of fan worship (Brown and Knox), but that connection to others can stimulate feelings of self-esteem and self-enhancement (Pfeffer and Fong) because individuals feel validated in their musical choices. Furthermore, identification can occur between the attendee and the performer in the form of co-presence (Holt; Westgate). The perception of being in the same place and time with the performer creates a bond or para-social relationship for the attendees, who can experience satisfaction “interacting” with the dynamic figures of their fandom (Brown and Knox). By encouraging these conditions of identification among concert attendees, artists and groups can benefit because attendees and fans are likely to invest more financially in the concert through, for example, buying merchandise (Fiske; Hӓkkӓnen-Nyholm) or exhibiting loyalty (Obiegbu et al.). These actions can lead to higher consumption of the music and the increased chance of attendance at future performances (Hӓkkӓnen-Nyholm) because the concert works as a means of promoting and exposing the performers and their work to current and potential consumers.

These motivations for concert attendance relate predominantly to the traditional concert performance, yet technological interventions are altering music concerts’ entertainment and experience values. In response to technological development and pressing social issues (e.g. COVID-19, environmental concerns), the shift to alternative concert experiences has emerged and ranges from the prerecorded live concert to the streaming of a live concert, to the more recent installations that include holograms and virtual reality elements (Chang et al.; Frenneaux and Bennett; Naveed et al.). Naveed et al. suggest that streaming performances online can potentially be advantageous for musicians’ brands because they can perform to a camera and have audiences livestream the content on their devices. Not only does such an opportunity increase the musicians’ exposure, but it can also contribute to strengthening the direct relationships between audiences and fans as they experience a concert they might not otherwise get to see and offer social commentary across the networked event (Naveed et al.). Accordingly, the virtual concert can respond to the need for fostering social bonds at “live” events by connecting fans and creating the conditions for active engagement in the music through the ability to like and comment on what they see and hear (Swarbrick et al.). For musicians, they can also collaborate more readily when geographically dispersed, and for a band such as Coldplay that is concerned about the environmental impact of touring, it offers another avenue to share their music without adding to their carbon footprint (“Coldplay”). In the case of virtual reality concerts, audiences can experience the concert in three dimensions, without the obstructions, uncomfortable lack of amenities and the need to travel, where virtual concerts offer “greater levels of immersive quality” and so “elicit higher levels of presence” (Charron 3). In essence, virtual concerts have benefits for musicians and attendees alike.

Despite the advantages that emerge with the virtual concert, they continue to be criticized for lacking the nuances of their traditional predecessors. For example, the de facto live concert is subject to pre- and post-production interventions that can impact the aesthetic quality of the virtual concert and can dilute the overall experience (Danielsen and Helseth). Furthermore, the virtual concert is considered lacking in temporal and spatial connectedness because of real-time lag and the loss of sensations that come from dancing and moving together with others that contribute to the character of the concert and which are not able to be adequately replicated by virtual means (Zhang and Negus). Compounding the embracing of virtual concerts is the threshold fear and anxiety that make people (Museser and Vlachos), particularly those of older generations (Chang and Shin), reluctant to explore the unknown that comes with moving to virtual experiences. These criticisms of the virtual concert are perhaps why increasing focus is placed on the utility of holograms at concerts.

Holographic Performance

Holographic concerts are those that permit “the spectral appearance of (computerized) bodies through unobtrusive or overtly unacknowledged artificial means” (Spencer-Hall 57). The hologram can appear on stage in tandem with others, and the key to its success is that the influence of technology is not evident to the attendees at the concert (Chang and Shin). The hologram is likely to be accepted by audiences if it contributes to the co-presence expected of both musician and attendee and is an authentic reproduction of the musician. Should the hologram be successfully integrated into the concert, it can meet the affective and experiential demands of the paying audience. Digital humans as performers are not a recent innovation, but how they are created has advanced over the preceding years to bring about several commercial uses. The use of digital artists for live performances ranges from anthropomorphic capacities, such as those of the virtual artists Gorillaz and Hatsune Miku, to fully replicated digital human models, primarily those of dead artists, such as Roy Orbison and Michael Jackson. The most well-known and earliest case study of resurrecting a dead artist is the Coachella 2012 appearance of a hologram of Tu Pac. The rap singer died in 1996 but was digitally bought back to life as a type of Shakur hologram to give an on-stage performance with rappers Dr Dre and Snoop Dog (Forbes; Geden). Other holographic performances in recent years involving famous dead artists are Whitney Houston, Buddy Holly, Frank Zappa, and Maria Callas (Forbes). According to Cull the desire for a revivification of dead musicians in holographic ways is increasingly sought after by audiences and producers alike because this “dead music” is an opportunity to “invoke the past” (111) and in this hypermediated environment where archival music is a possibility, these musicians are never really truly gone. Of course, these holograms produce both ethical and legal conundrums when a dead musician’s likeness is used for marketing and promotional purposes (Smith; Skopicki) but equally these holograms permit what Cull refers to as a “connection to the past” (119) and an opportunity to experience work that has defined musical popular culture in a new setting: time and place.

The use of the term hologram here is misleading, however, as the experience is not that of an actual three-dimensional object (a visual expectation often associated with science fiction movies) but instead operates as a 2D laser projection onto an angled screen known as the Pepper’s Ghost technique (Forbes; Geden; A. Hughes). The technique of reflecting an image onto a 45-degree screen allows it to appear on a stage whereby it seems to inhabit the same corporeal space as real “things” and, in so doing, produces a type of mise-en-abyme that is not perceptible to attending spectators. The technique is particularly effective for music audiences; the dead artist rendered in light on an invisible screen appears seamlessly on a stage with other artists and instruments, providing the verisimilitude needed to sell the experience as “real performance.”

There is a danger, however, in rendering performers as digital replicas and presenting them as a form of holographic maquette. This danger is triggering a phenomenon known as the “uncanny valley.” This phenomenon was named by research roboticist Mashario Mori who discovered that the more human-like a robot appeared, the more likely this human familiarity turned negative for observers, triggering a repulsive response by the humans interacting with it (Angelucci et al.; Burleigh et al.; Wang et al.). Angelucci et al. put this risk of provoking the uncanny valley down to a process of dehumanization that occurs with the creation of life-like photoreal digital characters. The film the Polar Express, directed by Robert Zemeckis, is a case study of this risk; upon its release in 2004, it was met by audiences and critics as unnerving due to the nature of the animated characters appearing too human-like, especially in their facial reconstructions (Burleigh et al.).

The use of digital humans as part of the live music experience is among a series of mediazations through stagecraft technologies that have become standardized for live music events. Sam Geden has identified three categories of what he terms Posthumous Embodiment Techniques: Direct Translation – direct audio or video recordings of the artist are utilized; Reconstruction – where the artist and their voice are re-realized as new holographic performance; and Landscape – the artists are repurposed as an experience of the objects and iconographies associated with them. Reconstruction is relevant to this article’s explorations, as this category encompasses the approaches utilized today for new live performances that involve complete holographic singers and performers. This successful remediation of the artists via “reconstruction” effectively provides a “truer” experience for fans and audiences, achieved through the embodiment of nostalgia, heritage, and mythology into the holographic simulation (A. Hughes 114). For as a fully realized holographic simulation, Jean Baudrillard’s simulacrum is actualized, triggering his definition of hyperreality – the inability to distinguish reality from that of the simulation of it (95). An example of this hyperreal experience for a concert audience happening via a holographic artist is the ability for Tupac to “namecheck the Coachella festival, which did not exist until three years after the artist’s death, thus offering allusions of spontaneity and authenticity” to the entire performance (Forbes 159). Chang and Shin, exploring the integration of such holograms in K-Live concerts (Koren Pop concerts), have found that “audience members seemed to suspend disbelief and allow themselves to be carried into an immersive experience of the concert in a way that felt natural and virtually, if not actually, real” (38). The suggestion, here, is that the move to incorporating ABBAtars into their concert could have similar implications for the Voyage virtual concert and at the very least, could ensure the “real” existence of the band long after they die: an opportunity for a type of “digital immortality.”

The “Live” Music Experience

The preceding discussion highlights that technology is influencing the experiences of music concerts, but it also poses the question of what constitutes “live” (Radbourne, Johanson, and Glow). How then do we differentiate the different concert types across traditional, digital, virtual, and holographic? There is a distinct difference between these concert types, as shown in Table 1: Live Concert Types Experience Dynamics. It is important to delineate the differences especially given how each type operates in real-time in contrast to a form of on-demand concert experience like a recording and that is common in public and media discussions for “virtual” and “holographic” to be used interchangeably when referring to concerts using projected digital humans on a physical stage.

Table 1. Live Concert Types Experience Dynamics.

Type	Traditional Concert	Digital Concert	Virtual Concert	Holographic Concert
Description	An audience attends a concert where the artist performs at the location	An audience attends a remediated concert where the artist performs at the location.	An audience attends a remediated concert where the artist performs in a virtual space.	An audience attends a concert where the artist performs holographically at the location
Dynamics
Simultaneity	•	•	•	•
Participation	•		•	•
Co-presence	•			•
Social engagement (with those in attendance)	•			•
Direct engagement (with the performers)	•
Technological Intervention		•	•
Remediated		•	•

A traditional concert, the benchmark for “live” experiences, relies on co-presence, direct engagement with the performers, social engagement with those in attendance, participation, simultaneity, and a lack of technological intervention (to name a few distinguishing features), plus there is no remediation – these dynamics than can be used purposively to delineate the differences across live concert types.

The digital concert experience includes technological intervention and simultaneity but forgoes co-presence, direct engagement, and social engagement and is remediated in some form. For example, Coachella has been offered every year since 2011 as a digital concert experience via a live stream on YouTube, allowing anybody in the world to access and watch in their lounge room (Spangler; Terdiman); however, digital concert performances mediated by, for example, internet streams, alter the experience by removing elements of physicality and co-presence (Holt). Virtual concerts, on the other hand, mediated through digital spaces, such as a game environment, offer an experience of co-presence, participation, and simultaneity; however, there is no direct engagement with the performers, and technological intervention is by default. For example, the popular online game Fortnite has been offering in-game concert experiences since 2019, starting with the artist Marshmello (Perraudin) and have since hosted Ariana Grande and Travis Scott where players can login and, using their game avatar, watch a virtual performance of the performing artist. Holographic concerts, in contrast, offer an experience much closer to traditional concerts due to their ability to replicate all the experiences usually present at this type of concert, with the only dynamic missing being that of direct engagement with the performers.

Therefore, traditional concerts are the epitome of “live” because they inevitably rely on events unfolding in real-time and the sensory pleasure derived from “capturing or living the present moment more fully, because the performance will not (cannot, in fact) last and has to be sensed in the moment” (Danielsen and Helseth 37). In essence, the liveness cannot be replicated through technology because it loses its authentic meaning (Mueser and Vlachos).

Yet characterizing “live” as lacking in technological intervention seems reductive. Even traditionally live concerts require typically technological influences to shape the visuals and audio of the event. For example, it is not uncommon for “webcams, monitors, and microphones” to construct the feel and aura of the concert. As for what is considered live performance or even the authenticity of live performance, it can be argued that the inclusion of more and more “mediated” technology in live concert experiences has habituated audiences to “spectacle and artifice” as part of concert going (A. Hughes 121). Regular inclusions of auto-tune in music and vocal performance, as well as an understanding by audiences that a “live” concert is now commonly a mix of prerecorded components (including vocals and instrumentation), permits “the audience’s acceptance of such a situation [and] is symptomatic of their embrace of the role of (new) technology and artifice in live music exhibition” (A. Hughes 121). Thus, extending this use of artifice and technology into fully realized holographic performers is, in some ways, a natural move in the evolution of growing “meditation” in live concert experiences.

The purpose of this research is not to establish whether the ABBA concert is defined as “live” or not; instead, the discussion here captures that there exist prototypical understandings of what constitutes the concert experience, and these are evolving with increasingly more focus on the role of technology. It is because what ABBA has created is both standardized and unique that we are particularly interested in how audiences responded to the announcement of the concert and the meanings that were made for this experiential and subjective creative product before people had had the chance to consume it. In essence, we were interested in their reactions, given that the ABBAtar approach is novel and had not been previously tried.

Method

The purpose of this research was to analyze the comments made by members of the public across online and particularly social media platforms to determine how people were responding not only to the reforming of ABBA but specifically to the new and novel approach of offering a virtual concert. From September 2021 (when the concern was announced) until April 2022 (before the first concert was held) we analyzed 34,478 comments made on the online news websites of The Guardian, Vanity Fair, and B.B.C, their accompanying Facebook pages, and posts uploaded on the official ABBA Facebook page that referenced the upcoming Voyager album and concert. Applying Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis, we uncovered patterns of meaning in the data set using an inductive and deductive approach. As Clarke, Braun, and Hayfield contend, much qualitative research cannot function from a purely inductive approach, so although the data led us to develop the themes, our research was still informed by theoretical concepts. We decided to apply thematic analysis to the comments because it is an organic, flexible research method that identifies the complexities of meaning in large data sets (Terry et al).

We aimed to identify codes as they appeared in the data and interpret what those codes revealed about people’s attitudes to a reformed ABBA and virtual concert. Using the six steps of Braun and Clarke’s method, we first gained familiarity with the data. That required, as the first step, immersing ourselves in the data by repeated readings to ensure we analyzed the comments beyond their obvious surface-level meanings. The immersion also necessitated reflecting on the codes that were uncovered, and this produced semantic (explicit meaning) and latent (implicit meaning) understandings of the data (Byrne).

Step two entailed applying descriptive labels to the codes to capture the essence of what was being articulated by commenters (Braun and Clarke). Step three required that we generate themes by comparing the codes. Accordingly, we were able to establish prevailing themes and subthemes. Step four entailed both researchers reviewing the themes and questioning the legitimacy and accuracy of themes. For example, we considered whether a theme was a theme, the quality of the theme, and whether the theme could be adequately supported by the data (Braun and Clarke). Step five sees the researchers define and name the themes and, according to Byrne, also leads the researchers to decide which extracts from the data capture the essence of the theme. Step six is the writing up of the findings.

In total, we agreed on three themes: digital immortality, economically exploitative, and motivation.

Data Analysis

Theme One: Digital Immortality

Our first theme, digital immortality, captured all the comments that referred to the aesthetics of the ABBAtars and the potential opportunities that come from holographic renderings of the band. Although people were impressed by the likeness of the ABBAtars, they were also perturbed by their appearance. Namely, those commenting were disappointed that the representations were of the band members during their heyday when all four members are now over seventy years of age. Comments included,

Abba need to get on stage and sing without fake young bodies, it’s not about how they look it’s about the music, why use a hologram they are alive not dead?

Why not the 4 live, they get older, the Fans get older. I think it would be a great concert singing together the old and the new songs.

I guess they don’t want us to see them looking old. Forever young as holograms I guess.

I can’t wait but I’m sad to see that their images are being digitally enhanced. We all get older. It’s natural!

These comments, and others like them, speak to the disappointment of fans, some of whom have aged along with the band, and tend to echo the writing of scholars who contend that the media depicts aging as bad and has perpetuated a culture where the preference is to deny aging (Butler). Although it could be argued that ABBA opted to go with a youthful likeness to emphasize the brand identity to which audiences could readily remember and relate, it also contributed to the Western ideology that to be elderly is to be perceived as “ugly, repulsive, asexual, and undesirable” (L. Clarke 23). Media scholars have long argued that representations of “older” age are considered not commercially valuable, leading to the exclusion of older characters in popular culture or, as Gerbner suggests, their symbolic annihilation.

The decision to produce young versions of the band members was not the only aspect of the holographic artists that perturbed commenters. The digital rendering of the band members also appears to have triggered the sense of the “uncanny valley” as per the following example comments:

I’m disappointed in the ABBAtars since they seem to suffer heavily from the “uncanny valley” look, which I thought we were over. They’re stiff and somewhat robot like with “dead” eyes …

Those ABBAtars are so realistic, but so cold. Its [sic] like one of those sci fi movies where evil aliens assume the appearance of individual people.

They kinda creep me out! That’s the only negative about this ABBA reunion WHY are they hiding behind ABBAtars? …

abba – the uncanny edition

The sense of stiffness and the “dead eye” effect is always a risk when attempting to replicate real human beings as digital models (Angelucci et al.; Burleigh et al.; Wang et al.), and this trigger of the “uncanny valley” appears to generate a dissonance in the produced simulation versus the reality when attending a “live” performance. There are expectations when attending a live performance: namely that “real” people perform for real audiences. The insertion of digital humans appears jarring to some sections of the commenters, who perceive the ABBAtars as inauthentic and a threat to live music experiences. Given that the ABBAtars carry the entire live experience, there is a risk that those attending will be repulsed by the uncanny valley appearance (Burleigh et al.), especially if this is their reaction to observing just a snippet of what the concert could be like as it appears on the ABBA Facebook page. Unlike video games and movies, where digital humans are increasingly commonplace, the digital humans of the ABBA concert have threatened established norms of what constitutes live music and perhaps account for some of the responses of commenters who openly critique the ABBAtars appearance.

On the other hand, the use of this innovative technology also works as a draw card for commenters who see the entire vision and for whom a holographic experience feels very fresh and attractive, as per the following example comments:

Wow! This is so good. Abba has been at the forefront of great technology before - pushing the boundaries once again …

No other band has ever attempted this approach. I think this is ground-breaking and will be very successful. I realize this is a mammoth project logistically …

absolutely brilliant! Its [sic] like these 40 years has never been! And ILM has done a fantastic job with the avatars!

(being a bit of an sfx nerd I look very closely to this sort of things and this is absolutely top notch)

Such enthusiasm for something new and different may well override any adverse effects from the uncanny valley effect. Additionally, the overall experience of the whole “live” concert experience with its “spectacle and artifice” fits as part of the change for what constitutes today’s type of live music experience (A. Hughes 121).

Many commenters also appeared to appreciate the ability of the ABBAtars to become immortal through this transfiguration into holographic performers that can now produce the ABBA experience. Comments include,

I find the fact to use the Abbatares instead of themselves on stage simply an amazing idea. It keeps us feeling young and them timeless. No offence, but when I see groups like “Rolling Stones,” please only example, you think “ohh they look so so old” . and it makes you being aware of being older too now. This what ABBA does is simply beautiful and timeless.

What a wonderful creation! What intelligent people! They’ve create [sic] an incredible business that will be running for ever, even when they will no longer live …

Digital immortality ABBA!

It is clever at same time, the avatar will “live” on after their passing away…

I like the idea of ABBAtars they make sure you get a continuation of what they were known for …

This identification of artistic immortality acknowledges the power of producing a timeless experience for concertgoers through digital replication (Geden). If this type of concert experience is normalized and accepted, the value for living artists and music producers is extensive including being financially lucrative. However, the sense of authenticity of the live concert experience is also questioned. The complete lack of real human activity throughout the performance can alienate some audiences, and the jeopardy of “gimmick” tarnishing the longevity of such concert experiences is also a risk for music producers and artists that allow themselves to be digitally reproduced (Geden). The question of authenticity is summed up by this comment:

What a cop out. The whole point of personal appearances is that the singer/group appears personally! Why pay the earth for tickets to see mere images of your musical heroes. We don’t mind how old they are, as long as they can still sing!

Theme Two: Economically Exploitative

Our second theme was “economically exploitative” and captured all the comments made that related to the virtual concert being inauthentic and financially motivated. The following is a selection of comments that typify the theme:

You won’t get the same atmosphere watching a “digital avatar” in a “virtual concert.” Sounds about as exciting as virtual sex!

This is seriously like just going to watch a film and being charged 10 times the price for it, what a rip off. You are not going to see ABBA you are going to see some animatronics, this reminds me of The Emperor’s New Clothes

This virtual tour (of youthful, “ABBAtars”) reeks of narcissistic, money-grubbing laziness; ie. the last thing devoted fans (like me) expected of Abba.

I feel sorry for fans who would love to see them live again, a bit of a money making scheme to me without the effort.

The dominating view articulated as part of this theme was that the Abbators challenge the authentic music experience and the hedonistic expectations that accompany art performances. By being a digitally mediated concert, concerns were raised that “the possibilities for the unexpected, iterative, and expansive experience” would be lost (Harper 22), as would opportunities to form “emotional and physical closeness” (Baxter-Moore and Kitts; Bratus) with ABBA. Researchers argue that audiences find live concerts appealing because of the opportunities to get close to the performers (Charron; Holt), what Holt refers to as temporal and spatial liveness, but these are lacking in a prerecorded virtual performance that relies on ABBAtars.

Admittedly, a marker of authenticity is originality (M. Hughes), and cultural entrepreneurs can use technology to take risks and disrupt markets with their novel products that cultural consumers respond to and identify with (Chang et al.). As Chang et al. outline, “advanced technologies increase an artist’s flexibility to imagine richer and more lively creative content through infusing novelty, originality, uniqueness, and other hedonic attributes that constitute an integral part of cultural consumption” (498), which can therefore create new meanings of, in this instance, the concert experience. However, despite developing a concert that solves the problem of not being able to travel (Haynes and Marshall) and responds to changes in the music industry where “live” performances, not records, are where money is made (Arditi), ABBA has been lambasted rather than commended for their innovative approach by some sections of the commenters. For example, commenters asserted that “the thought that people will pay hundreds of quid and travel hundreds of miles to see holograms of ABBA dancing around a virtual stage … makes me despair for humanity” and “looks like fright night. How much money do these people want?” Original products, such as a virtual concert, can be inauthentic, not because they are mass-produced artificial reproductions but because commercial imperatives underpin them. Clearly, ABBA’s virtual concert was not assessed by some on its originality but instead on the potential for financial gain, which can be problematic, particularly when audiences and fans seem to signal that they feel they are being exploited.

When creative people are viewed as being inauthentic and not creating for the love of the work, discourses of “selling out” often accompany the accusations made against them (Bridson et al.; Klein et al.; Weisethaunet and Lindberg). Bridson et al. state,

Fans speculate about the motives behind a musician’s behaviour, whether that be the motive for writing a song a particular way, dressing in a particular style or the cover design of their next album. The results indicate that fans draw upon the inspired world to make judgments of worth as to whether they believe a musician’s motives are genuine.

(1658)

In the case of ABBA, the perceived financial motivations were incongruent with the desires and beliefs of some commentators who reacted by accusing the band of selling out.

Theme Three: Motivation

The third and final theme identified was “motivation” and included all references to two specific motivations for buying tickets: nostalgia and fandom. Scholarship has documented that among the plethora of reasons people enjoy music is its ability to prompt the recollection of memories and, more specifically, those memories that help people to reflect on and construct their identities (Bolin; Cartwright et al.; Garrido and Davidson). For example, the announcement of the new album and concert allowed people to reminisce about the last time they saw ABBA or the strong connection they had to ABBA in the past:

Got my tickets yesterday …. strike September 2022 …. counting the days Saw them live in 1979 in Frankfurt …. it was amazing.

If it’s the only way to kinda see them in concert I’m going to take it!

I was 7 when they played in UK, too young to go to Wembley. It broke me heart not going. I think this will be great and we are so lucky they chose London

My dream was always to see ABBA. I was 11 when they broke up. I’m trying to figure out finances to get to London and go to a concert by myself. They were the soundtrack to my childhood. It would be so wonderful to see them as I remember them and transport myself back to my childhood. It’s like the closest thing to time travel.

Will never forget seeing ABBA in Melbourne! The atmosphere was fantastic and so memorable. Seems like a life time ago now. Look forward to the new album.

Each of the above comments aligns with the work of Garrido and Davidson and Sedikides et al., who contend that music invokes emotions, shapes people’s future musical preferences (they still want to hear ABBA over 40 years later), and gives people agency over their recollections. They can gain an understanding of how they have evolved as people while establishing a sense of continuity (Wilson). More than that, however, the act of sharing past experiences creates the conditions for social bonding (Wilson). Although there might be exaggerations and distortions about their past experiences (Bolin), the nostalgia depicted here can serve a social function (Garrido and Davidson) in that the announcement of the concert brings people together to connect about their past love of the group and their desire to see them again. Alongside sharing how they remember ABBA, they also took to tagging and inviting friends to come to the new concert with remarks such as “Save up your pennies gals [sic] … London concert;” “I’m so glad [name omitted] said she would go with me! Thanks nana ;” and, “I swear to god if they do a tour, no matter where in the world – we are going x.”

Given the abundance of reunions happening in music, the fact that the band can invoke nostalgia could also be exploited for commercial benefit (Guesdon and Le Guern). Niemeyer emphasizes that marketing nostalgia is an avenue for enticing consumers and ensuring interest in media and creative productions. This observation was singled out in the following comment, “Let’s be honest. Only nostalgia is going to make this comeback a success. Nostalgia beats quality every time unfortunately. A terrible, terrible cringe worthy group that need to accept the past is the past.” Therefore, although the commenters, keen to revisit their past at the concert, can enjoy social and cultural benefits, there is an underlying suggestion that the band can will reap financial benefits by capitalizing on this sense of nostalgia.

Yet Grossberg argues that audiences are not “cultural dopes” (53). They are aware that commercial imperatives govern decisions that facilitate popular culture, so they are not simply just exploited and subordinated. Instead, they look past the financial implications for the entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure, such as this commenter who states, “I don’t care if they’re doing it for the money, money, money…just gimme, gimme, gimme some more of their great music!” or this one, who laments that “The cynical will call this a cash grab, but if the interest is there from fans then what’s the problem? I might just book a ticket myself.” So, while it might be financially lucrative, the fans are aware and clearly willing to pay to attend. These people could be considered die-hard fans who will show up to a concert regardless of ABBA’s decision to try something new (Perkins).

Despite conjecture over the new approach to the concert, it was clear that some commenters intended to go because they were fans of the band. Reysen and Branscombe define fans as those people who are “enthusiastic, ardent and loyal admirers” of an “object of fanaticism” (356) and were identified on the Facebook threads as those people who shared their enthusiasm for the band temporarily reuniting, regardless of the fact ABBA would be represented as ABBAtars:

I don’t care if they’re avatars. Nobody expected ABBA to ever reunite in any way, shape, or form, so this is amazing! A new album and a way to experience their music live! This isn’t Bjorn again (no offence) or any other band impersonators, it’s ABBA.

Some people just like moaning it seems. We have a new album, new concert. It’s the impossible dream. If you don’t like it, don’t spoil the fun for the rest of us.

Of course we would all have loved to have seen ABBA in their prime but I’ll take this virtual show as the next best thing

These, and others, appear to be loyal to ABBA, demonstrating what Obiegbu et al. describe as positive attitudes toward the band that manifests as meaningful engagement. They were inclined to object to negative comments about the ABBAtars, the music, and the reunion, perhaps because in identifying with the band and openly acknowledging this affiliation, they took exception to slights against ABBA: “If you don’t like ABBA, then it’s not for you so why whinge about it?” or “Shame many can’t appreciate the talented writers and performers Abba were and are, but worst of all it reveals how shallow some people can be by making such silly banal comments.” Scholars writing argue that when the process of identification takes place, a person will willingly defend the object of identification to retain feelings of self-esteem and self-enhancement (Pfeffer and Fong) and because they do not want to feel their identification is misplaced, which may account for the desire to attend the concert and defend the band from criticism.

Discussion

The purpose of this research was to explore the social media reactions to the upcoming ABBA Voyage concert. The decision to assess people’s views before the concert took place was purposeful: the band had begun marketing the new album and concert with holographic renderings, inspiring hype and anticipation, and establishing preferred meanings around the experience. Of course, meaning-making in the creative industries is non-unilateral (Nairn), and to this end, we were eager to understand the discussions that were taking place among audiences given that the use of ABBAtars was revolutionary and that word-of-mouth influence can shape the reception of people to creative products (Potts et al.).

By analyzing the comments across social media platforms such as Facebook, we determined that the new ABBA concert could be polarizing. On the one hand, people were motivated to see the concert because it was the closest they would get to recapturing the experiences of their previous ABBA concert-going experiences. Equally, the technology intrigued those who identified that the band was paving the way in altering the live music experience. On the other hand, others were unhappy with the ABBAtars, given that people were quick to condemn ABBA for being inauthentic and economically exploiting fans.

Accordingly, some commenters seemed to object to what is considered manufactured content rather than what is typically considered authentic about the live concert experience. At its crux, authenticity centers on “access to original or real objects, places and people” (Moscardo 50), making the common and repeated experience of attending a live concert where the actual musicians perform “naturally” the norm. To diverge from what Radbourne et al. refer to as bodily authenticity or physical presence is to covet hostility from fans and audiences alike because they have been conditioned to evaluate the authenticity of the performance based on metrics such as “genuine,” “sincere,” and “true” (Weisethaunet and Lindberg 468). It is unsurprising, then, that comments such as “the Hologram concert is a joke and I’m hoping it flops as it’s an insult to Live Music” were observed.

If in assessing the potential motivations behind product decisions, fans and consumers perceive the presence of marketization and commercialization, they will find the musician to be bereft of artistic integrity and lacking in morality (Klein et al.), which perhaps accounts for why commenters were quick to label ABBA as motivated by “greed, they have all that money and just want more.” Of course, all popular music activity is commercial in nature, suggesting “selling out” should no longer be so contentious (Klein et al.). However, to avoid being stigmatized and condemned, artists must balance artistic integrity and money-making, which, at least for some people, ABBA has yet to achieve effectively. In essence, they confirm Boltanski and Chiapello’s assessment that “while undergoing a process of coding and calculation of profitability, they are bound to disappoint at least some of the expectations people had of them” (455).

Furthermore, the uncanny valley, the use of young ABBAtars and the perceived financial exploitation of the fandom perturbed some of those commenting on the concert. According to Fiske, the reverence and adoration that fans have for the object of their fandom can develop into a perception that they possess and should be able to influence the object. Such behavior sees fans acting as gatekeepers which Obiegbu et al. argues leads fans to “try to argue for a preferred view of the fan object and set arbitrary standards for what constitutes their best work” (471). In the case of ABBA, fans who took exception to the look of the group, in particular, may find it difficult to reconcile their identification with the group as young performers and the fans’ own identities: the new ABBA portrayed on stage becomes a challenge to the fans’ identities because the ABBA they came to know and love, will not look and sound the same.

Despite the perception that the live concert relies on physicality and co-presence (Radbourne et al.), concerts have been and continue to be mediated by technology (Charron). If anything, the reactions reveal that the boundaries around live concerts are permeable and constantly shifting. While some people were strongly opposed to ABBA not being physically present, the fact that the ABBAtars captured the band’s actual movement and mimicked the band’s signature style was deemed enough for people to want still to attend and be part of what was considered a novel experience and the future of music. The growth of holographic and mediatized live concerts has the potential to be disruptive. As can be seen here, and in other examples of Tupac, Whitney Houston, and Prince (to name a few), digitized versions of musical performers can mean the longevity of their music long after they have passed on and open opportunities to increase the potential to share in musical experiences with the breaking of geographical barriers. Currently, performers can spend upwards of twelve months on world tours and still cannot play to all of their fans because of capacities and geographies. They speak of burnout and exhaustion and are disappointed when they cancel shows because of sickness (Nairn). The technological potential of concerts can alleviate some of these concerns; over time, their potential acceptance can reframe aesthetic judgments. Although this might be a long way off, the reactions discussed here suggest that initial apprehensions could be overcome by reframing what constitutes live performance.

As suggested above, much of the conjecture hinged on the debate about what constitutes a live performance for audiences. Many scholars, such as Duffett, have suggested that “liveness” be considered less definitively. Live as a term continues to evolve, with the “distinction between an event and its recording” essentially becoming erased (311). Perhaps it is more accurate to consider liveness less definitively and more as a continuum from the traditional concert to the more mediated virtual concert (Frenneaux and Bennett). These variations could be defined according to whether they stimulate the same responses in audiences and capture the proper form of aesthetic (uncanny valley concerns aside) – rather than relying solely on the soundscape. Especially as more and more musicians are resorting to technology to share their concerts with their fans, given prevailing social issues such as COVID-19 and environmental concerns.

As creative products, concerts are subjective in nature and accordingly, people will attend seeking hedonistic responses (Ventakesh and Meamber). Whether those hedonistic responses are achieved is unclear until the point of consumption, suggesting that future research might consider how these online discussions shaped people’s experiences after attending the concert. Furthermore, future research could entail surveying those who attended the concert for their views on the ABBAtars and their experiences and canvasing social media again for reactions now that the concerts have officially started taking place.

Epilogue

Since the completion of this research, the ABBA Voyage tour opened in London. To date (April 2023) upwards of one million people have purchased tickets, with the level of interest leading to the concert being extended until November 2023. Its success has also signaled the possibility of the tour being taken around the world (Aswad). For ABBA and their team at Industrial Light & Magic, the concert has proven to be a triumph with critics from The Guardian, Variety, The Evening Standard, B.B.C News, The Independent, and The New York Times variously attaching four or five-star reviews to their experience. For example, addressing apprehensions about the use of avatars rather than real people, Empire argues that the concert “really does capture much of the essence of one of the biggest bands in the world in their prime,” going on to suggest that Voyage is “uncheesey.” According to Sutherland, although the viewer could initially be perturbed by the “jerkiness” of the avatars’ movements, eventually their eyes will adjust as will their “suspension of belief,” particularly because the “digital doppelgängers look almost indistinguishable from real people from every angle.” Although the views of critics acknowledged that the concert is not flawless and could be perceived more as a “premium piece of theater” (Thompson), these minimal criticisms are offset by an abundance of such accolades, with the consensus among the critics that the concert was “mystifying realistic” (Savage), “ludicrously fun” (Thompson), “genuinely jaw-dropping” (Petridis, “Abba Voyage”), and a “crowd-pleasing success” (Ramírez). It is unsurprising, then, that most of these critics suggest that such an approach to concerts, although incredibly expensive, would become the standard and ensure the longevity of musical artists long passed their deaths.

A cursory exploration of social media and the commentary available on review sites such as Trip Advisor seemed to suggest that among the general public (only those who self-disclosed attending the concert), the concert was considered “a must-see,” “spectacular,” “awesome,” and “brilliant.” Of note were the positive comments about the technology, with many expressing that the lighting and holograms were “spellbinding.” The authenticity of the avatars was commended with commenters stating, “the holograms look like real people,” “You had to pinch yourself to remember you were not watching a live band,” and “The technology involved to make this show happen is mind-blowing. You would swear that Abba are live on stage!” Worries that the ABBAtars would suffer from the uncanny valley did not seem to be manifest with the majority of people reviewing the show, remarking on how impressive they found the CGI. In further support of the ABBAtars as sufficient substitutes for the “real” thing, people also highlighted that the concert was still immersive and produced “genuine emotions” among attendees, perhaps maintaining the illusion of intimacy and the forming of parasocial relationships with the group (“ABBA Arena”).

Despite the reviews being overwhelmingly positive, some were still dissatisfied with the experience. Among the issues identified was the fact that people had paid what they perceived to be exorbitant amounts of money for what was considered “a 3D laser light show” or the opportunity to watch a “very high-resolution screen showing videos of avatars.” These people were unimpressed by the spectacle, and in some cases, acknowledged that it had not lived up to their expectations, because as one person put it “the avatars were tiny no life-size little stick insects, with faces of robots.” Although the visuals were considered problematic for some, for others, the bigger technological issue was the sound. The backing band that accompanied the ABBAtars was considered “massively loud” and the “speakers were distorting the sound.” The sound detracted from the overall experience making it hard for these commenters to become immersed in the experience. As with any technology, there were some glitches. At least one show, in July 2022, had to be stopped to address the problem. Some in attendance, even after the show recommenced, could no longer enjoyed the experience.

These observations highlight that, as expected, this “new” subjective experience was accepted and lauded as a possible avenue for the concert experience. The fact that the members of ABBA were not physically performing in the moment of consumption, did not seem to dissuade the majority from enjoying themselves and lends credibility to our contention that the permeability of the concert experience could see similar opportunities emerging in and around the music industry. If there is acceptance of this new type of live experience, that of the “holographic” concert, it becomes another option for music industry producers to increase revenues, and, at the very least, ensure the longevity of performers.

The music industry has undergone considerable change in response to technological interventions. The holographic concert demonstrates what can be achieved when creative people develop their craft and share their talent. To this end, these holographic and virtual experiences are a space worth watching and researching.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.