![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
Lucca MS 5 offers insight into the life experiences and liturgical practices of diverse Latin-rite communities living in the twelfth-century patriarchate of Jerusalem and is particularly relevant to the study of liturgical celebration during the tumultuous period following the conquests of Saladin. It is argued from an analysis of the contents, and from codocological and palaeographical perspectives, that the libelli of the manuscript were probably created in the crusaders’ camp outside Acre in 1189–91.
Note on contributor
Cara Aspesi is a doctoral candidate in Liturgical Studies in the Department of Theology at the University of Notre Dame, Indiana. She is now in the final stages of completing her dissertation, ‘The Breviary of Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile MS 5: the Use of the Cathedral of Tyre’, under the direction of Margot Fassler.
Notes
1 The following abbreviations are used in this article: Andrieu, Ordines Romani: M. Andrieu, ed., Les Ordines Romani du haut moyen âge. 5 vols. (Louvain: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, 1931‒61); CCCM: Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis; CCSL: Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; CO: E. Moeller, J.-M. Clément, and B. Coppieters Wallant, eds., Corpus orationum. CCSL 160 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1992); Dondi, Liturgy: Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: a Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004); Kohler, ‘Un rituel’: Charles Kohler, ‘Un rituel et un breviaire du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem (XIIe–XIIIe siècle)’, Revue de l’Orient Latin 8 (1900‒1): 383–500; MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; PL: Patrologia cursus completus series Latina; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’: Sebastián Salvadó, ‘The Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite: Edition and Analysis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Study of the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., MS Latin 10478)’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2011).
Cristina Dondi notes that the manuscript must have been in Italy prior to its examination by Giovan Domenico Mansi, archbishop of Lucca 1764–9; she also theorises that it entered the archbishop’s library through a donation made to Mansi. Dondi, Liturgy, 188. As for its journey to Europe, marginal notes in the breviary portion of Lucca MS 5 attest to its possession by the Franciscans, and it is possible that the manuscript was taken from crusader Palestine (its origin is discussed below) to Italy by a member of that order.
2 Cara Aspesi, ‘The Breviary of Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile MS 5: the Use of the Cathedral of Tyre’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame, in progress).
3 The term libellus, as defined by Pierre-Marie Gy, is not strictly applicable to the various distinct booklets of Lucca MS 5, since they do not meet Gy’s fourth criterion for liturgical libelli: a libellus will not include in a comprehensive fashion ‘all the functions of a given ministry’, but rather only ‘a particular action or specific feast’. Pierre-Marie Gy, ʻThe Different Forms of Liturgical “Libelli”’, in Fountain of Life, eds. Niels Krogh Rasmussen and Gerard Austin (Washington, DC: Pastoral Press, 1991), 23–34. The booklets of Lucca MS 5 fail Gy’s definition since they contain liturgy for more than one rite or occasion, but since they fit the general meaning of the Latin term libellus, it is used here.
4 Lucca MS 5, pp. 55 and 18 respectively. The petition reads ‘Ut patriarcham Ierosolumitanum, clerum et populum sibi conmissum in sancta religione conservare digneris’. The chronicle of early crusade events begins with the capture of Nicaea in 1097 and ends with the capture of Tyre in 1124.
5 Kohler described Lucca MS 5 as a breviary reflecting the liturgical use of unspecified ‘Latins’ of Jerusalem: Kohler, ʻUn rituel', 384. Later Hugo Buchthal declared that it was a breviary written in the second quarter of the twelfth century in the scriptorium of the Holy Sepulchre and was ‘the oldest manuscript from Jerusalem of which we have any knowledge’. Hugo Buchthal and Francis Wormald, Miniature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), xxx. Laura Minervini adopted Buchthal’s perspective: ʻProduzione e circolazione di manoscritti negli stati crociati: biblioteche e scriptoria latini', in Medioevo romanzo e orientale: il viaggio dei testi. III Colloquio internazionale, Venezia, 10–13 ottobre 1996, eds. Antonio Pioletti and Francesca Rizzo Nervo (Soveria Mannelli Catanzaro: Rubbettino, 1999), 86. Hans Eberhard Mayer noted the existence of Lucca MS 5 but said only that it was a ‘breviary of the Holy Sepulchre’ dating to the twelfth century which ‘still requires further investigation’: ʻDas Pontifikale von Tyrus und die Krönung der Lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21 (1967): 143–4. Sebastián Salvadó dates the manuscript to 1173–1228, stating that it had no obvious relationship to the use of the Holy Sepulchre and agreeing with Dondi regarding Chartrain influence in the breviary (see n. 6 below). However, he doubts Dondi’s attribution to Peter of Limoges, concluding that ‘this manuscript should be seen as created … for a Frankish community in the Latin East with a specific community to serve.’ S. Salvadó, ‘Rewriting the Latin Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre: Text, Ritual and Devotion for 1149’, in this special issue, Journal of Medieval History 43, no. 4 (2017): 403–420.
6 Dondi draws her conclusions on the basis of her comparative analysis of the liturgy of key feasts of the temporale and observation that the suffrages contain several saints from the Limousin region of France. Dondi also briefly argues that due to the breviary’s Chartrain features, Lucca MS 5 is an ‘indirect witness to the liturgical practice of the Church of Antioch’, because she thinks Antioch adopted the use of Chartres via Norman Sicily. Dondi, Liturgy, 73–5, 103–29, 135–8, 181–8. My dissertation challenges Dondi’s views.
7 Aspesi, ‘Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile’.
8 For instance both Hands 5 and 10 of the libelli made marginal additions to the breviary, which shows that the breviary was likely bound to the libelli – or at least used alongside them – from the late twelfth century on. The early date of the binding of the libelli themselves is suggested by a reference to the liturgy of the first libellus in the second, and by the state of the material at the end of the ternion, where Hand 9, a contributor to the second libellus, used the margin to finish his material, presumably because the first and second libelli had already been joined.
9 See for instance Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au moyen-áge. 3 vols. Studi e testi 86‒8 (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1972). However the word ‘pontifical’ is anachronistic for this period, as the term was not used for collections of bishops' liturgy until the thirteenth century. See Henry Parkes, The Making of Liturgy in the Ottonian Church: Books, Music and Ritual in Mainz, 950–1050 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 7–12, 158–82. Other material in the first libellus does not pertain strictly to a bishop’s duties, but would nevertheless have been useful to him. For instance, the computus would have allowed for the calculation of the date of Easter while the Matins readings would have been useful for the required celebration of the Daily Office. The computus in Lucca MS 5 includes a little-known ‘Rithmus de termino paschae’, Ad sextam decimam, never before identified in this manuscript but briefly cited in Alfred Cordoliani, ‘Contribution à la littérature du comput ecclésiastique au moyen âge’, Studi Medievali, 3rd series, 2 (1961): 182. I discuss the purpose of its inclusion elsewhere, with thanks to Marina Smyth for helping me understand its function; Smyth also explains its workings in an article in progress. The Matins readings are discussed briefly below; the first set is Augustinus Hipponensis, De civitate Dei, Libri XI‒XXII, eds. B. Dombart and A. Kalb. CCSL 48 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), Bk. 22, Ch. 8.265‒Ch. 9.3.The reading is included in the homiliary of Paul the Deacon (before 792) as one of the sets of readings that might be used ‘In natale Sancti Stephani protomartyris Christi’: Réginald Grégoire, Homéliaires liturgiques médiévaux: analyse de manuscrits (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1980), 435. The second set is from a treatise attributed to Paschasius Radbertus, ʻDe assumptione Sanctae Mariae Virginis (vel epistula Beati Hieronymi ad Paulam et Eustochium de assumptione)', in De partu Virginis. De assumptione Sanctae Mariae Virginis, ed. A. Ripberger. CCCM 56c (Turnhout: Brepols, 1985), line 434‒22.
10 See, for example, Victor Leroquais, Les pontificaux manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France. 3 vols. (Paris: Macon, Protat frères, imprimeurs, 1937).
11 The rite of reconciliation found in the second libellus, discussed below, is an unusual conflation of Ash Wednesday liturgy for entry into Lenten penance, presided over by a sacerdos, and strictly episcopal Holy Thursday liturgy for the reconciliation of penitents at the conclusion of Lent. However, the Lucca rite should be considered an episcopal rite, not only because the use of the term sacerdos in the Ash Wednesday liturgy is ambiguous, referring to either a bishop or priest, but more importantly because the rite in the libellus includes the formula of absolution only found in the bishop’s Holy Thursday rite of reconciliation. For the use of sacerdos and history of the Holy Thursday rite of reconciliation, see Hamilton, Practice of Penance, 109–18.
12 The liturgy for the sick and dead is obviously pastoral in nature, while the rite of reconciliation provided spiritual relief. The suffrages provided soul care as short lists of saints’ names followed by a prayer asking God to grant his blessings of forgiveness and eternal rest through the intercession of the named saints; these were often recited at Vespers, or else during Mass or in one’s private devotions. Daniel Sheerin, ʻThe Liturgy', in Medieval Latin: an Introduction and Bibliographical Guide, eds. Frank Anthony Carl Mantello and A. G. Rigg (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1996), 159. I interact with Dondi’s analysis of the suffrages in my dissertation. The theological material is concentrated in excerpts from the writings of Hildebert of Lavardin, which include his poems on topics such as redemption, the sacraments, the Virgin’s conception and the Incarnation: Hildebertus, Hildebertus Cenomannensis episcopus, Carmina minora, ed. A. Brian Scott. 2nd edn. (Leipzig: K.G. Saur, 2001), 10, 29–32. The prognostic texts are mostly illegible, but two can still be identified from headings: Incipiunt in egrotis signa vitae et mortis and Incipit supputatio quam supputavit hesdras. The former gives signs that a sick person will live or die, and the latter probable outcomes for the year based on the day of the week on which 1 January fell; in the Middle Ages these were attributed to the biblical prophet Ezra. See Edith Ann Matter, ‘The “Revelatio Esdrae” in Latin and English Traditions’, Revue Bénédictine 92 (1982): 376–92. These prognostic texts could have been used by a variety of individuals, though not excluding those providing pastoral care.
13 The cathedral-use divisions present in the Lucca psalter – at Ps. 1, 26, 38, 52, 68, 80, 97 and finally 109 – are explained in Robert F. Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: the Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1986), 136.
14 The Jerusalem liturgy is discussed below and has obvious relevance to the Daily Office, while a litany was recited at almost every hour of the office since antiquity, and the prayers following the litany were likely special intercessions to be used immediately after (though not necessarily all at once). See Taft, Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, 134–8. The treatise on the readings for the church year discusses the theological significance of these readings and is found as the first of 18 canons (Ch. 137) appearing in Book VIII, Qui libri, et quo tempore sint legendi, in ecclesia, in select manuscript witnesses of the Panormia, a late eleventh-century canon law collection traditionally attributed to Ivo of Chartres. See Szabolcs Anzelm Szuromi, Pre-Gratian Medieval Canonical Collections: Texts, Manuscripts, Concepts (Berlin: Frank & Timme GmbH, 2014), 89–90. The final canon law extract is a recension of Ordo Romanus XIII (OR 13), ‘XIIIc’; Andrieu, Ordines Romani, 2: 511–14. It prescribes what parts of the Old and New Testaments were to be read during the night office for each part of the church year and appears in several medieval canon law collections under the title ‘Quando et quo tempore libri veteris et novi testamenti legendi sunt’ (TW04.297). See Linda Fowler-Magerl, Clavis canonum: Selected Canon Law Collections before 1140. MGH. Hilfsmittel 21 (Hanover: Hahnsche, 2005), 93.
15 For more on both of these ordinals, I. Shagrir and C. Gaposchkin, ‘Liturgy and Devotion in the Crusader States: Introduction’, in this special issue, Journal of Medieval History 43, no. 4 (2017): 359–366.
16 Discussed below, and also Aspesi, ‘Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile’.
17 I argue this at length in my dissertation.
18 These primarily relate to the rite of confirmation and the blessing of a moveable altar.
19 When noting the youngest sacramentary tradition in which the prayers appear, eight are found in Benedict of Aniane’s Supplement to the Hadrianum (prayers 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 15 and 16 in Lucca MS 5), one in the ‘Old’ Gelasian only (prayer 5), and five in the ‘eighth-century’ Gelasian (prayer 7, 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14). See Jean Deshusses, Concordances et tableaux pour lʹétude des grands sacramentaires, Tome II, Tableaux synoptiques (Fribourg: Éditions Universitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1982). Overall, then, the prayers appear to have been drawn from Gallican liturgical sources. For the various sacramentary types, see Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources, trans. William George Storey and Niels Krogh Rasmussen (Washington, DC: Pastoral Press, 1986), 38‒46, 64‒102; Marcel Metzger, Les sacramentaires. Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, 70 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), 38–113.
20 All scriptural quotations in English in this work are drawn from the Douai-Reims Vulgate; the numbering of the Psalms follows that of the Vulgate.
21 The incipits do not refer to the recitation of the entire psalm, because they are very rarely from the beginning of a psalm. Moreover, many come from the same psalm, yet not always in order, and when phrases from a single psalm do appear in order, an incipit is included for each one. The last point also indicates that the entire psalm phrase indicated by an incipit was used.
22 Deus, venerunt gentes in haereditatem tuam; polluerunt templum sanctum tuum; posuerunt Jerusalem in pomorum custodiam, Ps. 78:1.
23 Ne taceas, neque compescaris, Deus, Ps. 82:2, second half of the phrase. The incipits of the first section are Deus venerunt gentes (Ps. 78:1), Deus qui similis (Ps. 82:2), and Ad te levavi (Ps. 24:1). Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
24 The incipits in the second section are Exsurge, Domine, adjuva nos, et libera (Ps. 43:26); Effunde iram tuam in gentes quae te non noverunt, et in regna (Ps. 78:6); Exsurgat Deus, et dissipentur inimici ejus; et fugiant (Ps. 67:2); Sicut fluit (Ps. 67:3); second half, so that all of Ps. 67:2‒3 must have been used; Deus meus, pone illos ut rotam (Ps. 82:14); Sicut ignis qui comburit silvam (Ps 82:15); Ita persequeris illos (Ps 82:16); and Fiat via illorum tenebrae, et lubricum et angelus (Ps. 34:6). Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
25 Et de Sion tueatur te, Ps. 19:3. The incipits of the third section are Domine, non secundum peccata facias nobis (Ps. 102:10); Neque domine ne memineris iniquitatum nostrarum antiquarum cito (Ps. 78:8); Adjuva nos, Deus, et propter gloriam (Ps. 78:9); Domine, salvum fac regem, et exaudi nos (Ps. 19:9); Salvum fac populum tuum, Domine, et rege eos (Ps. 27:9); Mitte eius deus a[uxilium] et de Syon t[ueatur] (Ps. 19:3); and Esto nobis deus turris (Ps. 60:4). Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
26 Fiat pax in virtute tua, et abundantia in turribus tuis, Ps. 121:7. The incipits in this fourth section are Fiat pax in virtute tua (Ps. 121:7) and Domine, exaudi et clamor (Ps. 101:2). Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
27 Ps. 101:2. See above.
28 That is, the kingdom was left virtually defenceless. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: a History (New York: Continuum, 2005), 110–11.
29 Jaroslav Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land: From the Third Crusade to the Fall of Acre, 1187–1291 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 22–4.
30 The historical complexities of the diocese of Tyre’s relationship to the patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem are outlined in Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States: the Secular Church (London: Variorum Publications, 1980), 27–71.
31 Gregory VIII, Epistolae, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 202 (Paris: J.-P. Migne, 1855), col. 1542.
32 Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, 24.
33 Christoph T. Maier, ʻCrisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries', Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (1997): 631.
34 The idea that the failure of crusade ventures was attributable to sin was not new to Audita tremendi: thus Gregory VIII extended this tradition of explanation. Giles Constable ‘The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries’, in idem, Crusaders and Crusading in the Twelfth Century (Burlington: Ashgate, 2008), 229–300.
35 Amnon Linder, ‘Deus Venerunt Gentes”: Psalm 78 (79) in the Liturgical Commemoration of the Destruction of Jerusalem', in Medieval Studies in Honour of Avrom Saltman, eds. Bat-Sheva Albert, Yvonne Friedman and Simon Schwarzfuchs (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1995), 145–7.
36 Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099–1187) (Burlington: Ashgate, 2005), 162.
37 The full quotation may be found in Linder, ʻDeus Venerunt Gentes', 164.
38 Linder, ʻDeus Venerunt Gentes', 151.
39 Linder, ʻDeus Venerunt Gentes'.
40 The prayers are 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 15; specific examples are discussed below.
41 6. Protege domine famulos tuos subsidiis pacis et beate Marie patrocinus confidentes a cunctis hostibus redde securos. Per. (CO 4756b), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
42 12. Hostium nostrorum, quaesumus, domine, elide superbiam et audatiam illorum dexterae tuae virtute prosterne. Per. (CO 3007), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
43 5. A domo tua, quesumus, domine, spirituales nequitiae repellantur et aeriarum discedat malignitas tempestatum. Per. (CO 5a), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
44 9. [Omnipotens sempiterne, add. Lucca] deus qui miro ordine universa disponis et abiliter [cuncta, add. Lucca] gubernas [praesta … conterantur. om. Lucca] // [Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, in cuius manu sunt omnium potestates, et omnium iura regnorum om. Lucca] respice propitius in auxilium Christianorum, ut gentes [paganorum, add. Lucca] quae in sua feritate confidunt, dexterae tuae potenia comprimantur [comprimantur: conterantur Lucca]. Per. (CO 1800 and 3846), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
45 11. Protector noster, adspice, deus, et ab hostium [ab hostium: paganorum Lucca] nos defende formidine [formidine: periculis Lucca], ut omni perturbatione submota [submota: remota, Lucca] liberis tibi mentibus serviamus. Per. (CO 4746) Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
46 These are prayers 1, 2, 8, 10, 13 and 15. The fourth prayer also asks for forgiveness, but it is not counted here, as it is a prayer for the dead.
47 1. Deus, cui proprium est misereri semper et parcere, suscipe deprecationem nostram et, quos delictorum catena constringit, miseratio tuae pietatis absolvat. Per. (CO 1143), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
48 13. Parce domine parce peccatis nostris et quamvis incessabiliter delinquentibus continua poena debeatur, praesta, quaesumus, ut, quod praesenti meremur offensione, nobis proveniat ad correctionem, et plagam, quam super nos [pro peccatis nostris, om. Lucca] imminere cognoscimus [cognoscimus imminere, Lucca], te miserante, sentiamus cessare. Per. (CO 4129a), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
49 15. Ineffabilem misericordiam tuam, domine, nobis clementer ostende, ut simul nos et a peccatis exuas, et a poenis [et a tribulationibus, add. Lucca] quas pro his meremur eripias [et pacem tuam nostris concede temporibus, add. Lucca] (CO 3129), Lucca MS 5, pp. 56‒7.
50 10. [Domine] Deus, qui ad hoc irasceris, ut subvenias, ad hoc minaris, ut parcas, lapsis manum porrige, laborantibus multiplici miseratione succurre, ut gentem paganam, quam pro peccatis nostris super nos cognoscimus praevalere, te miserante [miserante: auxiliante, sub. Lucca] sentiamus cessare. Per. (CO 2304b), Lucca MS 5, p. 56.
51 quod praesenti meremur offensione. See n. 48 for the full text of the prayer.
52 See n. 49 for the text of the prayer.
53 For the texts of the rites out of which the Lucca rite is constructed, see Chapter XVIII (the Ash Wednesday liturgy) of Ordo Romanus 50, in Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani, 5; 108–26, nos. 1‒54. See again, for the portions drawn from the liturgy for Holy Thursday, Ordo XXX, the Ordo in feria quinta maioris ebdomadae in Andrieu, ed., Le pontifical romain, 1: 214–26, nos. 1‒26.
54 The Latins also maintained control of three castles. Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, 22–9.
55 Riley-Smith, Crusades, 139–41.
56 The bishop of Sebastia is last mentioned in May of 1187 and probably did not survive the conquests of Saladin, while Rufinius, bishop of Acre, was killed at Hattin. Joscius, archbishop of Tyre, sailed to the West to beg for aid. Hamilton, Latin Church, 243.
57 Hamilton, Latin Church, 82–4, 243.
58 See the editions of Andrieu and catalogues of Leroquais mentioned in nn. 9 and 10.
59 This is not to assert that the Lucca miscellany was the only liturgical book possessed by the community at Acre: with all the senior clergy gathered to the camp, there must have been a number of liturgical books present, including more complete ‘pontificals’, containing the rites absent from the miscellany. However, the purpose of this study is to explain the fact of this collection, which is best explained by positing its creation in a place like the camp.
60 The ordo for the consecration of a church is Gallican in origin and dates to the seventh century, and the early form of the rite includes only the psalmody, not the prayer, for the consecration of the altar. Andrieu, Ordines Romani, 4: 315–49. However, the rite developed over time and forms in later textual traditions do include the consecratory prayer: these traditions are the so-called ‘Pontificale Romano-Germanique’ (‘PRG’) – a collection of episcopal liturgy based on the ancient ordines which was supposedly created in the scriptorium of St Albans, Mainz, c.950 – and the ‘Pontifical romain du XIIe siècle’ (RP12), a textual tradition of episcopal liturgy that represents the adaptations made by individual churches in twelfth-century Rome of ‘the’ PRG. Importantly the dominant theory regarding the origin and nature of ‘the’ PRG – first put forward by Andrieu and subsequently elaborated by Cyrille Vogel – has recently been challenged by Henry Parkes, though he does not call into doubt the existence of a ‘PRG’ tradition (however misnamed) nor the idea that the RP12 arose out of that tradition (or at least one of its four major families). Thus, when speaking here of the consecratory psalmody and prayer of ‘the’ ordo for the consecration of a church, what is meant is the rite as it existed in the PRG tradition, broadly speaking, or the RP12. The texts of Ordo XVII, the Ordo ad benedicendam ecclesiam of the RP12 are Andrieu, ed., Le pontifical romain, 1: 176–95. For the PRG theory, see Andrieu, Ordines Romani, 1: 494–506; Andrieu, Ordines Romani, 5: 63–71; Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 135–224. For the challenge to this theory, see Parkes, Making of Liturgy in the Ottonian Church, esp. 99‒163.
61 Lucca MS 5, p. 7. The text of the rite in Lucca mostly follows the ancient rite for blessing a moveable altar found in three sources consulted by Andrieu: Ordines Romani, 1: 64, 111, 285. However, the Lucca rite also demonstrates various expansions compared to the early rites, but not as many as appear in Ordo XIX of the RP12, the Benedictio altaris itinerarii. See Andrieu, Le pontifical romain, 1: 197–201. Since, as Andrieu argued, the RP12 essentially grew out of the so-called PRG tradition, the Lucca ordo for blessing a moveable altar probably reflects a source in the PRG tradition, though there is no simple way to confirm this, as the edition of ‘the’ PRG created by Vogel and Elze is problematic, as pointed out by Henry Parkes. However, it is clear that no tradition – the ancient ordines, the PRG or the RP12 – includes in its blessing of the moveable altar the prayer or psalmody borrowed from the rite for blessing a permanent altar. Thus it is certainly an innovation on the part of the Lucca scribe.
62 Nathan Mitchell, ʻNew Directions in Ritual Research', in Foundations in Ritual Studies: a Reader for Students of Christian Worship, eds. Paul F. Bradshaw and John Allyn Melloh (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 105–6.
63 Mitchell, ʻNew Directions in Ritual Research', 105.
64 Mitchell, ʻNew Directions in Ritual Research', 117.
65 2. Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui facis mirabilia magna solus, praetende super famulum tuum [famuluum tuum: famulos tuos sub. Lucca] [illum abbatem vel, om. Lucca] [et, add. Lucca] super cuctam congregationem [cuctam congregationem: cunctas congregationes sub. Lucca] illis commissas [illi commissam: illis commissas, sub. Lucca], spiritum gratiae salutaris et, ut in veritate tibi complaceant, perpetuum eis rorem tuae benedictionis infunde. Per. (CO 3938c) Lucca. MS 5, p. 56.
66 Prayer 12. See n. 42 for the full text of this prayer.
67 Mitchell, ʻNew Directions in Ritual Research', 106.
68 This is one reason why the first task of a scholar working with a medieval liturgical manuscript – or any liturgical source – must be to date and localise the source correctly, and the second to understand if and how it was used, if possible.
69 CO 3938c.
70 Recently several scholars have concurrently taken an interest in the 15 July Jerusalem feast, offering their own theories regarding its celebration, as well as unique and valuable insights into its significance for crusade liturgy, ideology and political culture, some of which are found in this special issue. See also Salvadó, ʻLiturgy of the Holy Sepulchre', 403–420; Jaroslav Folda, ʻCommemorating the Fall of Jerusalem: Remembering the First Crusade in Text, Liturgy, and Image', in Remembering the Crusades: Myth, Image, and Identity, eds. Nicholas Paul and Suzanne Yeager (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012), 125–45; M. Cecilia Gaposchkin, ʻThe Echoes of Victory: Liturgical and Para-Liturgical Commemorations of the Capture of Jerusalem in the West', Journal of Medieval History 40 (2014): 237–59; Simon John, ʻThe “Feast of the Liberation of Jerusalem”: Remembering and Reconstructing the First Crusade in the Holy City, 1099–1187', Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015): 409–31.
71 Amnon Linder, ʻThe Liturgy of the Liberation of Jerusalem', Mediaeval Studies 52 (1990): 110–31.
72 Cara Aspesi, ʻThe Contribution of the Cantors of the Holy Sepulchre to Crusade History and Frankish Identity', in Medieval Cantors and Their Craft: Music, Liturgy, and the Shaping of History, eds. Margot Fassler, Katie Bugyis and Andrew Kraebel (Woodbridge: York Medieval Press, 2016), 134–56.
73 Amnon Linder argues for a 1149 date of dedication in ʻ“Like Purest Gold Resplendent”: the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Jerusalem', Crusades 8 (2009): 31–2.
74 The rubrics of the breviary of the Holy Sepulchre clearly demonstrated this post-1149 arrangement. In the Templar ordinal’s breviary is found the following, ‘De hac liberatione, secundum novam institutionem, nihil facimus praeter processionem et missam matutinale propter dedicationem ecclesie’. See Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barb. lat. 659, f. 101v. In both copies of the breviary this rubric also appears, ‘Missa matutinalis de captione tantum canitur, sed processio nunquam dimittitur, sed festive peragitur’ [‘ut prescriptum est’: added in the Barletta MS] See MS Barb. lat. 659, f. 102r.; Barletta MS, f. 110v. In addition, the Templar ordinal gives the Jerusalem Mass the heading Missa matutinalis and the Dedication Mass the title Ad magnam missam. See MS Barb. lat. 659, ff. 132r–v.
75 This imagery comes from Isaiah 62:6, ‘Super muros tuos, Jerusalem, constitui custodes; tota die et tota nocte in perpetuum non tacebunt. Qui reminiscimini Domini, ne taceatis’; Isaiah 60–2 comprised the first six readings of Matins for the Liberatio version of the feast. For further details on the theological and historiographical visions of the versions of the 15 July liturgy, see Aspesi, ʻContribution of the Cantors of the Holy Sepulchre to Crusade History and Frankish Identity'.
76 The rite appears as the Ordo ad benedicendam ecclesiam in Andrieu, Le pontifical romain, 1: 176–95.
77 ‘Lectiones require in Epiphania.’ See Lucca MS 5, p. 57.