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ABSTRACT
The First Crusade and subsequent establishment of a Latin state and Latin Church hierarchy in Jerusalem was intended to liberate the Christian population of the Holy Land, most of them Greek Orthodox, from Seljuq rule, which was thought in the West to threaten Christian worship. Since the late tenth century, however, Greek monasteries in the Holy Land and Syria had been experiencing a revival which can be seen in the founding of new monasteries, the development of hagiographical and liturgical traditions, and intensive textual activity. This article explores the continued development of these forms in Greek monasteries under crusader rule (1099–1291), through an examination of the liturgical norms established by founders, and consideration of the types of manuscripts produced in their scriptoria. The relationship between newly revived Greek Orthodox monasticism and the Latin ecclesiastical hierarchy is considered through an examination of a manuscript of 1122 detailing the liturgy of the Easter Fire ritual.
Acknowledgements
I acknowledge with gratitude the invaluable help of Daniel Galadza with aspects of this article.
Note on contributor
Andrew Jotischky is Professor of Medieval History at Royal Holloway University of London. He has published articles on Greek Orthodox monasticism in the Crusader States, Latin-Orthodox relations, The Carmelites and Antiquity: Mendicants and their Pasts in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 2002), and Crusading and the Crusader States. New edn (London, 2017). Latin and Greek Orthodox Monasticism in the Crusader States, co-authored with Bernard Hamilton, is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.
Notes
1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: BAV: Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; BHG: F. Halkin, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca. 3 vols. (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1957); BMFD: John. P. Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero, eds., Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents. 5 vols. (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2000); CCCM: Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis; CCSL: Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; CSCO: Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; CSEL: Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum; MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; RHC Or: Recueil des historiens des croisades: historiens orientaux. 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1872‒1906); SS: Scriptores.
Christodoulos, Rule, Testament and Codicil of Christodoulos for the Monastery of St John the Theologian on Patmos, trans. Patricia Karlin-Hayter, no. 24 in BMFD, 2: 586 (A17).
2 ‘Rule of Neilos’, in Foundation Rules of Medieval Cypriot Monasteries: Makhairas and St Neophytos, trans. Nicholas Coureas. Cyprus Research Centre Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus 46 (Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2003), 77 (XXXVI).
3 John Cassian, Institutes, ed. M. Petschenig. CSEL 17 (Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 1888), 38–9 (III.4.3); Joseph Patrich, Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism: A Comparative Study in Eastern Monasticism, Fourth to Seventh Centuries (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1995), 231; Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: the Origins of the Divine Office and its Meaning for Today (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1986), 78; see also W.K. Lowther Clarke, trans., The Lausiac History of Palladius (London: Macmillan, 1918), 143 (XLIII).
4 Arthur Vöobus, ed. and trans., The Canons Ascribed to Maruta of Maipherqat and Related Sources. CSCO 191 (Louvain: Peeters, 1982), 20–3 (XCVIII); Andrew Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier: The Early History of Tur ‘Abdin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 82; Arthur Vöobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, vol. 2, Early Monasticism in Mesopotamia and Syria. CSCO 197 (Louvain: Peeters, 1960), 157–8.
5 Theodorus Petraeus, Vita sancti Theodosii, ed. H. Usener (Leipzig: n.p., 1890), 45 (XVIII).
6 Robert Taft, Beyond East and West: Problems of Liturgical Understanding (Washington, DC: Pastoral Press, 1984), 61–5; A. Franceschini and R. Weber, eds., Itinerarium Egeriae. CCSL 175 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1958), 67–71 (XXIV.1–XXV); E. Dekkers, ‘Les anciens moines cultivaient-ils la liturgie?’, La Maison-Dieu 51 (1957): 41, suggests that the Eucharist was celebrated less often in monasteries than by laity in parishes; Paula’s nuns at Bethlehem, for example, appear to have partaken of the Eucharist only on Sundays, since of course they had to go to a church where an ordained priest was celebrating: Jerome, Lettres, vol. 5, ed. V. Labourt (Paris: Société d’édition les Belles lettres, 1955), 165–6 (CVIII.20).
7 Patrich, Sabas, 246–9, and, in general, Taft, Liturgy of the Hours, 57–92. Taft describes the Palestinian monastic cursus as a ‘mixed tradition’, 79.
8 Stig Symeon Ragnvald Frøyshov, ‘The Early Development of the Liturgical Eight-Mode System in Jerusalem’, St Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 51, nos. 2–3 (2007): 139–78.
9 Christian Hannick, ‘Hymnographie et hymnographes sabaites’, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the Fifth Century to the Present, ed. Joseph Patrich. Orientalia Lovanensia analecta 98 (Leuven: Peeters, 2001), 217–28; Marie-France Auzépy, ‘De la Palestine à Constantinople (VIIIe–IXe siècles): Étienne le Sabaïte et Jean Damascène’, Travaux et Mémoires 12 (1994): 183–218.
10 Stefano Parenti, ‘The Cathedral Rite of Constantinople: Evolution of a Local Tradition’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 77 (2011): 449–69; Alexander Lingas, ‘How Musical was the Sung Office? Some Observations on the Ethos of the Byzantine Cathedral Rite’, in The Traditions of Orthodox Music: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, University of Joensuu, Finland 13–19 June 2005, eds. I. Moody and M. Takala-Rozsczenko (Joensuu: University of Joensuu and International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2007), 217–34. Daniel Galadza, ‘Sources for the Study of Liturgy in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem (638–1187 CE)’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 67 (2013): 75–94, and his essay in this special issue, ‘Greek Liturgy in Crusader Jerusalem: Witnesses of Liturgical Life at the Holy Sepulchre and St Sabas Lavra’, Journal of Medieval History 43, no. 4 (2017): 421–437, challenge the arguments of Miguel Arranz, S.J., ‘Les grandes étapes de la liturgie byzantine: Palestine‒Byzance‒Russie. Essai d’aperçu historique’, in Liturgie de l’église particulière et liturgie de l’église universelle. Bibliotheca Ephemerides liturgicae, Subsidia 7 (Rome: Edizioni Liturgiche, 1976), 43–72, who largely followed the work of Alexei Dmitriesvkii at the beginning of the twentieth century.
11 Irenée Doens, ‘Nicon de la Montagne Noire’, Byzantion 24 (1954): 131–40. The Typika are Black Mountain: Regulations of Nikon of the Black Mountain, trans. Robert Allison, no. 20 in BMFD, 1: 377–424, and Roidion: Typikon of Nikon of the Black Mountain for the Monastery and Hospital of the Mother of God Tou Roidiou, trans. Robert Allison, no. 21 in BMFD, 1: 425–39.
12 Black Mountain, in BMFD, 1: 386 (IX‒X). It should be borne in mind that the Typikon for the Black Mountain probably represents an ideal template, and it is difficult to be certain how far these practices were observed consistently.
13 Black Mountain, in BMFD, 1: 391 (XXIII). For the most recent research on the liturgical Typikon of St Sabas, see Galadza, ‘Greek Liturgy in Crusader Jerusalem’.
14 BAV, MS Vat. gr. 76, f. 114.
15 Black Mountain, in BMFD, 1: 377–8.
16 Christodoulos, in BMFD 2: 587 (A17).
17 Christodoulos, in BMFD, 2: 587 (A17): in other words, as sung by monks of Jerusalem or St Sabas.
18 ‘Rule of Neilos’, 76 (XXXIII).
19 Dmitri Tsougarakis, ed. and trans., Life of Leontios Patriarch of Jerusalem. The Medieval Mediterranean 2 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 56–60 (XXII–XXV).
20 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae, in Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs Verlag, 1939), 113 (XXVIII).
21 Patrich, Sabas, 234–8.
22 John Thomas, ‘The Imprint of Sabaitic Monasticism on Byzantine Monastic Typika’, in Sabaite Heritage, ed. Patrich, 74, n. 2, following Patrich, Sabas, 273, n. 86, points out that surviving manuscripts of the liturgical Typikon of St Sabas from the thirteenth century onward carry titles that indicate their use by monasteries in Jerusalem in general.
23 BAV, MS Vat. gr. 76, f. 114.
24 Robert Taft, The Byzantine Rite: a Short History (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992), 97.
25 Robert Jordan, trans., Indexes for The Synaxarion of the Monastery of the Theotokos Evergetis. Belfast Byzantine Texts in Translation 6.7 (Belfast: University of Belfast Press, 2007), 2‒20.
26 Cyrille Charon, Histoire des patriarcats melkites (Alexandrie, Antioche, Jérusalem) depuis le schisme monophysite du sixième siècle jusqu’au nos jours. 3 vols. (Rome: Impr. du Sénat, 1910–11), 3: 142–3, largely supported by Christian Cannuyer, ‘Langues usuelles et liturgiques des melkites au XIIIe siècle’, Oriens Christianus 70 (1986): 110–17; but see now J. Nasrallah, ‘La liturgie des patriarcats melchites de 969 à 1300’, Oriens Christianus 71 (1987): 156–81.
27 Johannes Pahlitzsch, Graeci und Suriani im Palästina der Kreuzfahrerzeit. Beiträge und Quellen zur Geschichte des griechisch-orthodoxen Patriarchats von Jerusalem. Berliner historische Studien. Ordensstudien 15 (Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt, 2001), 330–58, for a provisional list.
28 Annemarie Weyl Carr, ‘A Group of Provincial Manuscripts from the Twelfth Century’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 40 (1982): 39–82; eadem, Byzantine Illumination 1150–1250: the Study of a Provincial Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
29 George Galvaris, The Illustrations of the Prefaces in Byzantine Gospels (Vienna: Verlag des Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979), 59, 140.
30 Explored briefly in Andrew Jotischky, ‘Greek Orthodox and Latin Monasticism around Mar Saba under Crusader Rule’, in Sabaite Heritage, ed. Patrich, 85–96.
31 Franceschini and Weber, eds., Itinerarium Egeriae, 69–70 (XXIV.8–12).
32 E.D. Hunt, ‘The Itinerary of Egeria: Reliving the Bible in Fourth-Century Palestine’, in The Holy Land, Holy Lands and Christian History, ed. R.N. Swanson. Studies in Church History 36 (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2000), 44–5.
33 A. Baumstark, ‘Die Heiligtümer des byzantinischen Jerusalem nach einer übersehenen Urkunde’, Oriens Christianus 5 (1905): 227–89, discusses some of the problems inherent in determining the exact location of the Spoudaion monastery. Adomnan, De locis sanctis, ed. L. Bieler. CCSL 175 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1965), 190 (I.4), located the monastery to the south-east of the Anastasis, and this appears to be followed by Saewulf, Peregrinationes tres, ed. R.B.C Huygens. CCCM 139 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), 67, who says that St Mary the Latin was built on the site of the Spoudaion community. If this is correct, then the monks must have moved elsewhere by the later eleventh century, since the community was certainly still active at this time.
34 Baumstark, ‘Die Heiligtümer’, 259–60.
35 See Galadza, ‘Greek Liturgy in Crusader Jerusalem’, for discussion of the manuscript.
36 For an edition of the typikon, Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘I. Τυπικὸν τῆς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐκκλησίας’, in Ἀνάλεκτα Ἱεροσολυμητικῆς Σταχυολογίας. 5 vols. (St Petersburg: Kirschbaum, 1891‒8), 2: 116–62.
37 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘Τυπικὸν τῆς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐκκλησίας’, 116–47, 161–2.
38 W.F. Ryan, trans., ‘Daniel the Abbot’, in Jerusalem Pilgrimage 1099–1185, ed. John Wilkinson (London: Hakluyt Society, 1988), 167–8.
39 The translator renders this sentence with reference only to men, but from the rest of the passage, as indeed from other accounts of the ritual, it is obvious that the crowds of laity included both sexes.
40 The latter is proposed by Christopher MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East: Rough Tolerance (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 2008), 120–1. It is an ingenious solution, but if this were the case, it is difficult to understand how they could have been soaked by rain, as Daniel asserts.
41 ‘Daniel the Abbot’, 168. The liturgy of 1122 specifies that Vespers began at the ninth hour, Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘Τυπικὸν τῆς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐκκλησίας’, 162–89.
42 Elsewhere Daniel describes the tomb as ‘like a little cave cut into the rock, with small doors so that men can enter stooping on their knees for it is low and round, four cubits in length and breadth’. One did not need to enter the tomb to see the shelf on which the body of Jesus had lain, for this was accessible to view from three windows cut into the tomb wall, ‘Daniel the Abbot’, 128–9. Daniel uses the term ‘bishop’ rather than patriarch. He may mean that the presiding cleric was a (Latin) bishop rather than the patriarch, since the Latin patriarch, Evremar of Chocques, may have been in Rome at this time: Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States: the Secular Church (London: Variorum Publications, 1980), 56–7. But in any case Daniel would have recognised as patriarch the Orthodox incumbent rather than a Latin prelate.
43 ‘Daniel the Abbot’, 170.
44 Martin Biddle, The Tomb of Christ (Stroud: Sutton, 1999), 70–1.
45 Robert Ousterhout, ‘Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48 (1989): 66–78.
46 D. Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: a corpus. 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993‒2009), 3: 13.
47 ‘Daniel the Abbot’, 131.
48 Jaroslav Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 178, 203.
49 Folda, Art of the Crusaders, 202, 204. Folda argues that the alignment of the new church is with the rotunda of the Anastasis, and thus with the eleventh-century Byzantine church, rather than with the work on the canons’ cloister in c.1114–20.
50 ‘Daniel the Abbot’, 169. Biddle, Tomb of Christ, 77, suggests that the rotunda was re-roofed in the 1020s, but the account by Richard of Saint-Vannes leaves no doubt that the Holy Fire ritual took place in the open air, Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, in Chronica et annales aevi Salici, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz. MGH, SS in folio 8 (Hanover: MGH, 1848), 394–6 (II.21).
51 Andrew Jotischky, ‘The Christians of Jerusalem, the Holy Sepulchre and the Origins of the First Crusade’, Crusades 9 (2008): 43–4.
52 See for example Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, 394–6 (II.21).
53 Theoderic, Libellus de locis sanctis, in Peregrinationes tres, ed. Huygens, 152 (VII). Was the kind of large-scale procession that incorporated the Mount of Olives and Mount Sion as well as shrines around the Anastasis impossible under pre-crusader Muslim rule? Probably not; certainly the Fatimids made no sustained difficulty about permitting processions on Christian feasts before 1009; even the evidence for intimidation against pilgrims engaging in such rituals provided by, for example, Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, 394–6 (II.21), implies that the processions did take place.
54 F.E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896), 54; Theodosios, De situ terrae sanctae, in Itinera Hierosolymitana saecvli IIII-VIII, ed. P. Geyer. CSEL 175 (Vienna: F. Tempsky, 1898), 118 (VII); Antonini Placentini Itinerarium, in Itinera Hierosolymitana saecvli IIII-VIII, ed. Geyer, 140–1 (XXII). The eighth-century pilgrimage account of Willibald suggests that before Christmas pilgrims went from Mount Sion to the porch of Solomon, Vitae Willibaldi et Wynnebaldi auctore sanctimoniali Heidenheimensis, in Scriptores: Supplementa tomorum I‒XII, pars III. Supplementum tomi XIII, ed. O. Holder-Egger. MGH, SS in folio, 15 part 1 (Hanover: MGH, 1887), 97 (XIX).
55 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘Τυπικὸν τῆς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐκκλησίας’, 1–28, 52–66, 108–16.
56 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, MS 477, ff. 77–9, and Barletta, Archivio della chiesa del Santo Sepolcro, unnumbered manuscript. See C. Kohler, ‘Un rituel et un bréviaire du Saint-Sépulcre’, Revue de l’Orient Latin 8 (1900–1): 431; Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem. A Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 61–2.
57 For a summary of the situation, see Andrew Jotischky, ‘The Fate of the Orthodox Church in Jerusalem at the End of the Twelfth Century’, in Patterns of the Past, Prospects for the Future: The Christian Heritage of the Holy Land, eds. T. Hummel, K. Hintlian and U. Carmesund (London: Melisende, 1999), 179–94. Ralph-Johannes Lilie, Byzanz und der Kreuzfahrerstaaten (Munich: Fink, 1981), 237, says that Saladin handed over churches in conquered territories to the Greeks, but it is not clear whether he means to the local Greek Orthodox Church or the Byzantine emperor.
58 As confirmed both by Arabic and Latin sources: D.S. Richards, trans., The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin by Baha’ ad-Din Ibn Shaddad. Crusade Texts in Translation 7 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2001), 334–5 (CXLVII); Benedict of Peterborough, Gesta regis Henrici secundi et Ricardi, ed. W. Stubbs. Rolls Series 49. 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1867), 2: 52; Ralph Diceto, Ymagines historiarum, ed. W. Stubbs. Rolls Series 68. 2 vols. (London: Longman & Co, 1876), 2: 58–9.
59 Abu Shama, Book of the Two Gardens, in RHC Or, 4: 321–2.
60 Abu Shama, Book of the Two Gardens, in RHC Or, 4: 340.
61 For two examples, Tsougarakis, ed., Life of Leontios, 136–7 (LXXXVII), and E. Blochet, ‘Histoire d’Egypte de Makrisi’, Revue de l’Orient Latin 9 (1902): 29–30.
62 Johannes Pahlitzsch, ‘Athanasios II, a Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem (c.1231–1244)’, in Autour de la première croisade, ed. Michel Balard. Byzantina Sorboniensa 14 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1996), 465–74.
63 Richard Janin, ‘Les Georgiens à Jérusalem’, Echos d’Orient 16, no. 98 (1913): 34.
64 Kaspar Elm, ‘La custodia di Terra Santa. Franziskanisches Ordensleben in der Tradition der Lateinischen Kirche Palästinas’, in I francescani nel trecento. Atti del XIV convegno internazionale, Assisi, 16‒17‒18 ottobre 1986 (Assisi: Università degli Studi di Perugia, 1988), 127–66, especially 144–51. The Franciscans ‘hosted’ Western pilgrims to Jerusalem: see ‘Nobili pellegrini tedeschi in Terra Santa, c.1342’, in Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’Oriente francescano, ed. Girolamo Golubovich. 5 vols. (Florence: Quaracchi Presso Firenze, 1906–27), 2: 148; see now Andrew Jotischky, ‘The Franciscan Return to the Holy Land (1333) and Mt Sion: Pilgrimage and the Apostolic Mission’, in Crusader Worlds, ed. Adrian Boas (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015), 241–328.
65 James of Verona, Liber peregrinationis, ed. R. Röhricht, in Revue de l’Orient Latin 3 (1895): 186 (II), attests to the permanent presence of Greek monks at the tomb of Christ; 190–2 (II) for Nubian, Indian, Georgian and Armenian monks in the Holy Sepulchre; 217–19 (V) for an account of celebration of the Feast of the Assumption by different Christian traditions at Bethlehem; also Niccolò da Poggibonsi, Libro d’Oltramare, ed. Bellarmino Bagatti (Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1945), 27–9, 85 (XXXIV–XXXVI, LXXXV).
66 Pahlitzsch, Graeci und Suriani im Palästina, 89–101.