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ABSTRACT
An extraordinary reform of Jerusalem’s liturgy took place under the patriarchate of Fulcher of Angoulême (1146–57). The refocusing of Jerusalem’s rite positioned the commemoration of Easter as its central theological theme. This was effected to a level unparalleled in the liturgical traditions of the West. However, rubrics from extant twelfth-century liturgical books from Jerusalem further reveal how this reform was made to coincide with the 1149 rededication of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and the 50-year celebration of the capture of Jerusalem. From this newly discovered perspective, this study argues that liturgy, through its active rewriting, formed an integral part of a hitherto unexplored religious programme carried out by Patriarch Fulcher. Liturgy, alongside architecture and civic festivities, was used as a central tool to reshape the devotional identity of Jerusalem and the Latin East.
Note on contributor
Sebastián Salvadó received his Ph.D. from Stanford University in 2011. He is currently an independent researcher based in Rome. He was a postdoctoral research fellow at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim (NTNU) (2011‒14), a research fellow at the Norwegian Institute in Rome (2014‒15), and visiting research fellow at NTNU (2015‒16). His research interests include the art and liturgy of the Knights Templar, the liturgy and chant of Aragon-Catalonia, and the liturgy of post-Norman Conquest England.
Notes
1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: AH: Guido Maria Dreves and Clemens Blume, eds., Analecta hymnica medii aevi. 55 vols. (Leipzig: Fue’s Verlag, R. Reisland, 1886–1922); BL: London, British Library; BnF: Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France; Dondi, Liturgy: Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: a Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004); Kohler, ‘Un rituel’: Charles Kohler, ‘Un rituel et un breviaire du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem (XIIe–XIIIe siècle)’, Revue de l’Orient Latin 8 (1900‒1): 383–469; PL: Patrologia cursus completus series Latina; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’: Sebastián Salvadó, ‘The Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite: Edition and Analysis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Study of the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., MS Latin 10478)’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2011).
See John F. Romano, Liturgy and Society in Early Medieval Rome (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), 3–6; M. Cecilia Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons: Liturgy and the Making of Crusade Ideology (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017), 9–10.
2 Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’. I am currently undertaking a critical edition of the twelfth-century Jerusalem ordinal (Spicilegium Friburgense – Academic Press Fribourg). For studies on the liturgy of Jerusalem, see Iris Shagrir, ‘Adventus in Jerusalem: the Palm Sunday Celebration in Latin Jerusalem’, Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015): 1–20; eadem, ‘The Visitatio Sepulchri in the Latin Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’, Al-Masāq 22, no. 1 (2010): 57–77; Andrew Jotischky, ‘Holy Fire and Holy Sepulchre: Ritual and Space in Jerusalem from the Ninth to the Fourteenth Centuries’, in Ritual and Space in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the 2009 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Frances Andrews (Donington: Shaun Tyas, 2011), 44–60; Dondi, Liturgy.
3 Sacramentary, Rome, Bib. Angelica, MS 477, and Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS McClean 49; sacramentary, BnF, MS lat. 12056; psalter, BL, MS Egerton 1139; ordinal, Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Barberini lat. 659; missal, Naples, Biblioteca nazionale, MS VI. G. 11; breviary, Lucca, Biblioteca arcivescovile, MS 5. For descriptions, see Dondi, Liturgy, 61–75, 146–90; Salvadó, ‘Holy Sepulchre’, 44–52.
4 Only a handful of fragmentary transcriptions of the Latin East’s liturgy are currently published. These are mainly from the nineteenth and early twentieth century: Giuseppe-Maria Giovene, ed., Kalendaria vetera mss. aliaque monumenta ecclesiarum Apuliae et Iapygiae (Naples: Ex typographia vid. Realis et filiorum, 1828), 1–68; Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 382–500; G. Wessels, ‘Excerpta historiae ordinis. Ritus ordinis B. V. Mariae de Monte Carmelo, II. Antiquus ritus ecclesiae S. Sepulchri’, Analecta Ordinis Carmelitarum 1 (1901): 95–381; Sabino de Sandoli, Itinera Hierosolymitana crucisignatorum, vol. 4, Tempore regni Latini extremo: 1245–1291 (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1984); see Shagrir, ‘Vistatio Sepulcri’, 58–9.
5 Ordinals start to be written in the early twelfth century: see Eric Palazzo, A History of Liturgical Books from the Beginning to the Thirteenth Century, trans. Madeleine Beaumont (Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 221–9.
6 Sebastián Salvadó, ‘Templar Liturgy and Devotion in the Crown of Aragon’, in On the Margins of Crusading: the Military Orders, the Papacy and the Christian World, ed. Helen J. Nicholson (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 31–44; Salvadó, ‘Holy Sepulchre’, 260–358.
7 Barletta, Arch. della Chiesa del Santo Sepolcro, unnumbered manuscript, hereafter the ‘Barletta manuscript’; see Dondi, Liturgy, 77–9, 195–201. Scholarship mines Kohler’s partial transcriptions to study the history of the clergy, and the architectural and artistic traditions of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: see Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: a Corpus, vol. 3, The City of Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
8 Barletta, ff. 109v–111v; cf. Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 427–30. One should note that the pagination of the Barletta manuscript used by Kohler (and Dondi) is displaced by 10 folios. Where Kohler notes f. 119v, it is f. 109v in the source.
9 The Barberini manuscript in turn contains many rubrics that are not found in the Barletta manuscript.
10 The differences between the Barberini and Barletta manuscripts are addressed in my forthcoming critical edition of the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre. It suffices to note that the Barletta is intended for use in a different liturgical context, and is copied at a very different period to the Barberini manuscript.
11 See n. 3. They are the Angelica-McClean Sacramentary and BnF, MS lat. 12056. The only other manuscript pre-dating the Barberini ordinal is the psalter, BL, MS Egerton 1139. Its contents do not inform the current discussion; the other two sources (missal, Naples, Biblioteca nazionale, MS VI. G. 11; breviary, Lucca, Biblioteca arcivescovile, MS 5) are later. However, as the work of Cara Aspesi shows, further detailed study of their contents needs to be carried out to understand their precise relation to the patriarchate’s rite. C. Aspesi, ‘The libelli of Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile, MS 5: Liturgy from the Siege of Acre?’, in this special issue, Journal of Medieval History 43, no. 4 (2017): 384–402.
12 Dondi’s discussion of this source is not altogether correct: Liturgy, 62–3, 155–61. It suffices to say that Paris 12056 was copied with the help of a ‘Gregorianum-Hadrianum’ sacramentary. See, for example, the rubrics referring to Rome, e.g. Easter’s ‘Ad pontem olbi’ procession: Paris 12056, f. 130r; see Jean Deshusse, Le sacramentaire grégorien: ses principales formes d’après les plus anciens manuscrits, vol. 3, Textes complémentaires divers (Fribourg: Éditions universitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1992), 212.
13 Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 454–5.
14 Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 453–9.
15 I would like to thank Cara Aspesi for pointing this passage out from the Barletta. The passage is in a badly preserved portion of the manuscript.
16 This instance is not in the Barletta source.
17 Barberini, f. 54r: [Annunciation of BVM] ‘In III nocturno … Arnulfus patriarcha precepit per obedientiam cantare, Te Deum laudamus et Gloria in excelsis domino et Credo in unum, In laudibus … .’ Cf. Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 410.
18 Barletta, f. 139v: ‘Et sit evenerit in XL et in Adventu, festivitas IX lectiones iuxta novam institutionem domini F[ulcherius] patriarche. Te deum laudamus et Gloria in ex cantatur.’ The Barberini ordinal instead reads: ‘iuxtam novam consuetudinem Te deum … ’: Barberini, f. 17v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 488.
19 ‘Quo miraculo viso patriarcha per gaudio lacrimando incipit, Te deum laudamus duobus maioribus signis pulsantibus. Quo finito: secundum preceptum et voluntatem domini Fulcherii patriarcha ignis celestis et benedictus cereus quoque a diachono cantando hac beneditione benedicatur Exultet iam angelica turba celorum. Post hec: parata processione archicori sint parati vadunt ad fontes cantando letaniam. Quibus benedictis patriarcha baptizat unum infantem, ceterosque decanus. Deinde revertuntur chorum reiterantes brevem letaniam.’ Barberini, f. 74v; Barletta, f. 77r; cf. Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 421–2; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 587.
20 See Thomas Forest Kelly, The Exultet in Southern Italy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Jotischky, ‘Holy Fire’.
21 Barbernini, f. 78r; cf. Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 592.
22 cf. Anscar J. Chupungco, ‘Liturgical Time and Space’, in Handbook for Liturgical Studies, vol. 5, Liturgical Time and Space, ed. Anscar J. Chupungco (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 2000), xxv; idem, ‘Anamnesis and Mimesis in the Celebration of Easter Sunday’, in La celebrazione del triduo pasquale: anamnesis e mimesis, ed. Ildebrando Scicolone. Analecta Liturgica 114, Studia Anselmiana 102 (Rome: Pontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo, 1990), 259–71.
23 ‘Interim collecta elemosina ab electis quibusdam probis hominibus pauperibus ibidem congretatis pro salute vivorum et defunctorum, elemosina predicta a communi populo Iherusalem data sicut Fulcherius patriarcha in capitulo cum suis personis et ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri canonicis iuste et sancte ordinavit et per singulos animos tenendum constituit: unicuique pauperi de pane et vino equaliter distribuitur.’ Barberini, ff. 115v–116r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 652–3. The Barletta source omits entirely this almsgiving ritual and the procession to the cemetery that is recorded in the Barberini ordinal. The liturgy for 2 November appears on f. 126v of the Barletta manuscript.
24 See Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Liturgy and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000–1125 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), 112.
25 Eric Shuler, ‘Almsgiving and the Formation of Early Medieval Societies, A.D. 700–1025’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame, 2010), 111–38.
26 Pringle, Churches, 21.
27 ‘Interim dum hec ita processio celebratur. Secundum institutionem Fulcherii patriarche sacerdos paratus omnibus dominicis turibulo et candelabris precedentibus vadit per officinas scilicet in dormitorio, in refectorio, in cellario, in coquina, et ibi aspersa aqua benedicta, dicit benedictiones qui conveniunt.’ Barberni, f. 93v; Barletta, f. 98r; Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 426–7; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 617.
28 ‘Eodem die dedicatio ecclesie Dominici Sepulchri quam sollempniter celebramus iuxta voluntatem et preceptum domini Fulcherii patriarche.’ Barberini, f. 102r; Barletta, f. 32r; Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 429–30; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 631.
29 Simon John, ‘The Feast of the Liberation of Jerusalem: Remembering and Reconstructing the First Crusade in the Holy City, 1099–1187’, Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015): 409–31; Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 130–64; eadem, ‘The Echoes of Victory: Liturgical and Para-Liturgical Commemorations of the Capture of Jerusalem in the West’, Journal of Medieval History 40 (2014): 237–59; Amnon Linder, ‘“Like Purest Gold Resplendent”: the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Jerusalem’, Crusades 8 (2009): 31–2; Cara Aspesi, ‘The Contribution of the Cantors of the Holy Sepulchre to Crusade History and Frankish Identity’, in Medieval Cantors and Their Craft: Music, Liturgy, and the Shaping of History, 800–1500, eds. Katie Ann-Marie Bugyis, A.B. Kraebel and Margot E. Fassler (York: York Medieval Press, forthcoming).
30 ‘In introitu ecclesie, si dominica fuerit: Ant. Ego sum alpha et omega, et fit statio ante sepulchrum. Vers. Surrexit dominus de hoc.’ Barberini, f. 101v. Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 631. Cantus ID 002589: for the Cantus Database, see http://cantusdatabase.org/ (accessed 23 January 2017). For the Cantus Index, see http://cantusindex.org/ (accessed 23 January 2017). ‘Ego sum alpha et omega primus et novissimus initium et finis qui ante mundi principium et in saeculum saeculi vivo in aeternum manus meae quae vos fecerunt clavis confixae sunt propter vos flagellis caesus sum spinis coronatus sum aquam petii pendens et acetum porrexerunt in escam meam fel dederunt et in latus lancea mortuus et sepultus sum resurrexi vobiscum sum videte quia ego ipse sum et non est deus praeter me alleluia.’
31 ‘Est locus iste sacer sacratus sanguine Christi: / per nostrum sacrare sacro nichil addimus isti. / Sed domus huic sacro circum superaedificata / est quintadecima quintilis luce sacrata / cum reliquis patribus a Fulcherio patriarcha, / cui[us] t[u]n[c] quart[us] pat[r]iarchatus annus / septem septies capta et semel unus ab urbe, / quae simlis erant pur … [lacunae ] / ex ort[u] D[omi]ni numerabantur simul anni / quadraginta novem et undecies centum, / indic[tion]e s … [lacunae ].’ This is a reconstruction and translation of the text by Pringle, in his Churches, 68.
32 Conrad Rudolph, Artistic Change at St Denis: Abbot Suger’s Program and the Early Twelfth-Century Controversy Over Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Clark Maines, ‘Good Works, Social Ties, and the Hope for Salvation: Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis’, in Abbot Suger and Saint Denis, ed. Paula Lieber Geson (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986), 77–94.
33 ‘Incipit breviarium adbreviatum, idest quodam excerptum de pluribus libris, secundum antiquam consuetudinem institutionum ecclesie dominici sepulcri, partim secundum novam [consuetudinem] legendi et canendi in eadem ecclesia, sicuti patres antique et priores predicte ecclesie valde probabiles viri communi assensu, parique voto et bona discretionem simpliciter ordinaverunt, ac nullo contradicente, firmitur tenere et habere pariter decreverit.’ Barberini, f. 26v; Barletta, f. 25r; cf. Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 401–2; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 512. The preface ends with the following sentence in Barberini: ‘Si autem aliquid hic de predictis consuetudinibus quid scriptum non fit defuerit in fine libri huius queratur.’ This sentence is not found in the Barletta manuscript.
34 Palazzo notes, ‘It was an instrument of codification and search for unity among the liturgical traditions proper to a religious family, monastery, cathedral, diocese’: History of Liturgical Books, 223. An important facet helping date the liturgy of Barberini and Barletta are the agreements between different Augustinian communities that are copied into both sources, Kohler discusses how these were in large part all carried out after the 1130s, cf. Kohler, ‘Un rituel’, 433–5.
35 Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States: the Secular Church (London: Variorum, 1980), 75; Geneviève Bresc-Bautier, ed., Le cartulaire du chapitre du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1984), 302 (doc. 153); Eugène de Rozière, ed., Cartulaire de l’église du Saint Sépulcre de Jérusalem, d’après les manuscrits du Vatican (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1849), 136–8 (no. 66).
36 Barberini, ff. 17v, 26v, 40r, 48v–49r, 53v, 57v–58r, 70v, 75v, 78r, 85r, 98r, 98v, 101v, 114r, 117r–117v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 33.
37 Barberini, f. 70v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 583.
38 Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 247–50.
39 Barberini, f. 85r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 604.
40 ‘In octavis Sancti Stephani et Iohannis, et Sanctorum Innocentium, secundum antiquam consuetudinem III lectio, modo secundum novam institutionem lectio IX.’ Barberini, f. 40r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 533.
41 ‘Hoc festum si dominica die evenerit: offitium totum secundum novam institutitonem erit de sanctio Iohanne et Paulo ut in die, secundum uso antiquo: ut subscribitur.’ Barberni, f. 98v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 626.
42 Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 626–30. While both offices take the lesson readings from the same passionary, the nine-lesson office used the liturgy of the common of martyrs, while the new shorter three-lesson office used the proper liturgy for Sts John and Paul.
43 John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century: a Historical Introduction and Guide for Students and Musicians (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 115–18.
44 There are too many liturgical changes effected to discuss here. Full details of the differences are given in my forthcoming critical edition of the rite.
45 Margot E. Fassler, Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth-Century Paris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
46 Angelica-McClean, ff. 192r–193v.
47 Barberini, f. 34r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 524.
48 The processional chant is Descendit de celo [sic, for caelis], Cantus ID 006410. Rubrics mention the performance of a procession, but without specifying where, and note to not make station at any altar. However, processions on Sundays usually went to the sepulchral Aedicule, thus it is safe to assume that the procession went into the rotunda, around the Aedicule and back to the choir. Barberini, f. 34v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 524.
49 Angelica-McClean, ff. 193r–v; Barberini, f. 34v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 525.
50 Barberini, f. 38v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 530.
51 Angelica-McClean, ff. 199r–200v.
52 Monday: Dic nobis quibus. Tuesday: Prome casta concio. Wednesday: Concinat orbis cunctus. Saturday: Jubilans concrepent nunc. Barberini, ff. 124v–125r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 667–8.
53 Thursday: Victime paschali. Friday: Ad sunt enim festa. Barberini, f. 125r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 667–8.
54 i.e. the procession from the choir to the fonts, a practice mimicking Rome and instituted in Jerusalem by Patriarch Fulcher.
55 Barberini, f. 76v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 590.
56 Angelica-McClean, ff. 202r–v.
57 Monday: Resonat sacrata. Wednesday: Eya musa. Thursday: Almiphona [Alma horus]. Barberini, f. 127v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 671–2.
58 Barberini, f.92v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 615.
59 Judea incredula, cur manes adhuc inverecunda?; AH 53: 35.
60 ‘In anno quo commenmoratio ressurecionis dominice evenerit XII kalendas Decembris [20 November] scilicet illa dominica ante Adventum Domini que alii fatiunt de Trinitate, nos autem in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri ob gloriose Resurrectionis eiusdem reverentiam, in ipsa dominica eandem gloriosam sollempnitatem sicut in die Pasche recolimus.’ Barberini, f. 18r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 488. This passage should have been copied onto f. 25r of the Barletta manuscript, but it is omitted.
61 Those others who ‘celebrate the Trinity’ is a clear reference to northern French liturgies which celebrated this feast again before Advent Sunday. It could also be a message to other clerical communities in the Latin East which did not adopt the patriarchate’s practice.
62 Barberini, ff. 18r–26r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 488–512.
63 The liturgy of Advent Sunday is usually preceded in medieval ordinals by a series of rubrics stipulating how the liturgy is to be organised depending on the weekday on which Christmas, and hence Advent Sunday, falls.
64 Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 167–8, Table 4.2. Barberini, f. 23r; Barletta, f. 29v.
65 See James Blasina, ‘Music and Gender in the Medieval Cult of St Katherine of Alexandria, c.1050–1300’ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2015).
66 They do say not to perform a commemoration of St Peter of Alexandria: ‘sancto Petro nulla fit memoria’. Barberini, f. 23r; Barletta, f. 29v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 500.
67 For a discussion of some of the themes of this office, see Sebastián Salvadó, ‘Staging Violence, Suffering, and Orthodoxy in the Chants of the Spanish March’, Plainsong and Medieval Music 23, no. 1 (2014): 51–69.
68 See Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 169.
69 ‘A dominica die qua facimus de Ressurectione ante Adventus Domini, si non invenitur consuetum festum in aliqua dierum ebdomade: queratur quodlibet in martilogio plenario sanctorum, et sic fiat de sanctis usque ad Adventum Domini.’ Barbernini, f. 16v; Barletta, f. 32r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 486.
70 This passage is missing from the Barletta source; it should be on f. 25r but it is omitted.
71 ‘In cappis sericis tercium Resp., et cum cunctis dupplicibus festis cantantur, et omnes lectiones a canonicis leguntur, et dum tercia lectione leguntur, altaria et locus Calvarie et Sepulcrii incensantur et locus preciosi thesauri uno vera crux reponitur, a duobus canonicis presbiteris incensandi. Ita enim consuetudo omnibus dupplicibus festis conservatur et custodiatur.’ Barberini, f. 18v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 489.
72 Barberini, f. 92v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 616.
73 Angelica-McClean, ff. 68v–695; Paris 12056, f. 118r. The Missa de commemoratione salvatoris is an addition, albeit quite early, to the Angelica-McClean liturgy. The Angelica-McClean ‘commemoratio’ represents a slightly different Mass to that given in the Paris 12056 sacramentary.
74 Jounel Pierre notes the following concerning this type of Mass: ‘Au 12e siècle, on voit apparaître en France, spécialement en Normandie et dans le Nord, des messes in memoriam Salvatoris DNIC (Leroquais 1,192), de Salvatore (L 1,238), in commemorationem Salvatoris (L 1,301), in veneratione Domini ac Salvatoris nostri (L 1,350). Mais ces messes ne sont jamais rattachées à un jour fixe (sinon entre le samedi saint et Pâques). Il semble qu’on peut les mettre en relation avec les représentations du Saint-Sépulcre qui se multiplient à l’époque des croisades’: Jounel Pierre, Le culte des saints dans les basiliques du Latran et du Vatican au douzième siècle. Préface de Pierre Toubert (Rome: École française de Rome, 1977), 306.
75 Jotischky, ‘Holy Fire’.
76 For a detailed discussion of this Mass, see Sebastián Salvadó, ‘The Medieval Latin Liturgy of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Ordinal of the Holy Sepulchre (Vat., Bib. Ap. Vat., Barb. lat. 659)’, Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae 22 (2016): 670–2.
77 Barberini, f. 76v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 590.
78 The full text of the sequence is as follows, the quoted passage starting with ‘Dic nobis Maria’: ‘Victimae paschali laudes immolent Christiani. Agnus redemit oves: Christus innocens Patri reconciliavit peccatores. Mors et vita duello conflixere mirando: dux vitae mortuus, regnat vivus. Dic nobis Maria, quid vidisti in via? Sepulcrum Christi viventis, et gloriam vidi resurgentis: Angelicos testes, sudarium, et vestes. Surrexit Christus spes mea: praecedet suos in Galilaeam. Credendum est magis soli Mariae veraci quam Judaeorum turbae fallaci. Scimus Christum surrexisse a mortuis vere: tu nobis, victor Rex, miserere.’ This version is copied from Angelica-McClean, f. 201v; cf. AH 54: 7.
79 It is a poetic adaptation of the passages found in John 20, Luke 24, Mark 16 and Matthew 28.
80 Irish Shagrir is currently exploring the special devotion towards the three Maries at the Holy Sepulchre: ‘The “Holy Women” in the Liturgy and Art of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Twelfth-Century Jerusalem’, in The Bible in Crusader Sources, eds. Elizabeth Lapina and Nicholas Morton (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 455–75. I would like to thank Professor Shagrir for letting me see this article before publication.
81 This mosaic was placed in the rotunda, and would have been destroyed by the Frankish choir that was built subsequently. See Pringle, Churches, 21.
82 Per Jonas Nordhagen, ‘In the Iconographer’s Studio. The Fashioning of New Motif Types in Pre-Iconoclastic Art’, Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia 28, no. 14 (2016): 96–7.
83 A study of the place of this iconography in Western and Byzantine twelfth-century theology might elucidate why the patriarchate chose to emphasise its message so much. See Shagrir, ‘Holy Women’.
84 ‘Resp. Dum transisset sabbatum Maria Magdalena et Maria Jacobi et Salome emerunt aromata ut venientes ungerent Jesum, alleluia, alleluia. Vers. Et valde mane una sabbatorum venerunt ad monumentum orto jam sole et introeuntes in monumentum viderunt juvenem sedentem in dexteris qui dicit illis.’ Barberini, f. 75v; cf. Cantus ID: 006565; cf. Mark, 16:1–8.
85 Barberini, ff. 75v–76r; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 26, 588–9; see Shagrir, ‘Visitatio Sepulcri’.
86 The distinctiveness of this chant in the rite of the Holy Sepulchre is seen in the thirteenth century when other communities of the Latin East rejected this devotional facet in their rite; see Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 260–358.
87 Shagir, ‘Holy Women’, shows how the iconography of the Holy Women was present before Fulcher’s patriarchate.
88 ‘A predictis autem octaviis [Pentecostes] usque ad Adventum Domini, IX lectio de omelia evangelii Maria Magdalene, dominicis diebus legimus et IX Resp. Et valde vel Dum transisset cantabimus nisi occurrerit aliqua festivitas IX lectio.’ Barberini, f. 92v; Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 278, 616.
89 See Sancti Gregorii papae I, cognomento magni, Opera omnia … , vol. 2, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 76 (Paris: Apud Garnier fratres, editores, et J.-P. Migne successores, 1878), col. 1169.
90 Barberini, f. 75v. Salvadó, ‘Holy Sepulchre’, 588.
91 Cantus ID: 006676: ‘Et valde mane una sabbatorum veniunt ad monumentum orto jam sole alleluia. Verse. Maria Magdalena et Maria Jacobi et Salome emerunt aromata ut venientes ungerent Jesum.’
92 See Cara Aspesi, ‘The libelli of Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile, MS 5: Liturgy from the Siege of Acre?’ in this special issue 384–402. For a study of the entire manuscript, including its early twelfth-century breviary, see Cara Aspesi, ‘Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile MS 5: a Window onto Liturgy and Life in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame, 2017).
93 For the intellectual tradition of the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre, see Sebastián Salvadó, ‘The Augustinian Reform, the Panormia Glosses, and Reading the Bible in the Medieval Latin Liturgy of Jerusalem’, Revue d’Études Augustiniennes et Patristiques 62 (2016): 27‒55.
94 An aspect not presently considered at length is how these liturgical texts interact with the many and varied processions that clergy undertook throughout the year. For a description of all the processions see, Salvadó, ‘Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre’, 218–59; idem, ‘Medieval Latin Liturgy’, 651–86.