Election observation in Nigeria & Madagascar: diplomatic vs. technocratic bias

Abstract

International election observation has become a valuable means of supporting African democratic polity. Notably, EU observer missions adopting a professional approach are meant to shield against political pressures from partisan stakeholder interests. However, this growing professionalism did not necessarily lead to less biased observation results. Available evidence suggests that in crucial cases, the origin and orientation of the bias changed from ‘diplomatic’ to ‘technocratic’. The latter can be as least as damaging to the declared aims of election observation as the former. Two outstanding examples, the observation of transitional elections in Nigeria and Madagascar, will serve to illustrate this hypothesis and its consequences for the necessary reorientation of election observation methodology.

Notes

My thanks for valuable suggestions and clarifications go to Matthias Basedau, Jürgen Gräbener, Christof Hartmann, Heinz Jockers, Richard Marcus, Ralph Peters, Solofo Randrianja, and last but not least, to two anonymous referees of ROAPE who commented early drafts of the article. The views represented in this paper and any faults that accompany them, are, of course, my own.

In the following the term ‘founding’ elections embraces both ‘reconciliatory’ and ‘transitional’elections (cf. Douglas, 1998:472); this definition is broader and more adapted to African conditions of ‘politics of the belly’ (Bayart) than that of Bratton and van de Walle (1997:196) who defined founding elections as elections in which ‘the office of head of government was openly contested following a period during which multiparty politics had been denied.’

Concerning outstanding examples of misguided approaches of ‘technical assistance’ cf. thedebate about the ‘training and visit’ approach of the extension service as driving belt of the ‘Green revolution’ in Africa, or the critique of the ‘logical framework’ and similar target orientated planning methods (ZOPP), propagated during the 1980s and early 1990s by German technical assistance (GTZ) and other major donors. Both are examples of approaches of development assistance with insufficient regard to the socio-cultural dimension and the neglect of indigenous knowledge (cf. Kohnert, Preuss & Sauer,1992; Kohnert & Weber, 1991; Kohnert, 1994).

The informal Toblerone group, i.e. diplomats, accredited in the Malagasy capital, who were infavour of a transition, and met regularly during the period of crisis at the Swiss embassy (cf. ROI Madagascar, 15-16 October 2002).

According to the Malagasy constitution (Article 77) the Senate is composed as follows: two-thirds of members elected from the different provinces (at the time of election in 2001 still under the Ratsiraka regime) and one-third of members nominated by the head of state. Up to 2002 both groups were overwhelmingly pro-Ratsiraka. In between Ravalomanana replaced the 30 nominated members by his own followers, including Rajemison, a right hand of Ravalomanana, as president of the senate (cf. Joël Ralaivaohita: ‘Le Sénat: une Chambre de trop?’, madonline, 22 January 2003).

cf. The EU's Human rights & Democratisation Policy, http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/human_rights/eu_election_ass_observ/index.htm, 10 June 2003. The linkage between democracy and development is not as straight as indicated in this quotation, but space does not permit to elaborate this point further (cf. Engel et al. 1996).

A Ghanaian saying, quoted by Douglas (1998:492), puts it in a similar vein: ‘A stranger to a placehas big eyes but cannot see’.

For some STOs it took up to four days of cumbersome journey (back and forth), including some14 hours' drive on difficult tracks up to midnight, as the rainy season began, to reach their destination. In short, observers missed important issues of the final pre-electoral phase as well as the election itself.

‘Une analyse strictement légaliste de la situation ferait abstraction de réalités qu’on ne peutignorer et limiterait la recherche de solutions. Aujourd’hui le problème n’est plus seulement juridique, il est surtout politique’ (cf. CNOE 2002).

Vazaha, is the Malagasy designation for white people, or any outsider – black or white – who has a comportment similar to the former (French) colonialists.

The request (HCC file No. 10/03: ‘Houssen Ibrahim, Bavy Lucienne. Annulation des résultatsdans les 14 bv de la commune de Milanoa, Vohémar’) was filed under the heading ‘Requêtes irrecevable (car produites en un seul exemplaires)’ www.simicro.mg/hcc/legislatives/legAR0103.htm, 3 March 2003. In view of the local socio-cultural setting in which the candidate was embedded, this decision was certainly not an indicator of the impartiality of the HCC. In his declaration of 11 January 2003, on the final results of the legislative election, the HCC cancelled the election of just four parliamentarians, the one of Vohemar was not included. According to the list of all officially confirmed parliamentarians elected on 15 December 2002, their constituency and party affiliation, published on the website of the HCC: www.simicro.mg/hcc/legislatives/Faritany2/leg209a.htm, 3 March 2003, the TIM candidate, Auguste Ramaromisy, had finally succeeded in winning the election in Vohemar.

For some results of the 2002 election, see the website of the Interior Ministry in Antananarive,www.legislatives.mg, 3 March 2003. According to the preliminary results the presidential party TIM gained 102, and its allies of the National Alliance, the AVI gained 24, and the RPSD 6 seats; AREMA won just three seats. Although this startling victory was partially due to the voting system (candidates were elected on a ‘first-past-the-post’ basis in a single-round election in the constituencies in which there was only one seat to be filled and by proportional representation from lists in constituencies with several seats to fill (Art. 66; http://www.etat.sciencespobordeaux.fr/, 6 October 2003). Although nationwide the candidates of the mouvance présidentielle failed to reach the 50 per cent barrier, the great majority of voters undoubtedly voted for a change (cf. Marchés Tropicaux, 03.01.03:28).

The HCC decided on 10 January 2003 re-elections in four constituencies: Maintirano, Benenitra,Ihosy, and Beloha, on 9 March 2003 (arrêt n° 01/HCC/AR ; MIDI-Madagascar, 23 January 2003); www.legislative.mg (website extinct).