The End of Democracy? Curtailing Political and Civil Rights in Ethiopia

Abstract

This article assesses political developments in Ethiopia after its 2005 federal and regional watershed elections. Although an unprecedented liberalisation took place ahead of the contested and controversial 2005 polls, a crack-down occurred in the wake of the elections, when the opposition was neutralised. Subsequently, the government rolled out a deliberate plan to prevent any future large-scale protest against their grip on power by establishing an elaborate administrative structure of control, developing new legislative instruments of suppression and, finally, curbing any electoral opposition as seen in the conduct of the 2008 local elections. As a result, Ethiopia has by 2008 returned firmly into the camp of authoritarian regimes.

Notes

A parallel process of dissent against President Issaias Afwerki from within the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front also came to the fore after the war (Plaut 2002).

AEUP was the largest party in the CUD, and the AEUP leader Hailu Shawel was also the chairman of the entire coalition. The AEUP party programme stated that: ‘It is the conspiracy between our foreign enemies and the banda [Ethiopian collaborator who allied with the enemies] to divide the country by highlighting differences. In this instance of ‘divide and rule’ the Amhara became the target of the blame. Thus, in order to struggle against these anti-unity and anti-democracy elements AAPO was established in 1984 Ethiopian calendar and later, in 1994, it became AEUP'. All Ethiopian Unity Party: Party Program, Unofficial English version, Addis Ababa, July 1995 Ethiopian calendar (2003).

An underlying factor which contributed to EPRDF's accusation against the opposition for sowing ethnic hatred is the existence of popular sentiments against the dominant ethnic group of the ruling party, the Tigrayans of the TPLF. The origin of such sentiments comes from the fact that the top Ethiopian political leadership is widely considered as representing only a small minority of the country's population, the Tigray people. Through the dominant position of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in the EPRDF-coalition, the Tigray region is perceived as privileged in the current federal system (notwithstanding the reality on the ground of extreme poverty and agricultural soil deprivation) and Tigrayans are alleged to have many of the most central positions in the country's political and economic life.

In contrast, the previous rules of the parliament required signatures from only 20 MPs to propose an agenda (Reporter, Amharic version, 30 October 30). The Speaker of the House was also empowered with the right to order MPs to keep quiet or leave the parliament if ‘dishonest’ comments were made, and to impose punishment for improper conduct by barring the MP's salary payment (The House of Peoples' Representatives Regulation No. 2/2005 The House of Peoples' Representatives of the FDRE Working Procedures and Code of Conduct (Amendment)).

The belief in the incumbent's victory in the upcoming elections was confirmed by EPRDF members at various levels of the party ahead of the polls (interviews in Addis Ababa and Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples regional State, February and March 2005). Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was quoting an Amharic proverb to illustrate the ruling party's calculation with the 2005 polls: ‘If you tie a hen with a long rope, she may think that she is released’. This demonstrates that the ruling party was enlarging the space of action for the opposition, but was still intending to keep them within the line of control.

No exact numbers of detainees were made available by the government. Some sources have reported that more than 20,000 were detained in one camp only (Dedesa in Oromia, cf. Sub-Saharan Informer, 18 November 2005). It is estimated that between 20–40,000 people were detained for shorter or longer periods.

These are Amharic words. In Afaan Oromo, the equivalent words are goks, gare and shanee. Every got includes around 90 households, compared to the kebele which includes around 500 to 2,000, while the mengistawi budin includes 30 to 40 households and the lemmat- budin controls from five to 10 households.

The sub-kebele structures were reportedly invented by the TPLF and established in Tigray during the struggle against the Derg (Young 1997). Since the fall of the Derg, the system has evolved gradually throughout the country, first to Amhara region and then to Oromoyia and Southern Region (SNNPRS). Some reports indicate that it was established in Amhara region as early as the mid-1990s while others claim that the system is only five years old there. In Oromia and SNNPRS, the system is claimed to be from one to three years old.

In the aftermath of the 2005 elections, nine papers have been officially suspended (Asqual, Menilk, Satenaw, Ethiop, Abay, Addis Zena, Nesanet, Hadar, and Tsegereda); seven papers have been forced to close down operations due to the rise of printing/paper costs (Mezenagna, Dageme Wonchief, Mechachale, Tomar, Tukusat, Seyefenebelbal, Mogede). The board of the private paper Tobya decided to close down production themselves, due to the ‘unhealthy working environment of journalists’. Moreover, the foreign media was also under scrutiny by the government, and in the third week of January 2006, the Associated Press/IRIN news correspondent to Ethiopia was expelled with 24 hours notice, accused of being biased in his reporting.

Proclamation No. 199/2000: ‘Federal Courts Advocate Licensing and Registration Proclamation’, Art. 20.1.b and 23.1.b. The Bar Association also has one member of the Ministry's ‘advocacy entrance exam setting and competence certifying board’.

The draft was launched in May 2008, but has not yet been ratified. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi invited major Ethiopian NGOs to a hearing on the draft, but explicitly said that the main content of the law would not be changed, despite domestic and international opposition to it (interview with representative of Ethiopian NGOs, taking part in the meeting with the PM, Addis Ababa, June 2008).

This number was given by Haile Mariam Dessalegn, advisor to the Premier and chair of the committee on the local elections in the EPRDF (interviewed by Lovise Aalen, Addis Ababa February 2008).

Press statement by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Addis Ababa, 28 August 2007. Ethiopia and Norway came to an agreement to normalise relations in October 2008. Apparently, in order to gain Ethiopia's acceptance, Norway had to give up on its three former priority sectors in its work towards Ethiopia – human rights, peace and reconciliation, and democracy/good governance – and focus on more conventional development aid instead (agricultural development, electricity/power supplies).

See the letter sent to the DAG by the three party leaders Beyene Petros (UEDF), Temesken Zewdie (CUDP) and Bulcha Demeksa (OFDM), 26 December 2007.