Fake capitalism? The dynamics of neoliberal moral restructuring and pseudo-development: the case of Uganda

Abstract

Uganda is regarded as the African country that has adopted the neoliberal reform package most extensively. Notably, neoliberal reforms have targeted the reshaping not only of the economy but also of the society and culture. The reforms aim to create a ‘market society’, which includes a corresponding set of moral norms and behaviour. Reforms, therefore, have to undermine, overwrite and displace pre-existing non-neoliberal norms, values, orientations and practices among the population; they also have to foster norms, values, orientations and practices that are in line with neoliberal ideology. This article looks at the process of neoliberal moral restructuring in Uganda since 1986. Extensive interviews in Kampala and eastern Uganda reveal that the cultural dimension of rapid neoliberal reform has negatively affected the relationships and trade practices between smallholder farmers and traders in rural markets. Since the onset of liberal economic reforms, face-to-face rural trade practices have been characterised by higher levels of ‘malpractice’ and a change in their form. Neoliberal Uganda is furthermore characterised by a spread of destructive norms and practices in other economic sectors and sections of society that have been ‘modernised’ according to neoliberal prescriptions. Many respondents invoked ideas such as ‘moral degeneration’, ‘moral decay’, a ‘rotten society’ and ‘kiwaani’ (the title of a popular song, used interchangeably with deceit, tricking, or fake to describe behaviours and objects) and were worried about the future of moral norms and business practices in the country. The changes and trends described in this paper seem difficult but not impossible to reverse.

Keywords:

• neoliberalism
• moral economy
• Uganda

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to the interviewees who participated in the research for this article and to my Ugandan co-researchers, Samuel Bbosa, James Nkuubi and Fred Guweddeko. Special thanks to Graham Harrison, James G. Carrier, several colleagues and anonymous referees for very helpful comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this text and/or the overall research work. I also thank all other supporters of the project. All remaining errors are my sole responsibility.

Notes

This paper is an outcome of my PhD research on the post-1986 changes in the relationships and trade practices between farmers and traders and the related moral norms in Uganda; for details see: http://www.shef.ac.uk/politics/research/phd/jwiegratz.html.

This description is owed to Henry Bernstein.

As well as ideas, beliefs, perceptions, valuations, and so on.

Or, responsible/irresponsible, permissible/forbidden, good/bad, right/wrong behaviour.

This point is owed to James G. Carrier.

Economic (and social) risk was, as elsewhere, ‘desocialized, individualized and privatized’ (Dean 2008, p. 30).

Notably, these chains extended beyond Uganda: malpractice was also reported for particular sections of the liberalised international trade (e.g. with the European Union) and regional trade (southern Sudan) (Dow Jones 2007, New Vision 2007, 2009, Wiegratz et al. 2007, Wiegratz 2008, 2009). For example, in the fruit and vegetable sector, malpractice was carried out by both some buyers in Europe and some of the Uganda-based suppliers (Wiegratz et al. 2007). Malpractice by buyers (and suppliers) also affected parts of the foreign trade in agricultural products of some other African countries (Wiegratz 2010: see Freidberg 2003, Fold and Gough 2008, Baglioni 2009).

Paying for a good or service that is never delivered.

Which might also be called façade development, or Potemkin development (suggested by James G. Carrier), after the fake model villages built on Potemkin's orders for Catherine the Great's tours of the Ukraine and the Crimea.

This description is owed to Graham Harrison.