Cultural interfaces of self-determination and the rise of the neo-Biafran movement in Nigeria

Abstract

This article examines the ‘cultural repertoires’ of neo-Biafran separatist Igbo groups in south-eastern Nigeria, pointing to the ways in which cultural repertoires, narratives and emblems are deployed to forge a separatist ethno-political project in a multi-ethnic state. The neo-Biafran movement reveals the robustness of political resistance and the existence of multiple frameworks through which ethno-nationalist groups resist and challenge extant power structures of the state in the quest for self-determination. The article argues that ethnic groups have the capacity to initiate their own ‘cultural repertoires’ in order to construct group identity, identify forms of external identity (the ‘other’) and shore up the boundaries of their own collective group identity. Myths of origin, narratives of the past, images and symbols are rooted in certain cultural repertoires, and are elaborated, interpreted, invented and reinvented to produce political identities that are complex and fluid in the struggle for political power.

[Interfaces culturelles d'autodétermination et montée du mouvement néo-biafrais au Nigeria.] Cet article examine les « répertoires culturels » des groupes igbo séparatistes du néo-Biafra au sud-est du Nigeria, désignant les façons dont les répertoires culturels, récits et symboles sont développés pour forger un projet séparatiste ethno-politique dans un État multiethnique. Le mouvement néo-biafrais prouve la robustesse de la résistance politique et l'existence de multiples cadres au travers desquels les groupes ethno-nationalistes résistent et défient les structures de pouvoir existantes en quête d'auto-détermination. L'article affirme que les groupes ethniques ont la capacité d'initier leurs propres « répertoires culturels » afin de construire une identité de groupe, identifier des formes d'identité extérieure (« l'autre ») et construire les frontières de leur propre identité collective. Mythe des origines, récits du passé, images et symboles sont ancrés dans des répertoires culturels propres et sont élaborés, interprétés, inventés et réinventés pour produire des identités politiques qui sont complexes et fluides dans la lutte pour le pouvoir politique.

Mots-clés : culture ; politique ; auto-détermination ; identité ethnique ; Igbo ; Nigeria

Keywords:

• culture
• politics
• self-determination
• ethnic identity
• Igbo
• Nigeria

Notes

Some of these groups emerged in the early and mid 1990s, and their existence and activities are gleaned from Nigerian newspapers, author's fieldwork and interviews. However, some of these groups have ceased to exist (or are dormant), while others still remain active.

See <http://www.biafraland.com/NewsAnalysis2009/newsanalysis050809.htm>.

The latter category refers to those who experienced the horrors of the war. Personal communications (both formally and informally) with a cross-section of Igbo people above the age of 50 reveal that most are not favourably disposed to the idea of another war or a secessionist attempt. This difference is also reflected in the aggregation of individual expectations within MASSOB itself. For Emmanuel Onyeme, one of MASSOB's Area Administrators in Lagos, ‘the realization of the Biafran dream may not be achieved immediately, but my present engagement with the struggle is meant to ensure that my children will enjoy the fruits of emancipation’ (Personal Communication, Lagos, 26 January 2009, cited in Onuoha 2011). This view contrasts sharply with that of Chuks, a younger member of the MASSOB in Lagos, who asserts that ‘all we want is Biafra and total independence now’ (Personal Communication, Lagos, 19 January 2009, cited in Onuoha 2011).

Chief Goddy Uwazuruike maintained in an interview that the idea of succession resonates with younger generation of Igbo because they did not witness the war (Personal Communication, Lagos, 15 January 2009, cited in Onuoha 2011, 104).

The Nation, 30 September 2008; Daily Punch, 22 September 2008. This can also be gleaned from different narratives of members of the neo-Biafran movement in newspapers and personal interviews.

See the report on the election boycott at: <http://www.biafra.cwis.org/pdf/REPORT%20ON%20ELECTION.pdf>, accessed on 27 February 2009.

Some claim that the 11 rays of sun represents the former 11 provinces of the defunct ‘Republic of Biafra’.

The use of these symbols and items of clothing was observed during my fieldwork, and on various occasions when I met formally and informally with different members of the neo-Biafran movement. For Morris Ogwu, the Area Administrator of MASSOB, who also operates the means of commercial transport in Lagos popularly known as Okada, the significance of always wearing MASSOB clothing is to affirm the existence of Biafra (Personal Communication, Lagos, 15 January 2009).

Depictions of the Igbo as the ‘Jews of Africa’ are amplified by a school of Hamitic historiography which claims that the Igbo are descendants of a migrant Israeli tribe.

These websites include: <www.biafraland.com>; <www.biafranet.com>; <http://magazine.biafranigeriaworld.com>; <www.umuigbousa.org>; <www.kwenu.com>; <http://ekwenche.org>; <http://biafraforum.biafranet.com>; <http://www.bianu.net>; <http://igboforum.igbonet.com>; and <http://wazobia.biafranigeria.com>.