The 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe: The End of an Era

Abstract

The July 31^st 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe ushered in a renewed period of political domination by ZANU(PF) and its President, Robert Mugabe. This election followed five years of a SADC- facilitated Global Political Agreement (GPA), which was put into place after a contested presidential run-off election in June 2008. The recent elections, which once again established ZANU(PF)'s mastery over the country's political domain, were passed as free and peaceful by SADC and the African Union but contested by both Movement for Democratic Change parties and the western countries.While there were clear problems in the process leading to the election, it is also apparent that this was not the only factor that determined ZANU(PF)'S ‘victory’. This article provides an analysis of the multiple factors that contributed to the current conjuncture including the different party strategies under the GPA, changes in Zimbabwe's political economy and interventions at regional and international levels.

Notes

A version of this article was delivered as the Journal of Southern African Studies Annual Lecture in London in October 2013. I am thankful both for the issues which were raised in the discussion on my presentation and to Jocelyn Alexander for her valuable comments and suggestions on the paper.

¹ This introduction and the section on the constitution draw from B. Raftopoulos, ‘Towards another stalemate in Zimbabwe?’, Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), October 2012.

² ZANU(PF) is the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), Zimbabwe's ruling party from 1980 until the advent of the GPA. The MDC is the Movement for Democratic Change, formed in 1999. It split into two formations in 2005, the larger MDC-Tsvangirai or MDC-T, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, and the smaller MDC, led at first by Arthur Mutambara and then by Welshman Ncube.

³ As I have written elsewhere: ‘On the one hand, the MDC, formed in the post-1989 global era of a dominant liberal democratic discourse based its legitimacy on the sovereignty of the electoral process, constitutionalism and a broad human rights foundation. On the other hand, ZANU(PF), although formally adhering to regular elections, based its legitimacy largely on the legacies of the liberation struggle, a highly problematic redistributive land agenda from 2000, and a dominant ethos of force and coercion which characterised most of the electoral processes in the post-colonial period’. B. Raftopoulos, ‘An Overview of the Politics of the Global Political Agreement: National Conflict, Regional Agony, and International Dilemma’, in B. Raftopoulos (ed.), The Hard Road to Reform: The Politics of Zimbabwe's Global Political Agreement (Weaver Press, Harare, 2013), p. 7.

⁴ J. Alexander, ‘Nationalism and Self-Government in Rhodesian Detention: Gonakudzingwa, 1964–1974’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 37, 2 (2011), pp. 551–69.

⁵ I. Mandaza, ‘Movements for National Liberation and Constitutionalism in Southern Africa’, in Issa Shivji (ed.), State and Constitutionalism: An African Debate (SAPES Books, Harare, 1991), pp. 71–90.

⁶ E. McCandless, ‘Zimbabwean Forms of Resistance: Social Movements, Strategic Dilemmas and Transformative Change’ (PhD Thesis, American University, 2005); S. Rich Dorman, ‘Inclusion and Exclusion: NGOs and Politics in Zimbabwe’ (DPhil Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001). See also T. Ranger (ed.), The Historical Dimensions of Democracy and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, Volume Two: Nationalism, Democracy and Human Rights (Harare, University of Zimbabwe Publications, 2001).

⁷Constitution Watch 11/2013, 2 March 2013. Constitution Watch is a bulletin produced by Veritas Zimbabwe, and available online at http://www.veritaszim.net/constitutionwatch

⁸Zimbabwe Human Rights Bulletin, ‘Zimbabwe Resoundingly Votes for a New Constitution’, 19 March 2013.

⁹ Electoral Resource Centre, “ ‘Miracle Votes’– An Analysis of the March 2013 Referendum.” March 2013.

¹⁰Ibid.

¹¹ The report of the SADC Facilitator on the Zimbabwe Inter-Party Political Dialogue, His Excellency, President of the Republic of South Africa, President Jacob Zuma, to the SADC Organ Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, Pretoria, South Africa, 9 March 2013.

¹² Friends of Zimbabwe communiqué, London, 26 March 2013. The delegations to the meeting included: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, the EU, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the USA.

¹³ European Parliament, Director-General for External Policies, ‘Zimbabwe's 2013 general elections: A genuine wind of change?’ DG EXPO/B/Pol Dep/Note/ 2013, 28 May 2013.

¹⁴Ibid.

¹⁵ Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Denmark, DANIDA, ‘Denmark–Zimbabwe Partnership Policy 2013–2015’, March 2013.

¹⁶ International Monetary Fund, ‘IMF Managing Director Approves a Staff Monitored Programme for Zimbabwe’, Press Release No. 13/174, 13 June 2013.

¹⁷ Report of the Delegation of the Development Committee of the European Parliament to Zimbabwe (29 April–3 May 2013), 3 July 2013.

¹⁸ Raftopoulos, ‘An Overview of the Politics of the Global Political Agreement’.

¹⁹ ‘US Seek to Observe Zimbabwe Elections’, The Zimbabwe Mail. Retrieved 8 April 2013 from http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/zimbabwe/16751-us-seek-to-observe-zimbabwe-elections.html.

²⁰ For one of the many discussions of this decision by civic groups in Zimbabwe see D. Matyszak, ‘“Before and After”: Old Wine in New Bottles: The Constitutional Court Ruling on the Election Date’, Research and Advocacy Unit, Harare, 3 June 2013.

²¹ D. Sibanda and E. Mushava, ‘Roadmap Will Decide Polls – Zuma’, News Day, 5 June 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013 from https://www.newsday.co.zw/2013/06/05/roadmap-will-decide-polls-zuma/.

²² ‘Moyo and Mutambara Blasts Zuma’, The Zimbabwe Mail, 6 June 2013. Retrieved 6 June 2013 from http://bepa.co.zw/news/latest/the-zimbabwe-mail/moyo-and-mutambara-blasts-zuma/1dl6b.119272.

²³ Report of the SADC Facilitator, His Excellency, President of the Republic of South Africa, President Jacob Zuma, at the SADC Extra-Ordinary Summit, Maputo, Mozambique, 15 June 2013.

²⁴ Communiqué: SADC Maputo meeting on DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagascar, Maputo, 15 June 2013.

²⁵ ‘Elections: SADC will Respect Court Appeal Ruling’, New Zimbabwe, 17 June 2013. Retrieved 18 June 2013 from www.newzimbabwe.com/news-11438-Elections+SADC+will+respect+appeal+ruling/news.aspx.

²⁶ ‘AU Chief Wades into Election Date Row’, New Zimbabwe, 17 June 2013. Retrieved 17 June 2013 from www.newzimbabwe.com/news-11431-AU+chief+wades+into+election+date+row/news.aspx.

²⁷ International Crisis Group, ‘Zimbabwe's Elections: Mugabe's Last Stand’, Africa Briefing No. 95, Johannesburg/Brussels, 29 July 2013.

²⁸ P. Govender, ‘Zimbabwe Election “Not Looking Good”, South Africa’, Reuters, 18 July 2013. Retrieved 22 July 2013 from http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/07/18/us-zimbabwe-election-idUSBRE96H0S820130718.

²⁹ S. Ngalwa, ‘Zuma's Envoy Shrugs off Bob's Street Slur’, Sunday Times, 7 July 2013.

³⁰ ‘South Africa Regrets Unauthorized Statements on Zimbabwe’, Presidency of the Republic of South Africa, 21 July 2013. Retrieved 21 July 2013 from http://www.thepresidency.gov.za/pebble.asp?relid = 15771.

³¹ D. Moore, ‘Zimbabwe's Democrats: A Luta Perdido - E reinício’, Solidarity Peace Trust, 4 September 2013. Retrieved 11 October 2013 from www.solidaritypeacetrust.org/1330/zimbabwe-democrats-a-luta-perdido-e-reinicio/.

³² Discussion with the author at the MDC-T's NSC Strategic Planning Retreat, Harare, 12 September 2013.

³³ Solidarity Peace Trust, ‘The End of a Road: The 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe’, Johannesburg, October 2013, p. 45.

³⁴ SADC, ‘Summary Statement of the SADC Election Observation Mission to the Harmonised Elections in the Republic of Zimbabwe held on 31 July 2013’, 2 August 2013.

³⁵ African Union, ‘African Union Election Observation Mission to the Harmonised Elections of 31 July 2013, in the Republic of Zimbabwe: Preliminary Statement’, 2 August 2013. The same position was taken by the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), which congratulated Zimbabwe on ‘the general atmosphere of peace and tranquility’ in the elections, which would go ‘a long way in contributing to the consolidation of democracy in Zimbabwe’ (COMESA Election Observer Mission to the 31 July Harmonised Elections in the Republic of Zimbabwe), 3 August 2013.

³⁶ ‘Zimbabwe: Statement by Jacob Zuma’, South African Foreign Policy Initiative (SAFPI), 5 August 2013. Retrieved 7 August 2013 from http://www.safpi.org/news/article/2013/zimbabwe-statement-jacob-zuma.

³⁷ Statement by the Government of the Republic of Botswana on the 2013 Election in the Republic of Zimbabwe, Gaborone, 5 August 2013.

³⁸ ‘Statement Attributable to the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General on Elections in Zimbabwe’, New York, 2 August 2013. Retrieved 6 August 2013 from http://www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid = 6998.

³⁹ E. Mushava and O. Manayiti, ‘Tsvangirai can go hang – Mugabe’, News Day, 13 August 2013.

⁴⁰ See Raftopoulos, ‘An Overview of the Politics of the Global Political Agreement’, for details on this issue.

⁴¹ G. Mazarire, ‘ZANU PF and the Government of National Unity 2009–12’, in Raftopoulos, The Hard Road to Reform, p. 93.

⁴² P. Zamchiya, Pre-Election Detectors: ZANU PF's Attempt to Reclaim Political Hegemony, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, Harare, 2013, p. 20.

⁴³ J. Fontein, ‘“We Want to Belong to Our Roots and We Want to be Modern People”: New Farmers, Old Claims Around Lake Mutirikwa, Southern Zimbabwe’, African Studies Quarterly, 10, 4 (2009), p. 15; and J. Fontein, ‘Shared Legacies of the War: Spirit Mediums and War Veterans in Southern Zimbabwe’, Journal of Religion in Africa, 36, 2 (2006), pp. 167–99.

⁴⁴ Fontein, ‘“We Want to Belong”’, pp. 15–16.

⁴⁵ S. Moyo, ‘Three decades of agrarian reform in Zimbabwe’, Journal of Peasant Studies, 38, 3 (2011), p. 499.

⁴⁶ I. Scoones, N. Marongwe, B. Mavedzenge, F. Murimbarimba, J. Mahenehene, and C. Sukume, ‘Zimbabwe's Land Reform: Challenging the Myths’, Journal of Peasant Studies, 38, 3 (2011), p. 986.

⁴⁷ P. Zamchiya, ‘The Role of Politics and State Practices in Shaping Rural Differentiation: A Study of Resettled Small-Scale Farmers in South-Eastern Zimbabwe’, in this issue.

⁴⁸ ZANU(PF) member Dr Sikanyiso Ndlovu named the kind of projects that ZANU(PF) were engaged in during the period of the Inclusive Government in ‘Ibbo Mandaza's rigging allegations insane’, The Herald, 8 August 2013.

⁴⁹ T. Murisa, ‘Social Organisation in the Aftermath of Fast Track: An Analysis of Emerging Forms of Local Authority, Platforms of Mobilisation and Local Cooperation’, in S. Moyo and W. Chambati, Land and Agrarian Reform: Beyond White Settler Capitalism (African Institute for Agrarian Studies, Harare and CODESRIA, Dakar, 2013), p. 283.

⁵⁰ P. Chatterjee and A. Çubukçu, ‘Empire as a Practice of Power: Empire as Ideology and as Technique’, Humanity Journal blog piece, 28 August 2012. Retrieved 10 January 2013 from http://www.humanityjournal.org/blog/2012/08/empire-practice-power-empire-ideology-and-technique.

⁵¹ J. Alexander, The Unsettled Land: State-making and the Politics of the Land in Zimbabwe 1893–2003 (Oxford, James Currey; Harare, Weaver Press, 2006), p. 4. Also email communication with J. Alexander, 10 October 2013.

⁵² P. Yeros, ‘The Political Economy of Civilisation: Peasant-Workers in Zimbabwe and the Neo-Colonial World’ (PhD Thesis, London School of Economics, University of London, 2002).

⁵³ S. Mawowa, ‘The Political Economy of Crisis, Mining and Accumulation in Zimbabwe’ (PhD Thesis, University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2013), p. 76.

⁵⁴Ibid., p. 150.

⁵⁵Ibid., p. 92.

⁵⁶ Moyo, ‘Three decades of agrarian reform’, p. 499. See also S. Moyo, ‘Land Concentration and Accumulation after Redistributive Reform in Post-Settler Zimbabwe’, Review of African Political Economy, 38, 128 (2011), pp. 257–76.

⁵⁷ J. Martens, ‘Zimbabwe Elections: What if there had been no Rigging?’ International Politics, January 2013, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, Southern Africa, p. 5.

⁵⁸ Mawowa, ‘The Political Economy of Crisis’, pp. 185–6.

⁵⁹Ibid., p. 189.

⁶⁰ J. McGregor, Crossing the Zambezi: The Politics of Landscape on a Central African Frontier (James Currey, Suffolk; Weaver Press, Harare, 2009).

⁶¹ A. Kamete, ‘Of Prosperity, Ghost Towns and Havens: Mining and Urbanization in Zimbabwe’, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 30, 4 (2012), pp. 589–609.

⁶² Global Witness, ‘Return of the Blood Diamond: The Deadly Race to Control Zimbabwe's New-Found Diamond Wealth’, London, 2010.

⁶³ Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2011 Labour Force Survey, Government of Zimbabwe, May 2012, p. 103.

⁶⁴ M. Denning, ‘Wageless Life’, New Left Review, 66, Nov/Dec 2010, p. 86.

⁶⁵ Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions database, 2013.

⁶⁶ J. McGregor in this issue.

⁶⁷Daily News, 30 July 2013.

⁶⁸ ZANU(PF) Election Manifesto: Indigenise, Empower, Develop and Create Employment, 2013.

⁶⁹ Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2011 Labour Force Survey, p. 70.

⁷⁰ As David Moore describes it, ‘The ZANU PF applied, Machiavelli style, a classic Gramscian combination of forceful power and sly persuasions – the dialectic of coercion and consent – to confound the fourteen-year-old MDC’. D. Moore, ‘In Zimbabwe, A Luta Continua’. Retrieved 13 August 2013 from http://africanarguments.org/2013/08/12/in-zimbabwe-a-luta-continua-by-david-b-moore/.

⁷¹ M-B. Tendi, ‘Why Robert Mugabe Scored a Landslide Victory in the Zimbabwean Elections’, The Guardian, 5 August 2013. Retrieved 19 August 2013 from www.theguardian.com/world/2013/aug/05/robert-mugabe-zimbabwe-election-zanu-pf.

⁷² NoViolet Bulawayo, We Need New Names (Chatto and Windus, London, 2013), p. 29.

⁷³ B. Raftopoulos and K. Alexander (eds), Reflections on Democratic Politics in Zimbabwe (Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape Town, 2006).

⁷⁴ J. Muzondidya, ‘The Opposition Dilemma in Zimbabwe: A Critical Review of the Politics of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Parties under the GPA Transitional Framework 2009–2012’, in Raftopoulos, The Hard Road to Reform.

⁷⁵ J. Crush and D. Tavera (eds), Zimbabwe's Exodus: Crisis, Migration, Survival (SAMP, Cape Town; IDRC, Ottawa, 2010).

⁷⁶ MDC-T, NSC Strategic Planning Retreat, Harare, 12 September 2013.

⁷⁷ See Freedom House, ‘Change and “New” Politics in Zimbabwe’, Harare, 18 August 2012.

⁷⁸ Solidarity Peace Trust, ‘The End of a Road’, p. 37.

⁷⁹ Author's discussions with members of the leadership of Ncube's MDC in June 2013.

⁸⁰ For a fuller discussion of this see Raftopoulos, ‘An Overview of the GPA’.

⁸¹ Movement for Democratic Change, ‘MDC Statement on SADC Election Observer Mission Summary Report’, 5 September 2013. Retrieved 9 September 2013 from http://www.safpi.org/news/article/2013/mdc-statement-sadc-election-observer-mission-summary-report.

⁸² ‘ZMDC taken off blacklist’, The Zimbabwe Mail, 25 September 2013. Retrieved 27 September 2013 from www.thezimbabwemail.com/zimbabwe.com/zimbabwe/18316-zmdc-taken-off-blacklist.html.

⁸³ US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, ‘The Troubling Path Ahead for US-Zimbabwe Relations: Testimony’, 12 September 2013. Retrieved 16 September 2013 from http://www.safpi.org/news/article/2013/troubling-path-ahead-us-zimbabwe-relations-testimony.

⁸⁴ ‘Madhuku to quit NCA, form political party’, The Herald, 24 September 2013. Retrieved 26 September 2013 from http://www.herald.co.zw/madhuku-to-quit-nca-form-political-party/. ZANU(PF) columnist Nathaniel Manheru commented approvingly that: ‘a new sensibility is gaining currency in the opposition. There is a quest for new forms of opposing but without descending into the reflex of negativism, of automatic contrarieties. The likes of Lovemore Madhuku, shoots of this new opposition, now realise that durable opposition can only be premised on a reverent embrace of politics and values of liberation, something the two MDCs rejected’. N. Manheru, ‘Zim: Keeping the Eye on the Ball’, The Herald, 30 August 2013. Retrieved 2 September 2013 from http://www.herald.co.zw/zim-keeping-the-eye-on-the-ball/.

⁸⁵ A. Palotti, ‘Human Rights and Regional Cooperation in Africa: SADC and the Crisis in Zimbabwe’, Strategic Review for Southern Africa, 35, 1 (2013), p. 18.

⁸⁶Ibid.

⁸⁷ T. Mbeki, ‘The West's Contempt for Africa Must End’, New African, October 2013, p. 63.

⁸⁸ G. Hart, Rethinking the South African Crisis, Nationalism, Populism and Hegemony (Scottsville, University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2013).

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Brian Raftopoulos

Brian RaftopoulosSolidarity Peace Trust, Unit 8A, Waverley Business Park, Cape Town, and the Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape, Private Bag X17 Belleville, 7535, Cape Town, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]