Promoting Women’s Political Participation in Tanzania: Assessing Voluntary Gender Quotas in CCM’s and CHADEMA’s Constitutions

Abstract

In response to the low numbers of women in elected positions of power, Tanzania reserves special seats for women in parliament and local governance structures. Consequently, the special seats system remains one of the main pathways for women’s access to political seats. Despite political parties’ role in nominating women for special seats, concerns linger regarding their internal commitment to advancing women’s political participation. This article inspects the constitutions of Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Revolutionary Party) and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA, Party of Democracy and Development) to assess whether there are voluntary gender quotas for increasing women’s political participation in political parties’ leadership positions and elections. While the two parties’ constitutions include principles of gender equality and non-discrimination, they contain minimal and inconsistent measures for women to attain positions in the party leadership, its decision-making organs and candidate lists. Various constraints, including the competition caused by the First Past the Post electoral system, challenges associated with the implementation of the special seats system, loopholes in the legal framework, weaknesses of women’s political parties’ wings, lack of competition from other political parties, and gendered social norms account for CCM and CHADEMA’s reluctance to adopt voluntary gender quotas.

Keywords:

• women’s political participation
• voluntary gender quotas
• affirmative action
• political parties
• constitutions
• democracy
• CCM
• CHADEMA
• Tanzania

Introduction

Since the 1990s, there has been growing pressure for institutions, including political parties, to adopt voluntary gender quotas as an affirmative action measure to fast-track the participation of women in positions of power.¹ While there are several arguments against the adoption of gender quotas, a robust body of evidence points to its usefulness in countering the institutionalised inequalities between men and women.² The international and regional conventions to which Tanzania is a signatory require that states adopt affirmative action to navigate the deep-rooted biases and discrimination against women’s participation in the political arena.³ While political parties in Tanzania strive to strengthen democratic values in the country, they lag in terms of women’s inclusion in leadership positions, decision-making organs and candidate nominations.⁴ This is detrimental to the inclusion of women in political and public life because political parties are the main conduits to accessing electoral representation in Tanzania.⁵

During the country’s period of one-party rule, in 1985, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Revolutionary Party) reserved 15 parliamentary seats for women in order to address a shortage of women in elected parliamentary positions.⁶ Notably, the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992 entailed amendments to the 1977 Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter the Constitution)⁷ and to the country’s Elections Act⁸ in order to enable the reintroduction of multiparty democracy. The amendments, inter alia, reserved 15 per cent and 25 per cent of the seats for women in the National Assembly and the councils, respectively, through a special seats system.⁹ This notwithstanding, the number of women in elected positions grew at a snail’s pace. With no measures to increase the number of women in elected positions, the government increased the ratio of parliamentary special seats from 15 per cent to 20 per cent, 30 per cent and 40 per cent in 2000, 2005 and 2015, respectively.¹⁰ Accordingly, since the first multiparty elections in 1995 eligible political parties have nominated women for special seats; however, their leadership positions, decision-making organs and candidate lists remain male-dominated. The status quo exists even after the advent of Section 6 A (5) of the Political Parties Amendment Act of 2019, which requires every political party to adopt voluntary gender quotas by promoting the principle of ‘gender, youth and social inclusion in the (a) formulation and implementation of its policies; (b) nomination of candidates for elections; and (c) election of its leaders’.

Scholars agree that the gate-keeping role of political parties affects women’s political participation and representation. However, none of them have investigated parties’ constitutional provisions to assess the existence of voluntary gender quotas for promoting women’s meaningful engagement within and outside the political parties. This article, therefore, selectively examines the constitutions of CCM, Tanzania’s longest-serving ruling party, and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), the main opposition party in mainland Tanzania, to assess their voluntary commitments to advancing women’s participation in leadership positions and candidate lists.¹¹

Employing legal analysis, the article determines the extent to which CCM’s and CHADEMA’s constitutions contain voluntary gender quotas. It assesses how far these parties’ constitutions reflect the benchmarks for promoting women’s political participation within the international and regional conventions to which Tanzania is a signatory and in national legislation. This study also benefits from an interview undertaken with the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties,¹² and ten interviews with CCM and CHADEMA leaders, including women’s and youth wing leaders.¹³ Five members of civil society organisations¹⁴ and two members of academia were also interviewed.¹⁵ The paper argues that while the CCM and CHADEMA constitutions include general principles of gender equality and non-discrimination, they contain inadequate measures for women to access party leadership positions, decision-making organs and candidate lists. Diverse factors, including the competition caused by the First Past the Post electoral system, challenges associated with the implementation of the special seats system, gaps in the legal framework, weaknesses of political parties’ women’s wings, the lack of competition from other political parties on women’s inclusion, and gendered social norms contribute to CCM and CHADEMA’s reluctance to adopt voluntary gender quotas.

Situating Women’s Political Representation and Gender Quotas Internationally and in Tanzania

Political parties formulate policies, recruit members, aggregate and articulate public interests, elect their leaders, distribute party resources, nominate candidates for elections and oversee the function of the government. Such roles make political parties the main gatekeepers for accessing electoral positions and, thus, indispensable actors in any democratic state.¹⁶ Whereas women continue to be loyal members, supporters, mobilisers and voters, they are under-represented in political parties’ decision-making positions, organs and the candidate lists. In the African continent, for example, women constitute 12 per cent of political parties’ leaders.¹⁷ Globally, the exclusion of women in political life stems from the traditional designation of women as passive, private, reproductive, domestic and apolitical beings and men as active, public and political beings.¹⁸ The liberal model of democracy emphasises electoral competition both within and outside the party, albeit without considering the challenges women face in accessing positions of power because of their sex and the entrenched gender roles.¹⁹ The status quo affects the representation of women in decision-making positions.²⁰ While women comprise 36 per cent of the local deliberative structures, the global proportion of women parliamentarians is 26.1 per cent.²¹ Worldwide, although six countries have 50 per cent or more women in their parliaments, women account for less than 10 per cent of parliamentarians in 22 states. In the East Africa region, women occupy an average of 31.9 per cent of parliamentary seats: Rwanda leads these, with 61.3 per cent, followed by Burundi (38.2 per cent), Tanzania (37.4 per cent), Uganda (33.8 per cent), Kenya (23.3 per cent) and Democratic Republic of the Congo (14.6 per cent).²²

In Tanzania, 2022 marked 30 years since the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992. Notable progress has been made in women’s political participation. Two arms of the state, the executive and the parliament, are led by women.²³ Nonetheless, women are still less likely to run for election than men. Only 23 per cent of parliamentary candidates in the highly criticised 2020 general elections²⁴ were women, a slight increase from the 2015 election, where women constituted 19 per cent of parliamentary candidates.²⁵ Likewise, 7 per cent of councillor candidates in the 2020 general elections were women.²⁶ Consequently, most women politicians in Tanzania gain access to representative bodies through the special seats system adopted via Article 66 (b) of the 1977 Tanzanian Constitution. For instance, while the controversial 2020 general election brought about 37.4 per cent of women in parliament, only 27 of the women parliamentarians (10.2 per cent) are directly elected from constituents.²⁷ Others are from the special seats system and/or are appointed by the Tanzanian president.²⁸ Similarly, at the ward level, while women comprise 29.24 per cent of councillors, only 6.5 per cent of councillors are directly elected from wards.

Women are also under-represented in the political parties’ leadership positions. Currently, out of Tanzania’s 19 registered political parties, women make up only 10.5 per cent of chairpersons and 10.5 per cent of general secretaries.²⁹ The low levels of representation of women in political parties’ leadership positions and in candidate lists in Tanzania raise concerns about parties’ commitment to promoting women’s political participation and representation. Rose Shayo argues that men undermined early efforts to build inclusive multiparty democracy in Tanzania.³⁰ The gendered-entrenched reproductive and domestic roles also hindered many women from joining political groups.³¹ This assertion is supported by Max Mmuya, who shows that after the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992 the newly formed political parties’ policy documents failed to articulate clear policy strategies to ensure that women could take part in shaping the newly readopted multiparty democracy.³² More recently, Consolata Sulley critiques the lack of strict procedures in CCM’s and CHADEMA’s governing candidate selection procedures. Party leaders control candidate selection outcomes while party organs play a rubber-stamping role. The candidate selection process is more a product of negotiation between senior party leaders and potential candidates, and is thus undemocratic and non-inclusive.³³ On the other hand, Alexander Makulilo points out that political parties fear the competition that emanates from First Past the Post. The system requires parties to sponsor candidates in single-member constituencies with only one candidate expected to win. Accordingly, political parties tend to favour men over women aspirants, since men are seen as safer candidates than women.³⁴ Similarly, as I have argued elsewhere, the First Past the Post electoral system, as applied in Tanzania, presumes that both men and women enjoy equal status and acceptance by the political parties and voters. Thus, it fails to mitigate unique challenges facing women when engaging in political life.³⁵ Makulilo stresses that the patriarchal nature of political parties in Tanzania contributes to the unwillingness to design initiatives that would transform women’s participation in politics and elections.³⁶ According to Makulilo, political parties support the semblance of affirmative action measures that favour and protect male domination in positions of power, and have no genuine intention of integrating women into mainstream political and electoral positions.

Scholarship has examined the application of a wide range of mechanisms, including gender quotas, to circumvent the traditional framing of women as domestic, private, reproductive and apolitical beings and promote effective women’s political representation. Gender quotas are applied for a specific period and require a certain number or proportion of those nominated or elected to be women.³⁷ They can also require that where one sex holds particular positions, this should not exceed a specific number or percentage. Gender quotas can be in the form of reserved seats, candidate quotas (which can either be legal or voluntary political party quotas) and/or gender-neutral quotas.³⁸ Reserved seats are instituted through amendments in the constitution and in election laws and set aside a certain percentage of seats to guarantee a minimum representation of women in decision-making organs. In such seats, women compete against each other and men are ineligible to stand.³⁹ States adopts legislative candidate quotas through their constitutions and/or elections laws and require all parties to nominate a certain proportion of women as part of their candidate lists. Political parties may voluntarily adopt party quotas, committing themselves to ensuring that women comprise a certain proportion of candidates nominated to represent the party in an election. Political parties may also include quotas to increase women’s representation in internal party decision-making positions.⁴⁰ Gender-neutral quotas set a minimum and maximum number or percentage for both sexes, mostly requiring no sex to be under-represented below 40 per cent or to be over-represented above 60 per cent.

Despite their wide application, gender quotas have received much criticism. Opponents insist that quotas discriminate against men and other social groups, restrict voters’ preferences, undermine meritocratic principles of equality and disempower women.⁴¹ Other critics argue that gender quotas stigmatise women, since those who achieve positions of power through the quota system are framed as ‘favoured women’ and thus seen to have less merit.⁴² Despite criticism of the approach, research points to the use of gender quotas as a necessary tool to address deeply entrenched political inequality.⁴³ While liberal democracy grants both men and women the right to participate in public life, institutionalised cultural and socio-economic inequalities hinder women’s entry into politics and can take a long time to change, hence the need for institutionalised countermeasures.⁴⁴ Supporters argue that for any transition from descriptive to substantive representation to take place, a ‘critical mass’ of women must accumulate.⁴⁵ Supporters of gender quotas have identified 30 to 40 per cent as the crucial cut-off point for women’s presence to create an impact in decision-making processes.⁴⁶ Parliaments with gender quotas experience remarkable growth in women’s numerical participation. More than two-thirds of countries that have passed the 40 per cent mark use some form of quota. In 2022, parliaments with gender quotas attained 30.9 per cent of women members, compared to 21.2 per cent in chambers without quotas.⁴⁷

From a legal standpoint, the necessity of gender quotas is backed up by global and regional human rights conventions. Article 4 of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which Tanzania ratified in 1986, recognises the slow progress towards women being able to access positions of power. It calls upon state parties to adopt temporary special measures to accelerate de facto equality between men and women, and specifically calls for such measures not to be considered discrimination. In Africa, this is supported by Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol, which Tanzania signed in 2007. The Protocol calls for state parties to take specific positive action to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries, including through affirmative action. CEDAW and the Maputo Protocol build upon human rights conventions which have consistently called on state parties to ensure that everyone takes part in the conduct of public affairs, votes, and has the right to be elected in genuine periodic elections, albeit without providing guidance on what strategies should be employed to achieve these aims.⁴⁸ Fundamentally, CEDAW and the Maputo Protocol support the view that the dominant framing of women as domestic, private, reproductive and apolitical beings warrants putting in place measures that will facilitate women receiving initial support to enter political life until they have gained sufficient skills, recognition, networks and resources to engage politically on an equal footing with men. Article 4 of CEDAW and Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol were amplified in the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women, of which Tanzania was part. The Conference adopted the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action of 1995.⁴⁹ Concerning women’s political participation, Strategic Objective G.1, under Section 191 – the Declaration – calls, among other things, upon the political parties to

consider examining party structures and procedures to remove all barriers that directly or indirectly discriminate against the participation of women; consider developing initiatives that allow women to participate fully in all internal policy-making structures and appointive and electoral nominating processes, and consider incorporating gender issues in their political agenda, taking measures to ensure that women can participate in the leadership of political parties on an equal basis with men.

Demonstrating its respect for international and regional political rights-related Conventions, Article 21 of the 1977 Tanzanian Constitution allows everyone the right to take part in public life. Article 9 (g) of the Constitution directs the government and all its agencies to accord equal opportunities to all citizens, men and women alike, without regard to their colour, tribe, religion or station in life.

Notably, since the struggle for independence, women have been the backbone of politics in Tanzania. Women, led by the famous Bibi Titi, played a critical advocacy and mobilisation role in influencing men and women to support the independence struggle.⁵⁰ While Tanganyika was a multiparty state before independence in 1961, it officially became a one-party state in 1965. As the only political party, Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) was declared the supreme organ of the state within which all mass organisations were controlled.⁵¹ TANU’s women’s section, Umoja wa Wanawake wa Tanzania (UWT, the Union of Tanzanian Women), became the primary organisation responsible for aggregating and articulating women’s interests in the country. The status quo continued after TANU merged with the Afro-Shiraz Party of Zanzibar and gave birth to CCM in 1977.⁵²

Despite women’s vital role in the struggle for independence, they struggled to hold elected positions afterward. It took more than two decades after independence in 1961 for the first woman to win a constituency; this took place in 1985.⁵³ As the only party, CCM adopted voluntary gender quotas to address the shortage of women in positions of power. It reserved 15 seats for women, along with another 15 seats for other affiliated mass organisations, including workers’ associations, the army, youth, parents and co-operatives.⁵⁴ The move was partly a result of the socialist ideology of the ruling party and a co-optation strategy that targeted critical alternative voice groups. Thirty years of operating under the single-party system ended, with only two women recorded to have won constituencies.⁵⁵ Internal dynamics, coupled with the wave of democratisation on the African continent and external pressures, compelled Tanzania to reintroduce multiparty democracy in 1992.⁵⁶ The reintroduction of multiparty democracy did not translate into a significant transformation in how women participated in elections. The Constitution⁵⁷ and the Elections Act,⁵⁸ which were amended to facilitate multiparty democracy, reserved 15 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly for women through the special seats system.⁵⁹ At the ward level, the Elections Act reserved 25 per cent of women’s seats for councils.⁶⁰ The seats were distributed among the political parties that had won at least 5 per cent of all valid votes for parliamentary and/or council elections. Political parties were given the task of nominating their share of women candidates, albeit without guiding rules. This resulted in each political party employing its discretion in nominating women for special seats, giving rise to opportunies for abuse and manipulation of the system.⁶¹

Due to the national special seats system, the newly formed political parties became reluctant to adopt voluntary measures for promoting women’s participation in their leadership positions and elections. Even CCM abandoned its former system of 15 reserved seats and focused on fulfilling its role under the nationally set special seats. Shayo argues that the Political Parties Act of 1992, which was supposed to guide the newly formed political parties in building an inclusive multiparty system, barely contained gender-related provisions. Section 8 (1) of the Political Parties Act required political parties to open up membership for all people without any discrimination, including based on gender. Apart from Section 8 (1), the Act carried no directive for political parties to ensure the inclusion of women in party leadership positions, decision-making organs or candidate nominations. Given the continued slow progress of women in occupying parliamentary seats, the government increased the 15 per cent parliamentary reserved special seats to 20 per cent, 30 per cent, and later 40 per cent in 2000, 2005 and 2015, respectively.⁶² With the special seats system, eligible political parties kept on nominating their share of women. However, their leadership positions, decision-making organs and candidate lists remained male-dominated. As noted above, the status quo exists even after the amendment of the 1992 Political Parties Act and the advent of Section 6 A (5) of the Political Parties Amendment Act (PPAA), 2019, which requires each political party ‘to promote, among other things, principles of gender, youth and social inclusion in the (a) formulation and implementation of its policies; (b) nomination of candidates for elections; and (c) election of its leaders’.⁶³ In line with Section 6 A (5) of PPAA, the section below inspects CCM’s and CHADEMA’s constitutions and determines the extent to which they contain voluntary gender quotas, the existing gaps, and the reasons for such gaps.

Voluntary Gender Quotas within the CCM and CHADEMA Constitutions

Since its establishment in 1977, the CCM constitution has undergone 17 amendments, the latest of these in December 2022.⁶⁴ Formed after the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992, CHADEMA’s first constitution was drafted in 1992 and registered in 1993. Since then, the CHADEMA constitution has undergone several amendments, the latest being in December 2019.⁶⁵ Both of the parties’ constitutions evince a strong belief in strengthening democracy, equality of human beings, and non-discrimination principles. The two constitutions recognise and vow to respect human rights enshrined in key human rights international conventions and national laws.⁶⁶ Consequently, members are granted the right to stand for elections and participate in decision-making organs.⁶⁷ Both constitutions establish specific wings for women and youth and for parents/elders. CCM’s women’s wing, UWT, is established under Article 125 of the CCM constitution. Similarly, CHADEMA’s women’s wing, Baraza la Wanawake la CHADEMA (BAWACHA, CHADEMA women’s council), was established under Article 7.8.2 of the CHADEMA’s constitution. That notwithstanding, critical parts of the CCM and CHADEMA constitutions, particularly those related to the election of party leaders, participation in decision-making organs and candidate nominations, represent serious gender representation gaps.

The national leadership positions in CCM and CHADEMA include the national chairperson, deputy chairpersons, general secretary and deputy general secretaries. The two parties’ constitutions safeguard the representation of the two parts of the Union, Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar, in the election of their national leaders. In both CCM and CHADEMA, there are positions of national party vice chairperson and general secretaries for both Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar.⁶⁸ While CCM and CHADEMA grant all their members the right to elect and stand for any internal election, their constitutions carry no voluntary goal of numerical gender representation to avert negative perceptions against women participating in political life. There are no efforts to ensure that women hold national leadership positions at a certain minimum percentage or on an equal basis with men. Consequently, since its establishment in 1992, CHADEMA has never had a woman in any national leadership position. It is noteworthy that CHADEMA held its most recent internal elections in December 2019, 11 months after the PPAA enactment in January 2019. Section 6 A (5) of the Act requires political parties ‘to promote among other things the principles of gender, youth and social inclusion in the election of its leaders’.⁶⁹ That notwithstanding, the 2019 CHADEMA elections culminated in an entirely male-led party. One woman, Sophia Mwakagenda, aspired to the position of vice chairperson, but she withdrew her candidacy a few days before election day, citing pressure within CHADEMA.⁷⁰ Crucially, Table 1 shows that men have occupied all the national leadership positions within CHADEMA since its formation in 1992.

Table 1. CHADEMA national leaders, 1992–2023

	National leadership positions	1992–2005		2006–14		2014–19		2019–24
		Female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male
1	National chairperson		✓		✓		✓		✓
2	Deputy chairperson – Zanzibar		✓		✓		✓		✓
3	Deputy chairperson – Mainland		✓		✓		✓		✓
4	General secretary		✓		✓		✓		✓
5	Deputy general secretary – Zanzibar		✓		✓		✓		✓
6	Deputy general secretary – Mainland		✓		✓		✓		✓

Source: Interview with Reginald Munisi, Director of Elections, Dar es Salaam, 6 April 2023.

On CCM’s part, it took 44 years from 1977, when the party was formed, to have its first female national chairperson and its first female deputy general secretary – Mainland in 2021. However, the circumstances that brought women into these positions are due to force of nature rather than CCM’s constitutional design. The office of the president of the United Republic of Tanzania became vacant on 17 March 2021, when the fifth president of Tanzania, CCM leader John Pombe Magufuli, suddenly died in power.⁷¹ This paved the way for his vice president, Samia Suluhu Hassan (the first female vice president in the history of Tanzania) to ascend to the presidency, in line with Article 37 (5) of the 1977 Constitution.⁷² Following CCM’s tradition, President Hassan was also voted CCM’s chairperson in April 2021, thus becoming the first female CCM national chairperson.⁷³ President Hassan nominated Christina Mndeme for the position of deputy general secretary – Mainland, the first female to hold such a position.⁷⁴ While the ascendancy of women into CCM’s national leadership positions for the first time is remarkable, maintaining women in these roles remains uncertain. Although the CCM constitution has undergone three rounds of amendments since the enactment of the PPAA,⁷⁵ none of the three amendments contains a voluntary commitment in the form of a gender quota or other affirmative action measure to facilitate women’s access to CCM’s leadership roles. Consequently, while CCM had two women (33 per cent) among its six national party leaders in 2021 up to December 2022, the number dropped to one (16 per cent) after the December 2022 CCM internal elections.⁷⁶ Table 2 shows that up to 2024, 46 years since its formation, CCM has had one female deputy general secretary (for Tanzania Mainland) and one female chairperson; the rest of the national leadership positions have all been occupied by men.

Table 2. CCM national leaders, 1992–2023

	National leadership positions	1992–2005		2006–14		2014–19		2019–24
		Female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male
1	National chairperson		✓		✓		✓	✓
2	Deputy chairperson – Zanzibar		✓		✓		✓		✓
3	Deputy chairperson – Mainland		✓		✓		✓		✓
4	General secretary		✓		✓		✓		✓
5	Deputy general secretary – Zanzibar		✓		✓		✓		✓
6	Deputy general secretary – Mainland		✓		✓		✓	✓	✓

Source: Interview with CCM leader, Dar es Salaam, 13 April 2023.

An absence of voluntary gender inclusion commitments, for instance in the form of numerical gender representation goals in leadership positions, is detrimental to women’s participation in the parties’ decision-making organs, where all key decisions are made. Delegates at all levels participate in the decision-making meetings by virtue of their positions.⁷⁷ Because the CCM and CHADEMA constitutions carry no voluntary gender inclusion measures to ensure that women are elected to leadership positions, most delegates in these decision-making bodies are men.⁷⁸ At the national level, CCM’s key decision-making organs include the General Assembly, National Executive Committee and Central Committee. The participation of women in these organs is limited to the women’s wing leaders and a few elected/nominated women positions. For example, out of the 201 members of the National Executive Committee, women are constitutionally guaranteed 13 positions: four positions are reserved for women out of the 20 positions for Tanzania Mainland delegates, four out of the 20 positions for Zanzibar delegates; and five positions for the women’s wing out of the 15 seats allocated for party wings.⁷⁹ At CCM’s Central Committee level, women comprise six of its 24 members.⁸⁰

For CHADEMA’s part, key national decision-making organs are the National Convention, the Governing Council,⁸¹ the Central Committee⁸² and the National Secretariat.⁸³ Women’s representation in these organs is fostered through party wing chairpersons, secretaries and special seat parliamentarians.⁸⁴ Despite the inclusion of women’s wing leaders, women are still under-represented in CCM’s and CHADEMA’s decision-making organs. Table 3 shows the composition of women in CHADEMA and CCM’s key decision-making organs after the 2019 and 2022 internal elections, respectively. For example, after the 2019 CHADEMA election, women comprised 10 per cent of the National Convention,⁸⁵ 8.6 per cent of the members of the Governing Council,⁸⁶ 15.6 per cent of members of the Central Committee⁸⁷ and 10 per cent of members of the National Secretariat.⁸⁸ For CCM, after the 2022 internal election, women make up 28 per cent of the National General Assembly,⁸⁹ 23 per cent of the members of the National Executive Committee,⁹⁰ 25 per cent members of the Central Committee⁹¹ and 16 per cent of members of the National Secretariat.⁹² While CCM seems to be ahead with between 16 and 28 per cent of women in key decision-making organs, compared to CHADEMA (between 8 and 15 per cent), the percentages for both parties are still below the 30 to 40 per cent critical mass principle and are significantly below the 50:50 ratio of gendered representation that is required under the international and regional conventions.

Table 3. Composition of men and women delegates in key national decision-making organs/meetings in CHADEMA and CCM after recent internal elections

	Type of decision-making organ/ meeting	CHADEMA (2019 internal elections)				CCM (2022 internal elections)
		women	men	total	women as proportion of total	women	men	total	women as proportion of total
					%				%
1	National General Assembly/ National Convention	100	893	993	10	540	1,381	1,921	28
2	National Executive	40	427	467	8.6	47	154	201	23
3	National Central Committee	8	43	51	15.6	6	18	24	25
4	National Secretariat	1	9	10	10	2	10	12	16.7

Sources: Information on CHADEMA was given in an interview with Reginald Munisi, Dar es Salaam, 6 April 2023. Information on CCM was given in an interview with a CCM leader (anonymous), Dar es Salaam, 13 April 2023.

Other national leadership structures within the two parties include departments, boards of trustees and advisory councils. Like the national-level positions, CCM and CHADEMA carry no goals for voluntary numerical gender representation to guarantee the representation of men and women in the departments, boards of trustees and advisory councils. Consequently, such positions are male-dominated. CCM’s board of trustees is composed of a chairperson and eight other members, ⁹³ of which 11 per cent are currently women.⁹⁴ The current equal representation of men and women in CHADEMA’s board of trustees (three men and three women) is coincidental, because CHADEMA’s constitution is silent on the gender composition of the board of trustees.⁹⁵ On the other hand, CCM has an advisory council composed of former presidents who, by custom, served as CCM chairpersons for both Mainland and Zanzibar. The council also includes former deputy chairpersons of the party.⁹⁶ Since its formation in 1977, CCM’s advisory council has been an all-male council. In April 2021, CCM obtained its first female chairperson of the national party, Samia Suluhu Hassan, who, according to CCM’s constitution, would be qualified to be in the advisory council upon retirement. At the departmental level, the CCM constitution established departments of Ideology and Publicity; Finance and Economy; Members’ Affairs and Organization; Politics and International Relations; and Administration and Operations. Heads of these departments are nominated by CCM’s national chairperson and endorsed by the National Executive Committee. Currently, all the departments, except one in CCM are headed by men.⁹⁷ There are four functioning directorates within CHADEMA, including Strategy; Finance; Protocol, International Affairs and Communication; and Legal and Human Rights. Men head all of these.⁹⁸

Lower administrative positions of both parties further reflect a lack of institutionalised gender representation commitments. For CCM, the cell, branch, ward, constituency, district and region form part of the lower administrative levels and are run by elected and nominated leaders. These leaders comprise the primary delegates in key decision-making organs, which include the General Assembly, Executive Committee, Secretariat, Politics Committee and Leadership Committee at each administrative level.⁹⁹ Voluntary gender quotas are only evident in branches and districts. A total of 22 positions constitute CCM leadership at the branch level,¹⁰⁰ with four women required to be elected among the 10 delegates of the branch’s Executive Committee.¹⁰¹ Gender quotas are also seen in the election of CCM district leaders, with four women required among the ten delegates of the district’s Executive Committee.¹⁰² This notwithstanding, there are no gender quotas in the election of CCM’s leaders at ward, constituency or regional levels for Zanzibar, including the election of chairpersons, secretaries, delegates of the Ward Executive Committee, General Assemblies, and members of Politics Committees. Although the secretariat at each administrative level of CCM includes the secretary of the women’s wing,¹⁰³ other leadership and decision-making organs emphasise the representation of delegates from Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar without deliberate measures to ensure the representation of women and men in such positions.¹⁰⁴

For CHADEMA, the foundation, branch, ward, constituency, regional and zonal levels form part of the lower administrative tiers run by elected and nominated leaders. The election of CHADEMA’s party leaders – such as the chairperson, secretary, treasurer and secretary for ideology – at these levels do not include any numerical gender representation goal.¹⁰⁵ The chairpersons and secretaries of the party wings, including the women’s wings, form part of the Leadership Committee. These roles are also represented within the other key decision-making organs, including the Conventions, Executive Committees, Leadership Committees and the Secretariats of each respective leadership tier.¹⁰⁶ The Executive Committees also include (women) special seat councillors and parliamentarians from each respective area. Despite the difficulties in obtaining actual data on the composition of men and women at CCM and CHADEMA’s lower administrative tiers, the available data point towards the under-representation of women. For example, currently, there are two women (20 per cent) among CHADEMA’s ten zonal chairpersons,¹⁰⁷ two women (20 per cent) among the ten zonal vice chairpersons,¹⁰⁸ and three women (9 per cent) among the 32 CHADEMA regional leaders.¹⁰⁹ After the 2022 internal elections, women made up 12.4 per cent of CCM’s regional party chairpersons.¹¹⁰

On the nomination of candidates for elections, CCM and CHADEMA constitutions do not stipulate any numerical gender representation goals to ensure that more women are nominated for local and general elections. Fewer women have been nominated for elections since the first multiparty elections in 1995.¹¹¹ Data show that CCM and CHADEMA have never had even 10 per cent of their election candidates at all levels made up by women in any given election. The status quo has been maintained, including in the 2020 general elections, despite the recent enactment of the PPAA of 2019 and the requisite stipulation to promote gender, youth, and social inclusion in the nomination of candidates under Section 6 A (5).¹¹² Table 4 and Table 5 show the number of male and female candidates nominated for national elections by CHADEMA and CCM, respectively, from 1995 to 2020.

Table 4. Number of male and female candidates nominated for national elections by CHADEMA, 1995–2020

	Position	1995		2000		2005		2010		2015		2020
		female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male
1	Presidential candidate	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1
2	Running mate	0	1	0	1	1	0	0	1	0	1	0	1
3	Members of Parliament	4	156	6	61	133	11	25	154	13	171	58	153
4	Councillors	7	490	data not available	data not available	56	1037	78	1,786	107	3,228	143	2,648

Source: Compiled from National Electoral Commission reports of the 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020 general elections, available at https://www.nec.go.tz/publications/54.

Table 5. Number of male and female candidates nominated for national elections by CCM, 1995–2020

	Position	1995		2000		2005		2010		2015		2020
		female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male	female	male	Female	male
1	Presidential candidate	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1	0	1
2	Running mate	0	1	0	1	0	1	1	0	1	0	1	0
3	Members of Parliament	7	225	12	208	19	213	24	215	24	240	239	24
4	Councillors	26	2,383	data not available	data not available	131	2,421	223	3,102	264	3,682	264	3,689

Source: Compiled from National Electoral Commission reports of the 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020 general elections, available at https://www.nec.go.tz/publications/54.

The Reluctance of CCM and CHADEMA to Adopt Voluntary Gender Quotas in their Constitutions’

The low levels of representation of women as political party leaders, delegates of decision-making organs and candidates threatens the legitimacy of political parties and their quality of representation, and deprives women of their right to effective participation in political life. Both CHADEMA and CCM justify their unwillingness to adopt voluntary gender quotas for leadership and candidacy positions on the grounds that the law does not compel political parties to ensure that a certain percentage of leaders or candidates are women.¹¹³ While Section 6 A (5) of PPAA, 2019, requires the political parties to embrace gender and social inclusion principles in the election of their leaders and in the nomination of candidates, it does not provide for a numerical gender representation goal that political parties should meet.¹¹⁴ Under the Act, compliance or non-compliance in implementing gender and social inclusion principles does not attract any reward or penalty.¹¹⁵ It remains at the sole discretion of the political party to decide whether women should be included as leaders and candidates and to what extent.¹¹⁶

The unwillingness to adopt voluntary gender quotas is also due to a lack of challenge from other political parties. No political party in the country has ever set aside a percentage or made a commitment to ensuring that women hold leadership or candidacy positions on an equal basis with men. Therefore, each party, including CCM and CHADEMA, feels no pressure to adopt such measures.¹¹⁷ Further, the electoral political competition generates reluctance in parties to design voluntary gender quotas. Under the applicable electoral system in Tanzania, First Past the Post, each party fields one candidate at each electoral seat, and the party with more votes for a particular seat is declared the winner.¹¹⁸ While both men and women are allowed to put their names up for nomination, male candidates are deemed to be safer bets both for the stronghold constituencies and wards and the ones they are vying for. Due to its competitive nature, the First Past the Post system effectively forces political parties to raise the bar for female aspirants.¹¹⁹ Harmful social norms constrain and expose even women with solid leadership experience, financial power and broader networks to intense scrutiny and demands to justify their capability to win in comparison to other candidates, who tend to be men.¹²⁰ Women consistently have to over-justify their suitability and party loyalty before being nominated, experiences that male candidates rarely face.¹²¹

In addition, CCM and CHADEMA are adamant that they do not need to adopt voluntary gender quotas since national legislation reserves 30 per cent of parliamentary seats and one-third of local council seats for women.¹²² Through this system, political parties with more than five per cent of parliamentary and or councillors’ votes are allocated women’s special-seat slots in proportion to the votes won: the parties then nominate women and submit their names to the National Electoral Commission.¹²³ CCM and CHADEMA thus do not feel obliged to adopt voluntary party quotas for candidates because they are already nominating women for the special seats system.¹²⁴ The seats not only make political parties reluctant to adopt voluntary gender quotas but are also used to discourage women from vying for competitive seats.¹²⁵ This speaks to the subtle assumption within political parties that seats not reserved for women (competitive seats) are thereby reserved for men. There have been instances where women were denied nominations or asked to step down from running for competitive seats with the promise that they would be nominated for a special seat.¹²⁶ Similarly, political parties in Tanzania fail to take substantive measures to promote women’s political participation because they benefit politically from the special seats system. Accordingly, political parties use the special seats system as a strategy to strengthen the party base, not necessarily to support the women’s political advancement agenda.¹²⁷ With a special seats system, political parties get to select loyal women who will not challenge the status quo or demand the adoption of voluntary gender quotas.¹²⁸

Furthermore, while women’s wings are expected to, among other things, put pressure on political parties to adopt measures to advance women’s participation and representation within political parties and elections, the wings are mainly polarised, unorganised, in the periphery, and are unable to forge a common agenda. They fear disturbing the status quo, have inadequate resources and capacity-strengthening training opportunities, and consequently bear no real political power to influence meaningful gender transformation within political parties.¹²⁹

Conclusion

In a critique of the special seats system, Bernadeta Killian opines that its failure is due to undemocratic recruitment processes allowing political parties to gain control over recruited women.¹³⁰ In the same vein, I have argued elsewhere that the challenges facing the implementation of the special seats system in Tanzania are caused by the failure of the National Electoral Commission to design uniform procedures for political parties’ recruitment of women for special seats, against the requirement of Article 81 of the 1977 Constitution.¹³¹ This article moves the discussion from the national gender quota (special seats system) to the voluntary gender quota system. It has examined the constitutions of Chama cha Mapinduzi and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo in order to understand the intra-party voluntary commitments to advance women’s political participation in Tanzania. Both CCM’s and CHADEMA’s constitutions reflect a belief in gender equality, non-discrimination and advancement of women. Although the two constitutions recognise women’s rights to representation as enshrined in international conventions and national laws, such commitments largely start and end with the establishment in each party of women’s wings. The remainder of the provisions contain inadequate voluntary numerical gender representation goals to ensure that a certain percentage of women, or women on an equal basis with men, are in the leadership positions within the parties and/or are nominated for elections. The two constitutions place heavy emphasis on an appropriate balance of representation between Zanzibar and Tanzania Mainland in leadership positions and representation in key decision-making organs but demonstrate a superficial commitment to an appropriate balance of representation of men and women. CCM and CHADEMA are reluctant to adopt voluntary gender measures because of the competition caused by First Past the Post, challenges associated with the implementation of reserved seats and loopholes in the legal framework. Weaknesses in the political party women’s wings, the lack of competition from other political parties and the entrenched gendered social norms also account for CCM’s and CHADEMA’s reluctance to adopt voluntary gender quotas. The low level of women’s representation in leadership and candidacy positions spurs societal calls for CCM and CHADEMA, as well as other political parties, to adopt voluntary gender quotas to ring-fence a certain percentage of female representation or ensure that women on an equal basis with men hold leadership and candidacy positions in line with Section 6 A (5) of the PPAA, 2019. Alternatively, and owing to the reluctance of political parties to adopt voluntary gender quotas, it is imperative that the PPAA transition from inspiring political parties to adopt voluntary gender quotas to instituting legislative gender quotas. To this effect, I have argued elsewhere for Section 6A (5) of the PPAA to be amended to include a numerical gender representation goal for party leadership positions, decision-making organs and candidate lists.¹³² The Act should also include rewards and penalties based on these targets, mainly by leveraging government subvention in order to nudge political parties’ compliance.¹³³

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Women in Law and Development in Africa – Tanzania and Tanzania Centre for Democracy (TCD) for assigning her to undertake a gender analysis of political parties’ internal documents. The document review, interviews and validation meetings provided great initial insights and impetus to pursue this article. She would like to thank the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties and leaders of political parties and their respective women’s and youth wings, particularly the staff at CHADEMA and CCM headquarters, for providing invaluable data that backed up key arguments in this article.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Victoria Melkisedeck Lihiru

Victoria Melkisedeck Lihiru Department of Public Law, The Open University of Tanzania, Kinondoni, Dar es Salaam, 23409, Tanzania. Email: [email protected] http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2666-5804

Notes

1 M.Y. Yoon, ‘Special Seats for Women in Parliament and Democratization: The Case of Tanzania’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 41, 2 (2013), pp. 143–9.

2 M.L. Krook, ‘Quota Laws for Women in Politics: Implications for Feminist Practice’, Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 15, 3 (2008), pp. 345–68.

3 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 18 December 1979, available at https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3970.html, retrieved 21 October 2022; African Union, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, 11 July 2003, available at https://www.refworld.org/docid/3f4b139d4.html, retrieved 21 October 2022; Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women, 27 October 1995, available at https://www.refworld.org/docid/3dde04324.html, retrieved 21 October 2022.

4 V.M. Lihiru, ‘Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda’, African Studies Quarterly, 21, 3 (2022), pp. 61–75.

5 A.B. Makulilo, ‘The Independent Candidate Case by the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights Revisited’, International Journal of Human Rights and Constitutional Studies, 5, 2 (2017), pp. 130–43.

6 Yoon, ‘Special Seats for Women in Parliament and Democratization’.

7 Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, 1977, Cap. 2, Revised Edition (R.E.) 2002.

8 Elections Act 1985, Cap. 343, R.E. 2002.

9 Yoon, ‘Special Seats for Women in Parliament and Democratization’.

10 V.M. Lihiru, ‘The 2020 CHADEMA Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania: Does the National Electoral Commission Comply with the Law?’, Journal of African Elections, 20, 2 (2021), pp. 102–19.

11 In the general election of 1995, the main opposition party was the National Convention for Construction and Reform – Mageuzi, popularly known as NCCR–Mageuzi. In 2000 and 2005, NCCR–Mageuzi was succeeded as main opposition party by the Civic United Front.

12 As an overseer of the implementation of the Political Parties Act, the Assistant Registrar of Political Party, Sisty Nyahoza, was asked about political parties’ compliance with Section 6 A (5) of the Political Parties Amendment Act, 2019, which requires political parties to adopt voluntary gender quotas to promote the principle of ‘gender, youth and social inclusion in the (a) formulation and implementation of its policies; (b) nomination of candidates for elections; and (c) election of its leaders’: interviews with Sisty Nyahoza, 7 March 2022 and 14 April 2023.

13 CCM and CHADEMA leaders, including leaders of their women’s and youth wings, were asked to share internal mechanisms for ensuring that women are in leadership positions and candidate lists. When making these reflections, the guidance given was that political parties should refer to their internal policy documents, particularly their constitutions, and their actual practice. These interviews took place in March 2022 and April 2023.

14 The staff of five prominent organisations working in democracy and gender inclusion were asked to reflect on their work in strengthening the inclusion of women in political parties, the strengths and weaknesses of political parties’ policy documents, and how best to improve them. These organisations included the Legal and Human Rights Centre, Tanzania Media Women’s Association, Women in Law and Development in Africa, Tangible Initiatives for Local Development Tanzania and Tanzania Centre for Democracy. These interviews took place in February 2022 and April 2023.

15 Two academics from the Political Science Department of the University of Dar es Salaam were asked to provide expert opinions on the reluctance of CCM and CHADEMA to include women in leadership positions and candidate lists. These interviews took place in February 2022 and April 2023.

16 A.B. Makulilo, ‘Where There Is Power, Women Are Not: Rethinking Women and Politics in Tanzania’, The African Review: A Journal of African Politics, Development and International Affairs, 46, 2 (2019), pp. 349–65.

17 International IDEA, ‘Women’s Political Participation’, African Barometer (Stockholm, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2021), available at https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/womens-political-participation-africa-barometer-2021.pdf, retrieved 3 February 2022.

18 A.M. Tripp, I. Casimiro, J. Kwesiga and A. Mungwa, African Women’s Movements: Changing Political Landscapes (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2008).

19 M. Kurki, ‘Democracy and Conceptual Contestability: Reconsidering Conceptions of Democracy in Democracy Promotion’, International Studies Review, 12, 3 (2010), pp. 362–86.

20 R. Meena, M. Rusimbi and C. Israel, ‘Women and Political Leadership: Facilitating Factors in Tanzania’ (Dar Es Salaam, African Leadership for Sustainable Development [UONGOZI] Institute, 2017), available at https://uongozi.or.tz/newsite/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Women-and-Political-Leadership_online.pdf, retrieved 5 March 2023.

21 UNWOMEN, ‘Women’s Representation in Local Government: A Global Analysis’, Working Paper (New York, UNWOMEN, 2021), available at https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2022/01/womens-representation-in-local-government, retrieved 4 December 2022.

22 Inter-Parliamentary Union, ‘Global and Regional Averages of Women in National Parliaments’, available at https://data.ipu.org/women-averages?month=4&year=2023&op=Show+averages&form_build_id=form-OcZIFSzv3HZn-J9fau2ont_sn3tpJBLojZtWwFfpDQA&form_id=ipu__women_averages_filter_form, retrieved 13 March 2023.

23 Her Excellency President Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, and Dr Tulia Ackson, Speaker of the National Assembly of Tanzania.

24 The conduct of the 2020 general elections was marred by internet interruptions, arrests and violence by security forces both on the mainland and in Zanzibar: Tanzania Election Watch, ‘Not Free, Not Fair: Final Observation Report on the General Elections Held in Tanzania on October 28, 2020’, available at https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3.sourceafrica.net/documents/120910/Tanzania-Elections-Watch-Final-Observation.pdf, retrieved 15 March 2022.

25 Lihiru, ‘The 2020 CHADEMA Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania’.

26 National Electoral Commission, ‘Observers’ Briefing on the Preparedness for Tanzania’s 2020 General Elections’ (unpublished report, 2020).

27 Lihiru, ‘Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda’.

28 This is according to Article 66 (b) and (e) of the 1977 Constitution (Cap. 2, R.E. 2002).

29 According to records available in the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties, out of the 19 registered political parties, two political parties – Sauti ya Umma and CCM – have female chairpersons. These are Bertha Kango Mpata from Sauti ya Umma and Samia Suluhu Hassan from CCM. UDP and NCCR–Mageuzi have female general secretaries, Saum Rashid and Martha Chiomba, respectively.

30 R. Shayo, ‘Women’s Participation in Party Politics during the Multiparty Era in Africa: The Case of Tanzania’, EISA Occasional Paper no. 34 (Auckland Park, Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2005).

31 R. Shayo, ‘“Gender Equality” and “Support for Women and Youth Wings” in Parties and Political Development in Tanzania’, EISA Research Report (Auckland Park, Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2005).

32 M. Mmuya and A. Chaligha, Political Parties and Democracy in Tanzania (Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam University Press, 1994).

33 C.R. Sulley, ‘Democracy within Parties: Electoral Consequences of Candidate Selection Methods in Tanzania’, Party Politics, 28, 2 (2022), pp. 261–71.

34 Makulilo, ‘Where There Is Power, Women Are Not’.

35 Lihiru, ‘Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda’.

36 Makulilo, ‘Where There Is Power, Women Are Not’.

37 A. Phillips, Which Equalities Matter? (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1999).

38 Ibid.

39 C. Bih-er, C. Clark, and J. Clark, Women in Taiwan Politics: Overcoming Barriers to Women’s Participation in a Modernizing Society (Boulder, Lynne Rienner, 1990).

40 Krook, ‘Quota Laws for Women in Politics’.

41 E. Varikas, ‘Une répresentation en tant que femme? Réflexions critiques sur la demande de la parité des sexes’, Nouvelles questions féministes, 16, 2 (1995), pp. 81–127.

42 Ibid.

43 L. Young, Feminists and Party Politics (Vancouver, UBC Press, 2000), see chapter ‘Theorizing Feminist Strategy and Party Responsiveness’.

44 Makulilo, ‘Where There Is Power, Women Are Not’.

45 M.Y. Yoon, ‘Explaining Women’s Legislative Representation in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 29, 3 (2004), pp. 447–68.

46 R. M. Kanter, ‘Some Effects of Proportions on Group Life: Skewed Sex Ratios and Responses to Token Women’, American Journal of Sociology, 82, 5 (1977), pp. 965–90.

47 Inter-Parliamentary Union, ‘Women in Parliament in 2022: The Year in Review’, available at https://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/reports/2023-03/women-in-parliament-2022, retrieved 5 April 2023.

48 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Article 21. UDHR was passed under United Nations General Assembly Resolution 217 (111) on 10 December 1948. See also Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Tanzania ratified this 1966 Covenant in 1976: available at https://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?chapter=4&clang=_en&mtdsg_no=IV-4&src=IND, retrieved 23 February 2022.

49 United Nations and World Conference on Women, ‘Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action: Beijing +5 Political Declaration and Outcome’, Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, China, 4–15 September 1995: available at https://www.icsspe.org/system/files/Beijing%20Declaration%20and%20Platform%20for%20Action.pdf, retrieved 23 February 2022.

50 S. Geiger, TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955–65 (Portsmouth, Heinemann, 1997).

51 Ibid.

52 Preamble of the 1977 CCM constitution, 2022 edition.

53 Yoon, ‘Special Seats for Women in Parliament and Democratization’.

54 Ibid.

55 B. Killian, ‘A Policy of Parliamentary “Special Seats” for Women in Tanzania: Its Effectiveness’, Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 24, 2–3, 1996, pp. 21–31.

56 A.M. Tripp, Joan Wicken: A Lifelong Collaboration with Mwalimu Nyerere (Dar es Salaam, Mkuki na Nyota, 2023).

57 Cap. 2, R.E. 2002.

58 1985, Cap. 343, R.E. 2002.

59 Ibid.

60 Yoon, ‘Special Seats for Women in Parliament and Democratization’.

61 Killian, ‘A Policy of Parliamentary “Special Seats” for Women in Tanzania’.

62 Lihiru, ‘The 2020 CHADEMA Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania’.

63 The Political Parties Act of 1992 was amended in 2019, paving the way for the Political Parties Amendment Act of 2019.

64 Interview with a CCM leader (anonymous), 15 March 2022, Dar es Salaam. The amendments were geared towards strengthening party structures, representation and decentralisation of powers.

65 Amendments were made in 2006, 2011–13, 2016 and 2019.

66 Article 4.3 of the CHADEMA constitution and Articles 4 (1) and 5 (11 and 15) of the CCM constitution.

67 Article 14 of the CCM constitution, Article 5.2.2 of the CHADEMA constitution.

68 Article 6.8.4 of the CHADEMA constitution, Articles 115,116, 117 and 118 of the CCM constitution.

69 The Political Parties (Amendment) Act, 2019, Act Supplement No. 1, 22 February 2019. Available at https://www.osg.go.tz/uploads/publications/sw1570617533-1.%20THE%20POLITICAL%20PARTIES%20(AMENDMENT)%20ACT,%202018%20%204%20FEBRUARI,%202019%20FINAL%2026TH%20FEBRUARY%202019.pdf, retrieved 27 February 2024.

70 Interview with a woman leader from the CHADEMA women’s wing (anonymous), 12 April 2022, Dar es Salaam.

71 BBC News, ‘John Magufuli: Tanzania’s President Dies Aged 61 after Covid Rumours’, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-56437852, retrieved 20 April 2022.

72 Africa News, ‘Samia Suluhu Hassan Sworn in as Tanzania’s First Female President’, available at https://www.africanews.com/2021/03/19/tanzania-s-samia-suluhu-hassan-sworn-in-as-first-female-president//, accessed 20 April 2022.

73 L. Shekighenda, ‘Tanzania: Why CCM Elected Samia as Chairperson’, available at https://allafrica.com/stories/202105030230.html, retrieved 20 April 2022.

74 J. Sisya, ‘New Faces Pop Up in CCM’s Sweeping Changes’, available at https://www.dailynews.co.tz/news/2021-04-30608c084a2f480.aspx, retrieved 20 April 2022.

75 In 2020, April 2022 and December 2022.

76 A man, Anamlingi Macha, replaced Christina Mndeme as deputy general secretary – Mainland after CCM’s 2022 internal elections.

77 Interview with a CCM leader (anonymous), 20 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

78 Interview with a non-governmental organisation (NGO) leader (anonymous), 26 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

Interview with NGO leader (anonymous), 7 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

Ibid.

79 Election rules nos. 100 and 108, CCM Elections Rules, 2022 edition.

80 The other 18 delegates include six members that are voted as delegates of CCM’s Central Committee, three from Zanzibar and three from Tanzania Mainland; one of each group must be a woman. Leaders of the Women’s wing are also represented in CCM’s Central Committee.

81 Forty-seven of the 201 members were women.

82 Eight out of 51 members were women.

83 One out of ten members was a woman.

84 CHADEMA’s national chairperson has the power to appoint six additional members to the Governing Council, two of whom should be women. The Governing Council subsequently has the role of electing six people from Tanzania Mainland (three men and three women, out of which at least one should be a person with a disability) and two people from Zanzibar (one man and one woman) to be part of the Central Committee. BAWACHA’s secretary is represented at the party National Secretariat.

85 100 women out of the 993 members.

86 40 women out of the 464 members.

87 Eight women out of 51 members.

88 One woman out of 10 members.

89 540 women out of the 1921 members.

90 47 women out of the 201 members.

91 Six women out of 24 members.

92 Two women out of 12 members.

93 Article 126 of the CCM constitution.

94 The current chairperson of the CCM board of trustees is a woman, Anna Abdallah.

95 Article 8.3 of the CHADEMA constitution.

96 Article 123 of the CCM constitution.

97 Rabia Abdallah Hamad heads the department of Politics and International Relations. A woman, Sophia Mjema, was briefly (from January to October 2023) head of the Department for Publicity and Ideology, but on 22 October 2023 she was replaced by Paul Makonda, a man. Sophia was the first woman to hold the position. Sophia has now been appointed a gender advisor to the president.

98 Interviews with CHADEMA’s Director of Election Strategy and Organisation, Reginald Munisi, 17 March 2022 and 11 April 2023.

99 Articles 24, 32, 38, 46 and 59B of the CCM constitution.

100 Articles 22 (4) and 28 of the CCM constitution; Rule 48 of CCM Election Rules, 2022 edition.

101 Rule 56 of CCM Election Rules, 2022 edition.

102 Rules 79 and 88 of CCM Election Rules, 2022 edition. Rule 87 (e) of CCM Election Rules, 2022 edition.

103 Articles 40, 53, 66,79 and 92 of the CCM constitution.

104 For example, one representative per ward in Tanzania Mainland and five per ward in Zanzibar attend the district general assembly At the regional level, one delegate for the National Executive Committee for Tanzania Mainland and four for Zanzibar are elected and form part of the regional leadership. Representatives for the regional National Executive Committee include two delegates from each district for Tanzania Mainland and five from each district for Zanzibar: Rules 61, 68 and 90 of CCM Election Rules, 2022 edition.

105 For example, see Article 7.3.3 of the CHADEMA constitution.

106 Article 7, Sections 7.1.3 to 7.6.1 of the CHADEMA constitution.

107 Gimbi Masaba (Serengeti zone) and Aisha Luja (Central zone). The ten zones are Central, Victoria, Serengeti, West, Nyasa, Southern, Coastal, North, Unguja and Pemba: interview with a woman leader (anonymous) from CHADEMA women’s wing, 12 April 2022, Dar es Salaam.

108 Sefa Komba (North zone) and Time Mohamed (Pemba), interview with a woman leader (anonymous) from CHADEMA women’s wing, 12 April 2022, Dar es Salaam.

109 They lead Lindi, Mtwara and Njombe regions: interview with a woman leader (anonymous) from CHADEMA women’s wing, 12 April 2022, Dar es Salaam.

110 Four out of the 32 CCM regional chairpersons are women (Silafi Maufi for Rukwa, Shemsa Seif for Simiyu Mwaka Mrisho Abdallah for Kusini Unguja and Martha Mlata for Singida): interview with CCM women’s wing leader (anonymous), 21 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

111 V.M. Lihiru, ‘Political Parties Act as a Stumbling Block for Women’s Political Leadership in Tanzania’, The African Review (published online ahead of print 2023), available at https://doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-bja10087, retrieved 26 February 2024

112 Ibid.

113 Interview with CHADEMA party leader (anonymous), 4 April 2023, Dar es Salaam; interview with CCM party leader (anonymous), 12 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

114 Ibid.

115 Interview with NGO leader (anonymous) on 26 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

116 Interview with NGO leader (anonymous) on 24 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

117 Interview with CHADEMA party leader (anonymous), 4 April 2023, Dar es Salaam; Interview with CCM party leader (anonymous), 12 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

118 Lihiru, ‘Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda’.

119 Interview with CCM women’s wing leader (anonymous), 21 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

120 Interview with a woman leader from CHADEMA women’s wing (anonymous), 12 April 2022, Dar es Salaam.

121 Interview with CCM women’s wing leader (anonymous), 3 March 2023, Dar es Salaam.

122 Interview with party leader, CHADEMA, 4 April 2023, Dar es Salaam; interview with party leader, CCM, 12 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

123 Lihiru, ‘The 2020 CHADEMA Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania’.

124 Interview with party leader, CHADEMA, 4 April 2023, Dar es Salaam; interview with party leader, CCM, 12 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

125 Interview with CCM women’s wing leader (anonymous), 21 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

126 Interview with CHADEMA party leader (anonymous), 4 April 2023, Dar es Salaam;. interview with CCM party leader (anonymous), 12 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

127 Interview with Professor Alexander Makulilo, Department of Political Science, University of Dar es Salaam, 28 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

128 Interview with NGO leader (anonymous), 26 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

129 Interview with CCM women’s wing leader (anonymous), 21 April 2023, Dar es Salaam.

130 Killian, ‘A Policy of Parliamentary “Special Seats” for Women in Tanzania’.

131 Lihiru, ‘The 2020 CHADEMA Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania’.

132 Lihiru, ‘Political Parties Act as a Stumbling Block for Women’s Political Leadership in Tanzania’.

133 Ibid.