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ABSTRACT
The date of the Ebstorf world map, whether it originated early (between 1208 and 1250) or late (around 1300), has been controversial for decades. In the case of the earlier dates, Gervase of Tilbury is regarded as spiritus rector of the map. Gervase of Tilbury was the author of the Otia imperialia, an encyclopaedic description of the world which he dedicated to the Holy Roman Emperor Otto IV of Brunswick. Gervase was marshal of the imperial court in the kingdom of Arles (1209–1214), recorded in Provence until 1222, and perhaps identical with Gervase, provost of the convent of Ebstorf south of Lüneburg (1223–1234, died before 1244). Protagonists of the c.1300 date hold that the map has nothing to do with Gervase of Tilbury. In this article the controversy is updated, and the main criteria for the dating are reviewed. The conclusion offers a compromise: if the Ebstorf map really was made around 1300, it should be seen as a copy of Gervase's earlier map.
La date de la carte du monde d'Ebstorf reste controversée depuis des décennies : a-t-elle été réalisée entre les années 1208–1250 environ ou bien plus tardivement vers 1300? Dans le cas d'une datation précoce, Gervais de Tilbury est considéré comme le spiritus rector de la carte. Auteur des Otia Imperialia, une description encyclopédique du monde qu'il dédia à Otton IV de Brunswick, empereur du Saint Empire, Gervais était maréchal de la cour impériale du royaume d'Arles (1209–1214) et attesté encore en Provence jusqu'en 1222. Il ne fait peut-être qu'un avec Gervais, prévôt du couvent d'Ebstorf au sud de Lüneburg (1223–1234, mort avant 1244). Les partisans d'une datation tardive (c.1300) soutiennent que la carte n'a rien à voir avec Gervais de Tilbury. Dans cet article la controverse est réactualisée, et les principaux critères de datation sont réexaminés. La conclusion propose un compromis: si la mappemonde d'Ebstorf a réellement été faite autour de 1300, elle devrait être considérée comme une copie d'une carte plus ancienne de Gervais de Tilbury.
Das Datum der Ebstorfer Weltkarte—früh (zwischen 1208 und 1250) oder spät (um 1300)—ist seit Jahrzehnten umstritten. Für die Frühdatierer gilt Gervasius von Tilbury als spiritus rector der Karte. Gervasius von Tilbury war der Autor der Otia imperialia, einer Kaiser Otto IV. von Braunschweig gewidmeten enzyklopädischen Weltbeschreibung. Gervasius war Marschall des kaiserlichen Hofs im Königreich Arelat (1209–1214), nachweisbar in der Provence noch bis 1222 und vielleicht identisch mit Gervasius, dem Propst des Klosters Ebstorf südlich von Lüneburg (1223–1234, gestorben vor 1244). Für die Spätdatierer hat die Karte nichts mit Gervasius von Tilbury zu tun. In diesem Aufsatz wird die Kontroverse auf den neuesten Stand gebracht und ein Überblick über die wichtigsten Kriterien zur Datierung gegeben. Abschließend wird ein Kompromiss angeboten: Falls die Karte wirklich erst um 1300 entstand, ist sie als eine Kopie der Karte des Gervasius anzusehen.
La fecha del mappamundi de Ebstorf, bien realizado tempranamente (entre 1208 y 1250) o con posterioridad (alrededor de 1300), ha sido motivo de controversia durante décadas. En el caso de las primeras fechas, Gervasio de Tilbury es considerado como el spiritus rector del mapa. Gervasio de Tilbury fue el autor de la Otia Imperialia, una enciclopédica descripción del mundo que dedicó a Otón IV de Brunswick, emperador del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico. Era mariscal de la corte imperial del reino de Arlés (1209–1214), registrado en Provenza hasta 1222, y quizás es el mismo Gervasio que fue rector del convento de Ebstorf, al sur de Lüneburg (1223–1234, muerto antes de 1244). Partidarios de la fecha de c.1300 sostienen que el mapa no tiene nada que ver con Gervasio de Tilbury. En este artículo se actualiza la controversia, y se revisan los principales criterios de datación. La conclusión ofrece una solución de compromiso: si el mapa de Ebstorf fue realmente realizado alrededor de 1300, debe ser considerado como una copia del mapa previo de Gervasio.
Acknowledgements
I am most grateful to P. D. A. Harvey and Peter Barber for their invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this article.
Notes
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Whereas the Ebstorf map measured 3.57 metres in diameter, the mural map in the church of Saint-Silvain at Chalivoy-Milon, Cher, France, dating from the second quarter of the 12th century, was six metres in diameter. It was destroyed in 1885 and is known only from two written descriptions of 1868 and 1878/1898. See Marcia Kupfer, ‘The lost mappamundi at Chalivoy-Milon’, Speculum 66 (1991): 540–71.
2. Klaus Jaitner, ‘Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Ebstorf im Mittelalter (ca. 1165–1550)’, in Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Ebstorf im Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Jaitner and Ingo Schwab (Hildesheim, Lax 1988), 1–2.
3. Ernst Sommerbrodt, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte im Auftrage des Historischen Vereins für Niedersachsen (Hannover, Hahn, 1891). The volume measures 48 by 64 centimetres and contains 25 collotype plates.
4. The coloured version accompanies Konrad Miller, Mappaemundi, Die ältesten Weltkarten, Heft 5: Die Ebstorfkarte. Mit dem Facsimile der Karte in den Farben des Originals (Stuttgart, Roth, 1896). Miller transcribed and discussed the texts within the circle of the map proper, but not those outside it. The black-and-white version Monialium Ebstorfensium mappa mundi accompanies Miller's Kurze Erklärung der Weltkarte des Frauenklosters Ebstorf; Vereinsgabe der Görresgesellschaft 2 (Köln, J. P. Bachem, 1896). The coloured lithograph was published separately a second time in 1898. All these copies were reduced in size.
5. This work of Augustus Kropp hangs on a wall in the agricultural school at Ebstorf. Its colours look somehow modern, not as medieval as the later reconstruction by Wienecke.
6. The original colours are unlikely ever to be known, and considerable variation exists between Miller's chromolithograph and Kropp's colouring of Sommerbrodt's plates. P. D. A. Harvey discusses the colour problem in his review of Hartmut Kugler, in collaboration with Sonja Glauch, Antje Willing and Thomas Zapf, eds., Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte. Kommentierte Neuausgabe in zwei Bänden (Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 2007), in Imago Mundi, 60:1 (2008): 106–7. The Kugler et al. work will be cited hereafter as Kugler, EWK.
7. The third of Wieneke's copies is in Plassenburg castle (Kulmbach, Bavaria), and the fourth was given to the former king of Greece. Its present location is unknown.
8. Kugler, EWK (see note 6). In this work, the map is reproduced on a scale of 1:2. Each of the 61 ‘segments’ is overlain by a reference grid (so that in the text reference is made first to the segment then to the square). A further reduction on a single sheet, 60 cm square, without the grid, is contained in a pocket on the inside back cover. A smaller (45 cm) single-sheet version was included in Hartmut Kugler and Eckhard Michael. eds., Ein Weltbild vor Columbus: Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (Weinheim, VCH, 1991), the collected papers of an international colloquium held at Ebstorf in 1988.
9. P. D. A. Harvey, Mappa Mundi: The Hereford World Map (Hereford, Hereford Cathedral, and London, The British Library, 1996; revised edition Hereford, Hereford Cathedral, 2010), also published in conjunction with a limited-edition reproduction on CD of the map accompanying a re-issue of Scott D. Westrem, The Hereford World Map: A Transcription and Translation of the Legends with Commentary (first published by Brepols in 2001). See also P. D. A. Harvey, ed., The Hereford World Map: Medieval World Maps and Their Context (London, The British Library, 2006). Compare also the tiny (less than 10 cm diameter) Psalter in the British Library, Add. MS 28681, fol. 9r. On the verso a circle divided into three parts represents the geography of the world entirely in words.
10. Klaus Jaitner, ‘Kloster Ebstorf und die Weltkarte’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 41–53, at 52, considers the picture of the convent with the name Ebbekestorp to be a part of the original map but suggests that the graves of the martyrs with the inscription Hic quiescunt beati martyres to have been inserted later (später nachgetragen).
11. Those who agree with the map originating in Ebstorf are Richard Uhden, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Jahrbuch der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Hannover (1930): 185–200, at 185; Werner Ohnsorge, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Nieder- sächsisches Jahrbuch 33 (1961): 158–85, at 182; Horst Appuhn, ‘Über Ursprung und Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Lüneburger Blätter 14 (1963): 30–32; Hartmut Kugler, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte: Ein europäisches Weltbild im deutschen Mittelalter’, Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 116 (1987): 1–29, at 8; Armin Wolf, ‘News on the Ebstorf world map: date, origin, authorship’, in Géographie du monde au moyen âge et à la renaissance, ed. Monique Pelletier (Paris, C.T.H.S., 1989), 51–68, at 61–64; Bernd Ulrich Hucker, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Deutsches Archiv 44 (1988): 510–38, at 513; and Jürgen Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte, 2 vols. (Bielefeld, Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2001), 1: 285. The monastery of St Michael at Lüneburg was suggested by Walter Rosien, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte; Veröffentlichungen des Niedersächsischen Amtes für Landesplanung und Statistik A II 19 (Hannover, 1952), 33; and Jaitner, ‘Kloster Ebstorf und die Weltkarte’ (see note 10), 52f. Hildesheim was favoured by Richard Drögereit, ‘Zur Entstehung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Lüneburger Blätter 13 (1962): 5–23, at 23; and Richard Drögereit, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte und Hildesheim’, Die Diözese Hildesheim 44 (1976): 9–44.
12. The earliest suggested dates are 1208–1218: Hans Martin Schaller in Mitteilungen der Technischen Universität Carola-Wilhelmina zu Braunschweig 10 (1975): 21–29; and in greater detail, Hans Martin Schaller, ‘Das geistige Leben am Hofe Kaiser Ottos IV. von Braunschweig’, Deutsches Archiv 45 (1989): 54–82, at 78; Hucker, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), and Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Otto IV. Der wiederentdeckte Kaiser (Frankfurt and Leipzig, Insel Verlag, 2003), 386–99 and 502–8. Other early dates are c.1235: Uhden, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11); 187; c.1230–1250: Rosien. Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 35; c.1235–1247: Drögereit, ‘Zur Entstehung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 22; and c.1235–1239: Armin Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte und politische Situation des Jahres 1239: Zum Weltbild des Gervasius von Tilbury am welfischen Hofe’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 54–116, at 58–73, 114.
13. The suggested late dates—1288–1314, 1298–1308, c.1300—are all put forward by Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 255, 284f. For my refutation of Wilke's criticisms of my position, see Wolf, ‘Albert oder Gervasius? Kritische Bemerkungen zu dem Buch von Jürgen Wilke über die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch 76 (2004): 285–318. ‘In the decades around 1300’ is suggested by Hartmut Kugler, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte ohne Gervasius’, Kloster und Bildung im Mittelalter, ed. Nathalie Kruppa and Jürgen Wilke (Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006), 497–512, at 511; and Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 35, 69. Kugler's rejection of both an early date for the map and Gervase's authorship (2: 47) was questioned in Wolf's review of Kugler in Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch 79 (2007): 426–31.
14. The Germanic focus on the Ebstorf map contrasts with the international but mainly English-language discussion of the Hereford mappamundi, as reflected in, for example, the list of contributors to the proceedings of the Hereford Conference (1999) who came from eight different countries; see Harvey The Hereford World Map (note 9), xiii–xvi. The non-German-language contributions to the discussion of the Ebstorf map are Jerzy Strzelczyk, Gerwazy z Tilbury: Studium z dziejów uczoności geograficznej w średniowieczu (Wrocław, Zaklad narodowy imienia ossoliń-skich wydawnictwo polskiej akademii nauk, 1970), with English summary, ‘Gervase of Tilbury: A study from the history of geographical erudition in the Middle Ages’, 271–78; Wolf, ‘News on the Ebstorf world map’ (see note 11); and Armin Wolf, ‘Ebstorf World Map’, in Trade, Travel, and Exploration in the Middle Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. John Block Friedman and Kristen Mossler Figg (New York and London, Garland Publishing, 2000), 160–62.
15. Peter Barber, ‘Medieval maps of the world’, section entitled ‘The Ebstorf map, c. 1300 (?)’, with select bibliography, in Harvey, Hereford World Map (see note 9), 23–27, at 24. Barber's note was based on a paper given at the Hereford Conference in 1999.
16. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia, Recreation for an Emperor, ed. and transl. Shelagh E. Banks and James W. Binns (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 2002). This work and various charters are the chief sources for Gervase's biography. For a detailed overview of Gervase's life, see Armin Wolf, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Welfen. Zugleich Bemerkungen zur Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, in Die Welfen und ihr Braunschweiger Hof im hohen Mittelalter, ed. Bernd Schneidmüller, Wolfenbütteler Mittelalter-Studien 7 (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1995), 407–38. For Gervase's youth, see Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (note 11), 1: 287–306; and, more generally, Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia, xxv–xxxviii.
17. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 578 (Bk. III, ch. 12). See also George Edward Cokayne, The Complete Peerage of England, ed. Geoffrey H. White (1953; reprinted Gloucester, Sutton, 1987), 5, col. 373f. Detlev Schwennicke, Europäische Stammtafeln, Neue Folge, new series, vol. 3, pt. 4 (Marburg, Stargardt, 1989), table 638.
18. The suggestion that Gervase was born around 1152 is based on the supposition that he studied or may have taught (in 1177) at the university of Bologna. According to Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), xxvi, Gervase ‘was born in the 1150s or the early 1160s, though a later date has been suggested’. See also Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (note 12), 94 n.156.
19. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 790 (Bk. III, ch. 104). Pueri were boys between 7 and 14 years of age: see Adolf Hofmeister, ‘Puer, iuvenis, senex: Zum Verständnis der mittelalterlichen Altersangaben’, in Festschrift Paul Kehr, ed. Albert Brackmann (München, Verlag der Münchner Drucke, 1926), 287–316, at 294.
20. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 469 (Bk. II, ch. 19). In the same year Joanna, daughter of Henry II of England, married William II of Sicily. Gervase might have accompanied her on her way to Sicily.
21. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 578 (Bk. III, ch. 12).
22. Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), xxvii, 14 (Preface), 298 (Bk. II, ch. 10), 486 (Bk. II, ch. 21). During a stay at the court in Aquitaine, Gervase might have come to know the huge world map in the church Saint-Silvain at Chalivoy-Milon, east of the then Anglo-Norman castle Chateauroux. See Kupfer, ‘The lost mappamundi at Chalivoy-Milon’ (note 1).
23. W. Hunt, ‘Gervase of Tilbury’, in Dictionary of National Biography, 21 (London, 1890), 241–42. H. G. Richardson, ‘Gervase of Tilbury’, History 46 (1961): 102–14. S. E. Banks, ‘Tilbury, Gervase of’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthews and Brian Harrison (Oxford, Oxford University Press in association with The British Academy, 2004), 54: 774–75.
24. Recueils des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, 18 (Paris, 1879): 92. On the definition of adolescens, see Hofmeister, ‘Puer, iuvenis, senex (note 19), 294.
25. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 580 (Bk. III, ch. 12).
26. Ibid., 578, 580 (Bk. III, ch. 12).
27. Ibid., 724 (Bk. III, ch. 86).
28. Ibid., 714 (Bk. III, ch. 83), 740 (Bk. III, ch. 92).
29. J.-H. Albanés and Ulysse Chevalier, ed., Gallia Christiana Novissima, vol. 2 (Marseille, Valence, 1899), col. 702–4, no. 1122.
30. Fernand Benoit, Recueil des Actes des Comtes de Provence, vol. 2 (Monaco and Paris, 1925), 69 and 71, no. 54 and 56.
31. This is generally concluded from Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 62f. (Bk. I, ch. 10), 92f. (Bk. I, ch. 16), 260–71 (Bk. II, ch. 8), 450–4 (Bk. II, ch. 18), and in connection with the passage cum nuper Rome essem, 558f. (Bk. III, preface).
32. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 824 (letter to Johannes Marcus). At the beginning of the Otia Imperialia Gervase calls himself Geruasius Tilleberiensis uestri dignatione marescalus regni Arelatensis (p. 2).
33. Edgar Leroy, Cartulaire de St-Paul-de-Mausole, vol. 1 (St-Remy, Municipalité, 1961), 84, no. 53.
34. Otto IV had sided with his uncle King John of England against the eventual victor, Philip II of France. In the three following documents mentioning Gervase in Provence (1216/17, 1219 and 4 June 1221), he does not bear this title. The title is used only once in a charter of 13 June 1221, which must have been a citation from a document created before 1214; for it cannot be imagined that Gervase received the title again within the few days between 4 and 13 June, especially three years after the death of Emperor Otto IV.
35. Otto IV belonged to the Guelph dynasty, who were the former dukes of Saxony and from 1235 the dukes of Brunswick-Lüneburg, who later became the House of Hanover and inherited the throne of Great Britain in 1714.
36. The book mentions the death of King William of Scotland (4 December 1214), but King John of England as living (d. 19 October 1216). Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 716 (Bk. III, ch. 84), 480 (Bk. II, ch. 21).
37. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 826 (letter to Johannes Marcus): te mediatore operetur effuse principis largitas ad gratificandum.
38. Miller, Mappaemundi (see note 4), 75. Banks and Binns, ‘Introduction’, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), xxxv: ‘the Otia is the most recent work used by whoever compiled it [the map]’. In relation to Kugler's objections in ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte ohne Gervasius’ (see note 13), see below the text section titled Sources Used for the Otia and Mappamundi.
39. Translation by Banks and Binns in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 526f. (Bk. II, ch. 25). Emphasis added.
40. Banks and Binns in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), xxxvi. Kugler, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte ohne Gervasius’ (see note 13), 503–5 and note 31; and Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 44 with note 8, follows this interpretation.
41. Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, ‘Die bewohnte Welt in neuen Sichtweisen zu Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts bei Gervasius von Tilbury und Jakob von Vitry’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 27 (2000): 605–24, at 614. See also Marcia Kupfer, ‘Medieval world maps: embedded images, interpretative frames’, Word and Image 10 (1994): 262–88 at 271, who assumes that ‘a lost wall map by Gervase of Tilbury accompanied his Otia imperialia’. She cautions, however, that this lost map is ‘not to be confused with the Ebstorf map’.
42. A modern example is the way Miller's large chromolithograph is usually separated in libraries from the publication it accompanies (see note 4).
43. Peter Barber has commented: ‘And, as far as the Ebstorf Map in particular was concerned, the bigger the map, the better the gift’ (personal e-mail communication, 6 March 2010).
44. Kupfer, ‘Medieval world maps’ (see note 41), 280.
45. A similar miniature is found in an older manuscript (1120) of Lambert of St Omer's Liber floridus, now in Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 18, 138v. For an illustration, see Birgit Hahn-Woernle, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (Ebstorf, Kloster Ebstorf, 1987), 22.
46. Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 12), 115. See also Alessandro Scafi, ‘Defining mappaemundi’, in Harvey, The Hereford World Map (note 9), 345–84, at 350, who suggests that a mappamundi ‘can be compared to the process of contemplation of the world described in medieval mystical literature’.
47. The colophon says Data per manus Gervasii Notarii nostri (given by the hands of our notary Gervase). The original charter is preserved in Magdeburg, Landeshauptarchiv Sachsen-Anhalt, Rep. U 1, XVI B Nr. 1.
48. For details, see Wolf, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Welfen’ (note 16), 423–25. The last mention of Gervase in Provence is in a charter of 1222 in Montmajour; see Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (note 16), xxxiii.
49. The charters are listed in Wolf, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Welfen’ (see note 16), 425–27. The provost (prepositus) was the administrator of the secular goods of a monastery or nunnery and took care of the secular and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The head of the Ebstorf nuns was a prioress. In 1244 documents record another provost of Ebstorf (Helmericus). Klaus Jaitner, ed. Urkundenbuch Ebstorf des Klosters Ebstorf (Hildesheim, Lax, 1985), 22, no. 16.
50. Jaitner, ‘Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Ebstorf’ (see note 2), 4–5, could find references to only two other Gervases around 1200 in northern Germany, but one is too late and the other too early. They are a chaplain and scriptor to the counts of Holstein (between 1250 and 1260) and a deacon who signed as witness a charter of bishop Tammo of Verden (1180–1188). According to Jaitner, ‘Kloster Ebstorf und die Weltkarte’ (see note 10), 44–49, the deacon of Verden and the provost Gervase of Ebstorf (1223–1234) were the same person, and Kugler, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte ohne Gervasius’ (see note 13), 2: 61 with note 5, follows him.
51. Kugler's argument that Gervase could not have been in Provence and in Ebstorf at the same time fails, since the dates (Provence until 1222, Ebstorf after 1223) fit (Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 44).
52. Uhden, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 200.
53. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1:282–84. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 44 and 69.
54. Hans Martin Schaller, ‘Die Schrift auf der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, in 800 Jahre Kloster Ebstorf (Uelzen, Kloster Ebstorf, 1997), 81–95 at 87. Schaller at 84 refers also to the renowned palaeographer Bernhard Bischoff who had (orally) dated the script ‘shortly after 1200’. The palaeographical examination by Sabine Effertz, ‘Zur paläographischen Datierung der Ebstorfer Karte’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (note 8), 383–86, at 386, concluded that an origin of the Ebstorf World Map ‘in the first half of the 13th century is probable and after 1275 more and more improbable’. Ohnsorge, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 182. This late dating was rejected by Drögereit, ‘Zur Entstehung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 5–23.
55. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 255.
56. Ibid., 1: 200–2, and 2: 89 and 91f. with figs. 123, 126 and 127. Wolf, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Welfen’ (see note 16), 437, with figure. J. R. Caldwell, ‘The autograph manuscript of Gervase of Tilbury’, Scriptorium 11 (1957): 87–98, argues that the use of the first person singular in a few of the more than 300 marginal notes in manuscript ‘N’ (Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms. Lat. 833) indicates that the notes and some of the interlinear glosses were written by Gervase himself. Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), lxiv, lxxix–lxxxv, follow Caldwell.
57. F. Busch, Beiträge zum Urkunden- und Kanzleiwesen der Herzöge zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg im 13. Jahrhundert. 1. Teil bis zum Tode Ottos des Kindes (1200–1252) (Wolfenbüttel, 1921), 21.
58. Ebstorf, Klosterarchiv Ebstorf, IX b 65. Illustrated in Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 2: 101, figs. 131 and 132.
59. Lüne, Handschriftentruhe, MS 8 (within the binding of a luxury manuscript). Illustrated in Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 2: 106–7, and 166–67. The Lüne convent lies on the edge of the town of Lüneburg, 25 km north of Ebstorf.
60. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 231.
61. Ibid., 1: 233 and 255.
62. Ibid., 1: 285: ‘bisher nie anders als um oder kurz nach 1300 datiert’.
63. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 32–36, fig. 39 (breviary).
64. I consulted Dr Vincenzo Colli of the Max-Planck-Institut für Europäische Rechtsgeschichte, Frankfurt/Main, and the late Professor Hans Martin Schaller of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Munich. Although Professor Schaller was unable to complete his planned review of Wilke's thesis, he authorized me to quote his conclusion: ‘I do not share Wilke's view that any of the hands of the later manuscripts consulted by him are palaeographically identical with the script on the map’ [‘Ich bestreite, daß irgend eine Schrift auf den von Wilke herangezogenen späteren Handschriften paläographisch gesehen mit der Schrift auf der Weltkarte übereinstimmen’].
65. Appuhn, ‘Über Ursprung und Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 30–32. Renate Kroos, ‘Über die Zeichnungen auf der Ebstorfer Weltkarte und die niedersächsische Buchmalerei’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 223–44, esp. 243.
66. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 37.
67. ‘so gut wie nichts gemein’ (Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 88–89; illustrations 2: 164–65). Lüne, Handschriftentruhe MS 8 (see note 59). The miniature belongs to the luxury part of the manuscript, and the text whose palaeography, according to Wilke, is identical to the map is bound into the binding.
68. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 72 with note 68 referring to Horst Appuhn, ‘Datierung und Gebrauch der Ebstorfer Weltkarte und ihre Beziehungen zu den Nachbarklöstern Lüne und Wienhausen’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 255–59, fig. at 258.
69. Brandenburg, Dommuseum, Inv. Nr. B 347 K 6.
70. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 16, fol. 49v; London. British Library, Arundel Ms. 157, fol. 2r. Suzanne Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora (Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1987), 376 and pl. IV and V.
71. Uhden, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 186.
72. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 38/37.
73. Folker Reichert, ‘Starkenberch urbs: Österreich und die Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, in Kruppa and Wilke, Kloster und Bildung (see note 13), 513–21, at 519. Reichert, at 521, hints at the possibility that an author of the Ebstorf map around 1300 could have read about Starhemberg (Starkenberch) in later chronicles.
74. Klaus Friedland, ‘Mündens hansische Geschichte’, in Mensch und Seefahrt zur Hansezeit (Köln, Boehlau, 1995), 249 and 255 with n.13a, claims the interpretation of dhor mun de as Münden to be ‘indubitable’ and Dortmund a ‘misunderstanding’. The city of Dortmund is to be identified with Westfalia c. situated correctly on the map as Kugler convincingly shows (Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 50/13); dhor mun de is, by comparison, at EWK 51/4 .
75. See Wolf, ‘News on the Ebstorf World Map’ (note 11), 61, and in greater detail, Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (note 12), 58–73.
76 Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 12), 64.
77. Hucker, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 529 n.73.
78 Armin Wolf, ‘Gervasius von Tilbury, Arelatischer Marschall Kaiser Ottos IV. und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, Salzgitter Jahrbuch 29 (2009): 157–87, at 164.
79. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 64.
80. Wilke is followed by Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 90, comment 9/3 referring to vignette 9/B1.
81. Heidelberg. Universitätsbibliothek. Cod. Pal. germ. 164. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 88f., 2: 74, figs. 105–.
82. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 69. The vignette is discussed at 2: 132.
83. Dietrich Briesemeister, ‘Neun Gute Helden’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 6 (München, Artemis, 1993), col. 1104–1106.
84. For the date, see Frank Günter Zehnder, ‘Wandgemälde aus dem Hansasaal im Rathaus Köln, um 1360–1370, in Die Parler und der schöne Stil, ed. Anton Legner (Köln, Schnütgen Museum, 1978), 1: 204.
85. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 23/10.
86. On the conversion, see Dieter Ludwig, ‘Chazaren,’ in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 2 (München, Artemis, 1983), col. 1783; Douglas M. Dunlop, The History of the Jewish Khazars (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1954); Kevin Alan Brook, The Jews of Khazaria (Northvale, NJ, Aronson, 1999).
87 Their name was spelled differently: in Hebrew Kuzarim, in Greek Chazaroi, and in Latin Gazari or Cosri.
88. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 132 (comment to 23/10).
89. Dublin, Trinity College Library, cod. 58, fol. 191v.
90. Zwiefalten is situated on the upper Danube River. A pax is a small metal or ivory plate, often with a representation of the Crucifixion, that was used to convey the kiss of peace from the celebrant at Mass to those attending it, who kissed the plate in turn.
91. The Carinthian altar, from which the central part has been lost, is now in the Erzbischöfliches Museum, Bamburg. The manuscript is in the Bibliothek der Landesschule Pforta, MS. A 10, fol. 2v. For an illustration, see Armin Wolf, ‘Die “Ebstorfer Weltkarte” und Gervasius von Tilbury: Ein Weltbild im Umkreis des Kaisers’, in Otto IV—Traum vom welfischen Kaisertum, ed. Bernd Ulrich Hucker et al. (Petersberg, Michael Imhof Verlag. 2009), 195–206, at 202.
92. See note 70.
93. Gerhard Wolf, ‘From Mandylion to Veronica: picturing the “disembodied” face and dissemination of the true image of Christ in the Latin west’, in The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Gerhard Wolf (Bologna, Nuova Alfa, 1998), 153–79. Compare Harald Wolter–von dem Knesebeck, ‘Neue Formen der Bildung und der Bildformen, im Vorfeld der Ebstorfer Weltkarte in Sachsen’, in Kruppa and Wilke, Kloster und Bildung (see note 13), 231–61; and Christine Ungruh, ‘Paradies und vera icon: Kriterien für die Bildkomposition der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’, ibid., 301–29.
94. The legend of Veronica was found from the 12th century in the Legenda Aurea and from about 1200 in Joseph de Arimathie by Robert de Boron. Gerhard Wolf, Schleier und Spiegel. Traditionen des Christusbildes und die Bildkonzeption der Renaissance (München, Fink, 2002), 45–51 and 115–57. The Ebstorf Christ is regarded as vera icon (ibid., 180).
95. Gerhard Wolf, ‘From Mandylion to Veronica (see note 93), 166. The vera icon in St Peter's disappeared during the 16th or 17th century. Its empty frame with broken glass is still displayed in the treasury of St Peter's. The cloth itself is believed to be the Volto Santo revered in the church of Manoppello (Province of Pescara).
96 Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 606–7 (Bk. III, ch. 25).
97. The parallel of the Ebstorf Christ with the microcosm-macrocosm theory was first noted in print in Armin Wolf, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte als Denkmal eines mittelalterlichen Welt- und Geschichtsbildes’, Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 8 (1957): 204–15. See also Wolf, ‘News on the Ebstorf World Map’ (note 11), 67. Armin Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte: Zur Konzeption des Gervasius von Tilbury’, in Kruppa and Wilke, Kloster und Bildung (see note 13), 425–69, at 452–60.
98. A comparative illustration of the Ebstorf map, the Psalter map, the Pisa fresco and a vision of St. Hildegard is found in Wolf, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte als Denkmal’ (see note 97), 211; and in Wolf, ‘News on the Ebstorf World Map’ (see note 11), 67–68 with fig. . For an illustration of the Pisa fresco, see Hahn-Woernle, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 45), 40. Alessandro Scafi, ‘Le premier homme comme microcosme et préconfiguration du Christ: le mappemonde d'Ebstorf et le nom d'Adam’, in Micrologus. Adam. Le premier homme, ed. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (Florence, Sismel, forthcoming 2011), 8, shows that the four edges of the world were associated also with the four letters of the name of ADAM, and that Christ who offers the redemption here is seen as the second Adam. I am grateful to Dr Scafi for letting me see a page-proof version of his article.
99. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 26 (Bk. I, ch. 1). Jürgen Wilke, ‘Neues zu Ebstorfer Handschriftenfragmenten’, in Kruppa and Wilke, Kloster und Bildung (see note 13), 471–512, at 485–94, accepts that the Ebstorf map follows the microcosm-macrocosm theory, but he does not think this points to Gervase but rather, possibly, to Rupert of Deutz (c.1070–1129 or 1130).
100. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 135–36, 139.
101. See the lists of authors in Miller, Mappaemundi (note 4), 75–77, and in Kugler, EWK (note 6), 2: 57 and 59.
102. Jeremiah 23:24, where it is phrased in the form of a question: Numquid non caelum et terram ego impleo? dicit Dominus. Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 24 (Bk. I, ch. 1).
103. For this passage, see also Martin Warnke, ‘Et mundus, hoc est homo: Von einer sehr alten, nun wieder virtuellen Weltkarte’, Zeitschrift für Semiotik 20 (1998): 119–32.
104. Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (see note 16), 26–28 with note v. For Gervase's working manuscript, see note 56.
105. Isidore's De rerum natura was written c.630. The quotation comes from Migne, Patrologia Latina 83, col. 978: Siquidem Graece mundus κoσμος, homo autem μικροκoσμος, id est, minor mundus, est appellatus [Since in Greek the world is called kósmos, man is called mikrokósmos, that is a small world].
106. This interpretation was first suggested by Wolf, ‘Ebstorfer Weltkarte als Denkmal’ (see note 97), 210. Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, ‘Weltbild und Weltkenntnis in der Kartographie um 1300’, in 1308, Eine Topographie historischer Gleichzeitigkeit, ed. Andreas Speer and David Wirmer; Miscellanea Mediaevalia 35 (Berlin, de Gruyter, 2010), 16.
107. Magister Pierus olim Pucci de Urbeveteri pictor qui dudum pinxit in Campo Sancto ystoriam genesis [Master Peter, once Pucci of Orvieto, the painter, who formerly painted the history of the creation]. Sebastiano Ciampi, Notizie inedite della Sagrestia Pistoiese de‘ belli arredi del Campo Santo Pisano (Firenze, Molini & Landi, 1810), 150. In the Pisa fresco, a T-O-map is at the centre, surrounded by the heavenly spheres. In the Ebstorf map the spheres are reduced to small coloured circles. The Pisa fresco is the first in a long cycle of 58 frescos covering the walls of the cloister, which depicts human history from Adam and Eve to the Last Judgement. Another parallel is offered by an Italian illustrated history of the world which starts with a world map embraced by the Creator (Weltchronik, 15th century; Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Cod. Ser. nov. 3394).
108. For further details, see Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (note 12), 110–13.
109. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 141–56.
110. Ibid., 2: 24–28.
111. Ibid., 1: 143 and 149–54 notes; 2: 24–28 maps.
112. Ibid., 1: 141, where Wilke's words are: ‘konnte Gervasius als Verfasser der Karte ausgeschlossen werden’; 1: 283: ‘Die Orte und Gegenden, die Gervasius in seinem bewegten Wanderleben kennenlernte, und die er auch in den Otia beschrieb, fanden auf der Karte kaum Erwähnung’.
113. Ibid., 1: 146 (‘deutlich Itinerarinformationen verarbeitet wurden’), with similar wording at 148, 152, and 155 (‘Informationen, die der Autor mündlich oder schriftlich tradierten Itinerarien entnahm’).
114. On his map Wilke marked the route from Châlons sur Marne to Reims as uncertain, but the distance is only 42 km, hence according to his criteria ‘certain’.
115. See endnote 74 for the identification of Westfalia c. with Dortmund, according to Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 50/13.
116. The statistics are given in Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 128f; and in Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 97), 445f.
117. The Hereford map's sources are discussed by Westrem, The Hereford World Map (see note 9), 429–43.
118. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 130.
119. See Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (note 97), 449f, where I compared the Ebstorf list in Miller, Mappaemundi (note 4), 12–14, with the index by Banks and Binns, in Gervase, Otia imperialia (note 16), 955–1013.
120. Further details are in Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 97), 448–52, map 451. Matthew Paris continued to compile the abbey's chronicle up to his death in 1259. For my cross-checking of maps and text, I used the index in Matthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, vols. 1–7, ed. Henry Richard Luard (London, 1872–1883; reprinted Wiesbaden, Kraus, 1964), and the transcription and redrawing of the map from the manuscript at the British Library (Royal MS. 14 C vii, fols. 4v–5r), in Konrad Miller, Mappaemundi: Die ältesten Weltkarten, Heft 3: Die kleineren Weltkarten (Stuttgart, Roth 1895), 90–94. For a colour reproduction, see P. D. A. Harvey, Medieval Maps (London, British Library, 1991), 91, who confirms the general view that the map was Matthew's own work and that this manuscript is the earliest of the three versions (P. D. A. Harvey, ‘Matthew Paris's maps of Palestine’, in Thirteenth Century England VIII, Proceedings of the Durham Conference 1999 (Woodbridge, Boydell, 2001), 165–177, at 171). The rectangular form of Jerusalem, the star at Bethlehem, and the camel that are found on the Acre map and on the Ebstorf map might imply that they have both been derived from the same world map.
121. P. D. A. Harvey, ‘Matthew Paris's maps of Britain’, in Thirteenth Century England IV, Proceedings of the Newcastle upon Tyne Conference 1991 (Woodbridge, Boydell, 1992), 109–21, at 119.
122. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 45f. Gervase, Otia (see note 16), 320 (Bk. II, ch. 11) and 490 (Bk. II, ch. 22). For more on Gervase's working manuscript, see note 56.
123. In, respectively, BL, Cotton MS Claudius D.vi, fol. 12v (in Harvey, ‘Matthew Paris's maps of Britain’ (see note 121), fig. .); Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 16, fol. 5v (in Harvey above, fig. .); BL, Cotton MS Julius D.vii, fol. 50v–3r (in Harvey above, fig. .). The south coast of Britain is missing in the fourth manuscript, BL, Royal MS 14 C.vii, fol. 5v (in Harvey above, fig. .). An example of the variations in the inscriptions is Patria palustris et inuia pecudibus et pastoribus apta (Cotton Claudius D.vi) as opposed to Terra palustris solis pecudibus et pastoribus habitabilis (Cotton Julius D.vii).
124. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 44–47 and 57.
125. The list of 123 coincidences between the Ebstorf map and Gervase's Otia, pointed out by Miller, is given in Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 2: 14.
126. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 45: ‘Wo Honorius, Gervasius und Ebstorf übereinstimmen, hat Honorius, nicht Gervasius als Quelle zu gelten. Wo Isidor, Gervasius und Ebstorf übereinstimmen, hat Isidor als Quelle zu gelten’.
127. James Binns and Shelagh Banks, ‘The intellectual development of Gervase of Tilbury’, in Kruppa and Wilke, Kloster und Bildung (see note 13), 347–54, at 350.
128. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 67. The duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg around 1300 was Otto the Strict (der Strenge) (1277–1330).
129. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 236 and 255. Wilke, ‘Neues zu Ebstorfer Handschriftenfragmenten’ (see note 99), 474–47.
130. The last point was made by Wolf at the 1988 Ebstorf Colloquium: Wolf, ‘Ikonologie der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 12), 85; see also Barber, ‘Medieval maps of the world’ (note 15), 23.
131. Armin Wolf, ‘Neues zur Ebstorfer Weltkarte. Entstehungszeit—Ursprungsort—Autorschaft’, in Jaitner and Schwab, Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Ebstorf (see note 2), 90; ‘Diskussionsbericht’ (Report of the discussion) I and III of the 1988 colloquium, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 118, 315; Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 97), 465 n.126–28.
132. Support from other scholars is found in Hucker, ‘Zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 11), 521, and Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Kaiser Otto IV, MGH Schriften 34 (Hannover, Hahn 1990), 135; Schaller, ‘Das geistige Leben am Hofe Kaiser Ottos IV. von Braunschweig’ (see note 12), 78, and Schaller, ‘Die Schrift auf der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 54), 84; Kroos, ‘Über die Zeichnungen auf der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 65), 244; Warnke, ‘Et mundus, hoc est homo’ (see note 103), 126. Brigitte Englisch, Ordo orbis terrae: Die Weltsicht in den Mappae mundi des frühen und hohen Mittelalters; Orbis mediaevalis 3 (Berlin, Akademieverlag 2002), 494–95.
133. Kupfer, ‘Medieval world maps’ (see note 41), 285 n.91. Kupfer also states that ‘the current consensus favors a late date for the Ebstorf map, yet acknowledges that it reflects an earlier one made (probably elsewhere) for display at the Guelph palace at Braunschweig or Lüneburg’ (272 n.95).
134. Peter Barber has written that ‘The structure of these ‘palace’ maps [such as Henry III's map in Winchester] could have become almost standard by the thirteenth century and could have been repeated again, with modifications, again and again. These revised copies would not need to have been inspired by up-to-date reading. Quite the contrary—by the time the model got to the provinces and was being used for minor colleges in the English home counties or for nunneries in northern Germany, it would be the quirky local features—such as local martyrs [as in Ebstorf!]—who would have been most appreciated by the recipients so long as the artistic style was up to date and the lettering clear. The creators of these copies did not need to be particularly intellectual or up to date with the latest literature to produce acceptable maps’. Barber went on to note that although the Winchester map was destroyed by fire in the early 1260s, enough copies survived to ensure that their form lives on the Psalter map and, more loosely, in the Duchy and Aslake maps as well, and presumably in many other mappaemundi that are now lost (personal e-mail communication, 6 March 2010).
135. P. D. A. Harvey, ‘The Holy Land on medieval world maps’, in his The Hereford World Map (see note 9), 243–51, at 246 with note 13. To his list of new evidence for medieval world maps can be added the lost huge painting in the town hall of Siena, Italy, of which only a small fragment of the upper circle has been preserved: Marcia Kupfer, ‘The lost wheel map of Ambrogio Lorenzetti’, Art Bulletin 78 (1996): 286–310.
136. Barber, ‘The Ebstorf map, c. 1300 (?)’ (see note 15), 27; Malcolm B. Parkes ‘The Hereford map: the handwriting and copying of the text’, in Harvey, The Hereford World Map (see note 9), 107–17, especially 113–15; Nigel Morgan, ‘The Hereford map: art historical aspects’, in ibid, 119–35, especially 130–33.
137. See Elizabeth Solopova's comments on the Gough map at http://www.goughmap.org/. Her ‘The making and re-making of the medieval Gough map of Britain: manuscript evidence and historical context’ will appear in a future issue of Imago Mundi.
138 Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 53: ‘umfangreiche Überarbeitung und Ergänzung einer bereits vorhandenen älteren Großkarte’. Also von den Brincken, ‘Weltbild’ (see note 106), 16, whose acceptance of an origin of the Ebstorf map after 1300 does not exclude that sight may have been lost of its first stages (Vorstufen).
139. Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 67: ‘eine offenbar großformatige englische Karte als Vorlage benutzt wurde … . Der Ebstorfer Maler kopierte diese jedoch nicht sklavisch, sondern malte sie zumeist in seinem eigenen Stil’.
140. The copying of maps helps explain differences in spelling and labelling (see note 123). In connection with the Hereford map, now thought to be a copy, Parkes, ‘The Hereford map’ (see note 136), 135, draws attention to the unfamiliarity of the scribe with many of the unusual proper names. For examples of stylistic changes, see Wolf, ‘Kriterien zur Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte’ (see note 97), 467f.
141. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 26.
142. Ibid., 2: 53.
143. Hartmut Kugler, ‘Abschreibfehler’, in Kugler and Michael, Ein Weltbild vor Columbus (see note 8), 365.
144. Kugler, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte ohne Gervasius’ (see note 13), 511.
145. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 2: 26 and 48: ‘nach Vorlage einer oder mehrerer buchformatiger Karten teils proportional vergrößert, teils neu konstruiert’.
146. The total comes from Martin Warnke, ‘Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte‘, Computer und Unterricht 5 (1992): 2, cited by Wilke, Die Ebstorfer Weltkarte (see note 11), 1: 46.
147. Kugler, EWK (see note 6), 1: 4.