‘It has been an uphill battle from the get go’: The experiences of single parents studying at university in the UK during the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT

Single-parent families represent a significant proportion of all UK families, but literature suggests that they face challenges in accessing, participating in, and completing Higher Education (HE). This article draws on data obtained from three months of mixed-methods research in 2021 with single-parent students to explore the meanings of being a single parent studying at university in the UK in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In doing so it considers the personal demands that the pandemic placed on single-parent students, and the avenues of support available for single-parent students in the context of the UK HE system. These issues are then analysed within a theoretical framework to argue that single-parent students occupied a simultaneous position of agency and mastery in the context of HE. The article concludes with three key recommendations for change: (1) Universities should collect data on student parents and use this data to enable tailored support via student support services; (2) Universities should work with Student Unions to ensure parent-friendly freshers activities and ongoing social/support groups for student parents; and (3) Universities should make concrete changes to campus space, including the introduction of accessible, flexible, discounted childcare on campus, parent and baby rooms, and baby-changing facilities. These three changes would significantly improve the experiences of single-parent students studying at university in the UK.

KEYWORDS:

• Single parents
• lone parents
• students
• higher education
• inclusion
• COVID-19

Single parenthood, studying, and the COVID-19 pandemic

It has been an uphill battle from the get-go. Living on the breadline with no help whilst studying 35 hours a week and working 30 hours a week, then caring for a child on top of that is no way to live. Everyone should have the right to education. – Rose, single student parent (questionnaire response, April 2021)¹

Worldwide, 17% of children live in single parent households (OECD 2022). Whilst bearing in mind that the definitions of what constitutes being a single parent, the financial support available to single parents, and the social connotations of being a single parent are all culturally relative (OECD 2022), this article focuses on the UK, where to date there are 2.9 million single parent families (Office For National Statistics 2021). This translates to around 1 in 4 families (Gingerbread 2019), but longitudinal data (which allows for a focus on transitions in and out of single-parent families) indicates that over a 6-year period, 1 in 3 families will – at some point – become single-parent families (Rabindrakumar 2017).

Research conducted with student parents in the UK has identified that as a group, they face issues of isolation and loneliness, poverty, financial pressures, limited funding, complications surrounding childcare, in addition to the difficulties of juggling various responsibilities and managing their time (Hinton-Smith 2012; NUS 2009; Moreau and Kerner 2012; Gingerbread 2020). For individuals who become parents during their studies, there is no guaranteed maternity, paternity, or shared parental leave for them, and evidence suggests that support often depends on the input of individual members of staff (NUS 2009). It is within this context that student parents are an ‘at-risk’ group in terms of retention, with a large-scale survey conducted by the National Union of Students (2009) suggesting that 60% had thought about dropping out at some point during their studies, with this figure rising to 65% for single-parent students (for US statistics, see Lindsay and Gillum 2018; Booker 2011).

Qualitative research with single-parent students has focused on the motivation of single-parent students to enter university programmes (Byrne and Flood 2006; Hinton-Smith 2012), on the sociological and psychological factors that have an impact on academic success for single-mother students – such as having a good support network, economic factors, or the desire to be a good role model (Stone, Nelson, and Niemann 1994), on the ways in which motherhood can be an important factor in and of itself in deciding to return to – or begin – studying (Harne & Hardie 2002; Carlisle 2005; Watson and Vogel 2017), and on the key themes of policy, time, money, and childcare (Hinton-Smith 2012). Ultimately, research suggests that although single-parent families represent a significant proportion of all families, they face challenges in accessing, participating in, and completing higher education (Byrne and Flood 2006; Hinton-Smith 2012). Tinsley (2014, 24) likewise argues that ‘in 2012, far fewer lone parents held degrees than across the population as a whole (14%, compared to a population average of 25%) and they were 13 percentage points more likely to have no qualifications above GCSE level’.

The focus of this article is on how these ongoing issues were highlighted and exacerbated in the UK context by the COVID-19 pandemic, and by the lockdowns, school closures, and move to online learning that the pandemic entailed. Remote learning was particularly significant for single-parent students in their first year of undergraduate study who had never experienced university outside the context of the COVID restrictions. As one participant put it, ‘The whole experience has been bizarre. I have attended my university for nearly a whole academic year; however, I have only been on campus once!’ For most of the single-parent students who took part in the research, the pandemic had a significant impact on their lives, as it meant juggling caring for and in many cases home-schooling their children, alongside managing their studies, the household, and other work commitments. Furthermore, while attention has been paid to the general experiences of university students during the COVID-19 pandemic both in academia (see, for example, Montacute and Holt-White 2021; Oliveira et al. 2021) and the media (see, for example, Hall 2020; BBC News 2020; Blackall and Mistlin 2021), little attention has been given to the specific experiences of single parent students during this time.

This article draws on data collected from a mixed-methods study conducted with single-parent students between April and July 2021 who were studying at undergraduate or postgraduate level at university in the UK. It focuses on the impact of COVID-19 on the personal demands placed on single parent students, in relation to time and money, and on the support available to them in the UK university context. The article considers these themes through the lens of Butler’s (1995) work, specifically their theorisation of the ways in which individual agency can be found within dominant structures. It argues that Butler’s (1995) work, whilst not based in the field of education, sheds light on the specific position of single-parent students in this context, as it enables us to understand better the ways in which being a single-parent student within the broader structures of UK Higher Education could be simultaneously challenging and motivating for participants. Finally, the article concludes with three key recommendations for change.

Methodology

This article is based on three months of mixed-methods research with single-parent students who were, at the time of the research (April-June 2021), studying at university in the UK and had a child or children under the age of 18. The research questions were – What impact has COVID-19 had on the experiences of being a single-parent student studying at university in the UK? What support is currently available for single-parent students studying at university in the UK? How do single-student parents who study at university in the UK navigate childcare and timetabling concerns? What are the positive or rewarding elements of being a single-parent student who studies at university in the UK?

The methods used to answer the research questions were online questionnaires, interviews, and focus groups. The initial data were collected via a qualitative and quantitative questionnaire, which was constructed specifically for the project. The questionnaire was distributed by contacting (via email) staff members at UK universities with responsibility for equality and diversity, and it was also shared via social media. The questionnaire largely collected qualitative data alongside basic quantitative data on elements such as the gender and location of participants.

In addition to the questionnaire, 18 online interviews and 3 online focus groups were conducted. A sequential research design was used to ensure continuity with the participants (Punch 2009). A separate email was sent to participants who agreed in the surveys to be contacted about an interview, inviting them to an interview with one of two research assistants working on the project. During the interviews, participants were invited to participate in focus groups. Focus groups were chosen as the interviewer tends to occupy a less central role in relation to the participants in a focus group; as Punch (2009, 147) notes, ‘the role of the researcher changes in a group interview, functioning more as a moderator or facilitator, and less as an interviewer’. In this respect, sometimes new themes emerge during focus groups which can be missed during a one-on-one interview (Punch 2009).

The research conformed to the ethical guidelines outlined by BERA (2018) and Aberystwyth University (Prifysgol Aberystwyth 2014). Full informed consent was received from participants prior to their participation in the questionnaires, and further separate consent forms were signed prior to participation in interviews and focus groups. All data was stored securely on OneDrive. Interviews and focus groups were held on Microsoft Teams, were recorded with consent from participants, and were deleted following transcription, meaning that all data thereafter were anonymous. Given the sensitive nature of some of the discussions, as part of the debrief, participants were provided with a list of specialist advice and resources related to mental health, single parenting, and wellbeing, such as Gingerbread, Women’s Aid, Mind, and Single Parent Rights.

It was critical to remain sensitive to issues of terminology. Whilst much of the literature adopts the term ‘lone parent’, out of a total of 101 participants who participated in the questionnaire, the majority (n = 84) identified with the term ‘single parent’, whilst some (n = 11) identified with ‘lone parent’, and fewest (n = 4) with ‘solo parent’ (2 participants did not answer the question). The article therefore adopts the terminology of most of the participants to use ‘single parent’ throughout, while remaining aware of the difficulties of establishing a clear terminology. As in Hinton-Smith’s (2012) study, participation was not limited to single parents without partners. Rather, the project followed a flexible model whereby participants’ self-identified as single-parent students.

In terms of location, 54 participants were studying in Wales, 33 in England, 6 in Scotland, and 8 in Northern Ireland (one participant did not answer that question). Parry (2020) notes that 86% of single parents are women, and this high percentage was reflected in the participants that volunteered (Hinton-Smith 2012; Chzhan and Bradshaw 2012). Most (n = 96) participants who chose to disclose their gender identified as female, with a minority identifying as male (n = 2) or gender-variant/non-conforming (n = 1). The majority (n = 66) of participants were studying at undergraduate level, but others were studying for a Masters (n = 24) or a PhD (n = 11). Most participants (n = 64) had sole parental responsibility for their child or children, with fewer sharing parental responsibility (n = 35). Out of the 35 participants who shared parental responsibility, the support (in the sense of financial, emotional, or practical) received from the other parent varied greatly depending on individual circumstances.

The data from the questionnaires were coded, and key themes were identified based on patterns and repetitions found in the responses and using descriptive and thematic analysis (Punch 2009). The questions asked in the interviews were composed based on these themes and patterns. The interviews were composed using a mixture of semi-structured and life-history interview techniques (Briggs 1986; Spradley 1979). Semi-structured interview techniques involve asking participants a series of set questions, but participants are offered a degree of flexibility, which enables new themes to emerge (Punch 2009). Semi-structured interview questions enabled participants to discuss their own personal situations in more detail, which contributed novel perspectives and themes to the debate beyond those introduced in the questionnaire responses (Spradley 1979). Life-history techniques focus on encouraging interview participants to consider their story or narrative, and to make connections between different life events in a chronological manner. Life-history interview questions enabled a more nuanced view of the individual stories of motivation to begin or continue studying at university as a single parent (Adriansen 2012; Spradley 1979).

Following the interviews and focus groups, the data were transcribed by the research assistants, and were coded, organised thematically, and analysed by the author. The qualitative data from the interviews and focus groups were analysed using inductive, thematic analysis whereby themes were drawn out of the data based on recurring patterns. Throughout, notes were made covering ‘substantive, theoretical [and] methodological’ ideas (Punch 2009, 180). The combination of the coding of the data, the identification of recurring patterns in the data, and the note taking – otherwise known as ‘memoing’ (Punch 2009, 179) – led to the generation of broader and more abstract categories of discussion elaborated on below.

The personal demands exerted by the COVID-19 pandemic on single-parent students

One of the key research questions for the project was ‘what impact has COVID-19 had on the experiences of being a single-parent student studying at university in the UK?’ The responses of participants indicated that the restrictions of the pandemic and the associated necessity of juggling competing responsibilities had increased the personal demands on single-parent students. These personal demands, particularly related to childcare, time, and money, had an impact on the mental and physical health of single-parent students and had implications for their engagement with their studies.

Arguably the single most significant factor increasing the personal demands on single-parent students during the pandemic was the simultaneous closure of childcare facilities and schools and the introduction of restrictions on cross-household contact in March 2020 (see further Trotter 2021). Many participants had previously depended on using their time efficiently while their children were at nursery or school to enable their studies or had relied on their parents or – in some cases – grandparents to look after their child or children after school. Those relying on grandparents were particularly affected, with one participant noting ‘I have been unable to send my children to my grandparents once a week due to the pandemic’, and another stating that ‘my grandparents used to do after school one day a week but have been shielding since the start of the pandemic’. Several participants noted that these arrangements had been disrupted initially due to the ban on cross-household contact or because parents or grandparents were shielding, and later due to the perceived risk to parents or grandparents, family members isolating, and further lockdowns. Others noted that breakfast clubs and after-school clubs were not available (which had an impact on their working hours), that they had moved to live with their parents in order to facilitate childcare, that their children had been studying from home, that they had ‘relied more on family to help when possible’, that financial issues due to COVID-19 had led to a reduction in paid childcare, or that they had been juggling both childcare and studying from home during the pandemic. These key themes underpin the discussion that follows.

Support bubbles, whereby single parent families were able to ‘bubble’ with another family for support including childcare, were introduced in June 2020 in England, and July 2020 in Wales, but taking advantage of this required having family or close friends nearby who were able to – and wanted to – be a part of that support bubble (Long 2020; Trotter 2021). Some of the single-parent students who took part in the research said that the introduction of support bubbles (and in England, childcare bubbles) had been valuable, with grandparents becoming more involved with childcare, for example, but others noted difficulties surrounding this. One participant noted that ‘due to family members isolating and lockdowns, it is harder to arrange and juggle childcare’, whilst another stated that ‘I haven’t had any support at all as my parents are shielding. They were a great support before so I could get time to work’. In discussions with participants, many drew attention to the difficulty of maintaining the juggling act of home-schooling/childcare and their own studying as the key factor impacting their mental and physical health, putting additional pressure on their time, and ultimately impacting their academic progression and engagement with their studies. Emma, 37, an undergraduate student and single parent to her daughter, said that:

It has been a trauma in itself. My daughter has disengaged in her education since home schooling began. This impact and ongoing behavioural issues has led me to disjoint from studying myself. Having been out of my studies for a year now I feel quite estranged again from my work. My daughter takes up all my energy and I have no brain juice left to even attempt finishing my studies … Not being able to see tutors face to face or go to the library to study and have that physically carved out space to get back into my learning identity has distanced me from it all. It has caused depression and the high expectation of relying on technology and sitting too long at a desk and screen has impacted on my physical health conditions … (questionnaire response, April 2021)

Another participant similarly noted, ‘trying to home-school my daughter at the same time … life has been challenging to say the least’. Another participant, discussing her PhD research, said that ‘In COVID, when I had three kids at home … one with additional needs … I didn’t even look at it for two months. It’s the first thing that gets put down when there’s something going on’. Single parent students further stated that they felt isolated and that they had struggled to keep up with their studies during the lockdowns. As one participant stated, ‘I have struggled a lot, my depression and anxiety got worse, [I] felt lonely and struggled with my work due to unconducive environment (sic.) to study and interruptions that caused lack of concentration’. Other participants similarly cited ‘heightened levels of anxiety’, ‘significant impact on mental health with physical impacts’ and ‘negative mental health patterns’. Many participants spoke in extremely negative terms about being at home alone with children and studying during the lockdown, with ‘survival mode’, ‘horrific’, ‘absolutely horrendous’, ‘pushed to the limits’, and ‘nearly broke me’ being some of the ways used to describe that time.

In addition to the pressure of juggling home-schooling, childcare, and their studies, money was a key concern for many participants. Several participants identified the ‘financial burden’ of ‘giving up a job to study full-time’, and ‘money’ as a key challenge with several noting that working alongside their studies was essential ‘in order to pay bills’. As one participant stated, ‘I had to study and work at the same time because I wasn’t entitled to a student loan because I was online learning … I had no help with childcare so completely marginalised because of my circumstances and location. It was extremely difficult’.

Many participants facilitated their studies by working alongside. Over half (n = 57) of the single-parent students who participated in the research worked alongside their studies, with hours ranging from between 6–50 per week. Several participants worked full-time, finding time to study in the evenings or early mornings. The working patterns varied, with participants working during the mornings (n = 35), afternoons (n = 39), evenings (n = 29) and overnight (n = 11), with some participants selecting more than one option. In the COVID context, some participants reported being furloughed, but others noting that they had been working more hours to account for the absence of other colleagues.

Juggling childcare, work, and studying was closely connected to another challenge identified by participants: time-management or lack of time – what one participant referred to as ‘time poverty’. ‘Time poverty’ as a concept has been defined in various ways, as ‘working long hours and having no choice’ (Bardasi and Wodon 2010, 45), or as having a specifically gendered element, referring to the additional caring duties that women perform (Hyde, Green and Darmstadt 2020). However, while definitions of the concept differ, authors agree that time poverty is ‘linked to lower well-being, physical health, and productivity’ (Giurge and Williams 2019, 2). For the single-parent students who took part in the study, ‘time poverty’ meant ‘spinning multiple plates’ or ‘inhabiting multiple roles’ (such as parenthood, studying, and work) and consequently never having a break.

These challenges had an impact on assignment submission and on the already problematic retention rates of single parent students (see further NUS 2009). Due to the huge personal demands placed on them, many single-parent students disengaged during the lockdowns, contemplated leaving, or paused their studies. Participants noted variously that the lockdowns had ‘massively impacted on submission’, that the ‘completion of my PhD has been delayed almost a year now’, and that they had ‘[taken] interruption of study as schools and childcare closed’. Another participant stated that ‘I have had to contemplate leaving without finishing my final year’, while another explained that ‘I have had to pause my studies due to the pandemic, home commitments, financial reasons, and health but had to work really hard to make this request and provide evidence’.

However, some participants highlighted that attending lectures and seminars online made participation easier or more accessible, as they were able to study flexibly which alleviated some of the timetabling concerns discussed above. One participant welcomed what she referred to as the ‘structure and routine of raising a child’, whilst others were happy to not have to travel to campus. Attending online was viewed by some as a more flexible way of learning, and for some this had been a positive experience, as summarised by one participant: ‘It’s been useful to be able to have lectures at home so I can still participate even when I don’t have childcare. I’ve been able to take an extra non-credit module just for fun because it won’t cost me extra childcare!’ However, it is important to note that attending online, while flexible, was not necessarily synonymous with increased engagement in terms of contribution to classes and seminars. As one participant noted, ‘I’ve been *very* happy to do everything online, I can fold washing whilst listening to lecturers pleading with my peers to contribute in seminars’.

Avenues of support for single-parent students at UK universities

The avenues of support available for single-parent students at their university further impacted the extent of the effect of the increased personal demands placed on them during the pandemic. This key issue was addressed in the research question ‘what support is available to single-parent students at UK universities?’ Firstly, when participants were asked whether there was a nursery or childcare facility available at their university, some participants (n = 30) answered ‘yes’, some (n = 32) answered ‘no’, but the majority (n = 39) answered ‘don’t know’. Many highlighted the impact of the pandemic on their response, noting, for example, ‘not sure as it has been almost entirely remote’, and that ‘due to lockdown everything is cancelled so I’m not sure what practical support will be offered next year’. Many of the participants who had answered that there were childcare facilities on campus elaborated that the university nurseries were full or had low availability. Several participants also noted that whilst there were nurseries available, their children were too old to attend, meaning that single-parent students had to seek personal support elsewhere. One participant stated that the lack of accessible childcare was connected to a broader issue, in that ‘the university doesn’t time events well for parents, doesn’t have facilities for children or breastfeeding and generally likes to pretend that every student is 18 or 19 with no caring responsibilities’. One participant, Ella, who was a single parent to her daughter, 6, elaborated that:

There isn’t a childcare facility at the university, there is a nursery but it’s booked up, there aren’t any spaces. I did wonder if there was some kind of creche facility or something that is a bit more ‘drop-in’, you know like after school hours creche or something like that, where basically children can go in and there’s colouring stuff and lego, basic stuff, puzzles or whatever. Things that don’t have to be expensive but where children can just be for an hour if you’ve got a lecture … I asked about that and they said ‘no there aren’t’. (interview response, May 2021)

Beyond the ongoing childcare issues, participants highlighted that support offered by universities was often dependent on the input of individual academic or pastoral staff members. UK universities do not collect data on whether students are parents, meaning that academic departments may not be aware of individual circumstances (Horne and Hardie 2002; National Union of Students 2009; Hinton-Smith 2012). When participants were asked whether their personal tutor or another relevant academic member of staff were aware of their circumstances, the majority (n = 80) answered ‘yes’, while fewer answered ‘no’ (n = 17) or ‘other’ (n = 4), with one noting that they were ‘not sure if they are aware … . but not enough support is given especially when considering travel and childcare needs’. One participant further elaborated, ‘The uni is not aware that I am a single parent therefore not a lot they can do. I am managing at the moment and I am aware that if needed the tutors are willing to listen’.

Several participants who had noted that their university was aware of their circumstances said that lecturers and personal tutors were supportive of their situation, noting, for example, that ‘my supervisor is supportive and empathetic’, ‘my PT [personal tutor] is absolutely brilliant’, and ‘lecturers are very supportive’. One participant felt particularly supported within her own department but noted that this was not replicated more broadly across the institution, stating that:

My department is there to support non-traditional students … they have a huge understanding of diverse demographics. Their narrative is centred around mature students but the staff are incredible in their knowledge and awareness of how being first in your family to attend university makes it harder to navigate the university culture. […] The wider university does not have the same feel and is definitely built around the traditional student type: young and care/commitment free! (Questionnaire response, April 2021)

Others stated that they felt that there was no support available, with participants noting that ‘I don’t feel I have been supported as a single parent during my studies’, ‘I feel that single parents aren’t taken into account when choosing placement areas [in the context of a teaching course]’, and ‘I feel they offer support to everyone other than single parents … no mention of any support whatsoever for single parents’. One participant, Jenny, who was completing a PhD and had three teenage children, noted that while her ‘supervisor is amazing’, the broader culture was less encouraging:

I think the Students’ Union … they don’t cater. I think they really don’t cater to mature students anyway, but never mind single parents or those struggling financially … as much as they may try. There is now a mature part time officer or something, it’s just … I have no dealings whatsoever with the university, you know, union-wise, ‘cause I just find it so irrelevant.

Many of the single-parent students who took part in the research acknowledged that in addition to personal support and academic support from the university, peer support was invaluable in terms of supporting their wellbeing and studies. When participants were asked whether there was a support or social group for parents at their university, 31 participants answered ‘yes’. Out of these 31 participants, 21 noted that they were a member of that support group. Participants elaborated that ‘it’s only a Facebook page’, ‘WhatsApp group chat only at the minute … I think this is just due to COVID’, ‘never met – it’s just a Facebook group’. One participant noted that she had set the group up herself, and that prior to 2020 there had not been any form of support group for student parents. Jenny stated that ‘there is an official parent and family network … that is for staff’. Another participant, Ella, 37, who was a single parent to her 6-year-old daughter, raised similar themes, stating that:

I created the student parent group as there wasn’t one previously. This was during year 2 and 3. It was difficult to organise regular meets due to competing demographics and time poverty. I aimed to organise a social at the end of each semester which we did and it was invaluable. The school supported with providing the space and food for free. Another tutor gave her time to help me facilitate a zine wellbeing workshop. We had two gatherings altogether which were successful as in the single mums were grateful to spend time with people in the same hustle and bustle of studying and juggling. Our group meets were about care and wellbeing and space to be ourselves away from study and parenting. Even if just for 2 hours! I took the student parent group online and created a Facebook page and utilised technology to stay connected with having limited time to meet face to face. I burnt out organising this and asked others to continue. This has not continued as far as I am aware since 2019. (questionnaire response, April 2021, emphasis added)

Ella highlighted the ways in which the issue of ‘time poverty’ identified earlier in the article intertwined with the difficulty of organising a support or social group (Bardasi and Wodon 2010, 45), with single-parent students and student parents tending to put their own wellbeing needs last, and not prioritising attendance of a support group (‘it was difficult to organise regular meets due to competing demographics and time poverty’). Ella previously worked for 16 hours a week alongside her studies, but ultimately left work as she felt unable to manage juggling the competing demands of parenthood, studying, and work. Trying to organise a student support network, though positive – the two gatherings organised were successful and provided ‘space to be ourselves away from study and parenting’ ultimately led to burnout in Ella.

In the context of support, the findings of the research resonate – in part – with Moreau and Kerner’s (2012, 55) argument that ‘universities provide limited support to student parents’ (see further NUS 2009), and particularly their argument that ‘although some universities […] seem to go to considerable lengths to support student parents and address their needs, this questions whether the efforts at national and institutional levels in attracting “non-traditional” students (such as student parents) in HE have been matched by similar efforts once these students have entered HE’ (Moreau and Kerner 2012, 55). However, the support offered by universities was often dependent on the input of individual academic or pastoral staff members, which raises further questions about consistency within – and across – universities. Significantly, the research indicated that the avenues of support available to single-parent students can be divided into three broad areas that had a significant impact on the wellbeing, time, and engagement of single-parent students: personal support (in this case, the availability of on-campus childcare), academic support (such as support offered from personal tutors, lecturers, or student services), and peer support (which impacted the broader sense of belonging of single-parent students at their respective universities).

Structure, agency, and desire

It became clear during the research that COVID-19 had become an all-encompassing experience for this group of students. Nevertheless, despite the challenges single-parent students faced, their children were a key motivating factor for their studies. Many of the participants in this study began studying precisely with the aim of ‘giving [their] children a better life’, and others described how their children gave them the strength and motivation to continue through the difficulties of balancing distinct roles. When participants were asked about what the most rewarding element of being a single-parent student was, participants referred to the way in which their studies made their children proud, to the importance of being good role models, and to the reasoning behind their studies – to give their children a better life. They highlighted the ways in which studying alongside parenthood was a key factor in building strength and resilience. As one participant eloquently put it, ‘Being a student [parent] you have to juggle the struggle even more, but that can be a strength also. It powers up your will, force, and grit, and reveals how remarkably resourceful you are! So I guess the reward is making it count and knowing you’re still standing, even when you feel like you’re on your knees’.

This positive identification of themselves as strong, determined, resourceful ‘single-parent students’ within the dominant structures of Higher Education reflects closely the complex mixture of mastery and subjectivation that Butler (1995) proposes in her analysis of subjectivity (Chadderton 2018). Butler (1995, 14–15) argues that submission to a dominant structure can be indicative of control and mastery, arguing that ‘where one might expect submission to consist in a yielding to an externally imposed dominant order, and to be marked by a loss of control and mastery, it is paradoxically marked by mastery itself’. Whilst Butler (1995) does not address education directly, her work has been employed in broader contexts. As Chadderton’s (2018, 12) argues, a Butlerian ‘theory of subjectivation also provides us with an understanding of why individuals might understand their identities as essentialised’. Youdell’s (2006) work in an Australian high school, for example, argues that whilst the subjectivities of a group of Lebanese and Turkish students are constituted by the performative discourses of the school, the very fact that the discourse is performative opens it up to flexibility, and in doing so generates new possibilities of identification. Her analysis focuses on a Multicultural Day in the school, and on an Arabic food stall set up by the Arabic students. Youdell (2006, 523) argues that the food stall, and the students working at the food stall, are named ‘Arabic’ by the educational discourses around them, but that at the same time, this subjectivation ‘is a moment in which the “Arabic” students in the school gain public recognition as legitimate, and this subjectivation opens up the opportunity for self-constitution’.

In the context of Higher Education in the UK, many of the single-parent students who took part in the research indicated that they felt left out of the system, seeing it as a context in which the subjectivities of students were constituted by performative discourses which generate an image of ‘the student’ as ‘young and care/commitment free’, as one of the participants put it. This research has demonstrated that beyond the language used generating a particular image of the student, the physical space of campus (for example, a lack of – or inaccessible – childcare, and no baby-changing facilities) and the way in which time is organised (for example, lectures occurring at school pick-up times, or reading week coinciding with half term) were also performative acts which created or reaffirmed this image. However, the very fact of the performative nature of this identification means that its flexibility is inevitable, whereby ‘what it means to be a teacher, a student, a learner might be opened up to radical rethinking’ (Youdell 2006, 519). This ‘rethinking’ was paramount in the COVID-19 pandemic, as this was a context in which universities were required to change their way of working to a remote model which was ultimately more flexible for single-parent students, in addition to being a context in which old issues became exacerbated, pushing the need for change in the university system to better account for the needs of all students (see also Montacute and Holt-White 2021; Oliveira et al. 2021). Finally, Butler’s (1995) model of subjectivation which rejects a strict division between structure and agency enables us to better understand the complex mixture of desire, mastery, control, and subjectivation that was key to single-parent students’ experience of continuing with their studies not despite their children, but precisely because of them.

Conclusions and key recommendations

Ultimately, the research highlighted two key themes. Firstly, the research highlighted the personal demands placed on single-parent students during the COVID-19 pandemic. These personal demands were particularly related to childcare, time, and money, and alongside having a negative impact on the mental and physical health of single-parent students, had further implications for their engagement with their studies. Secondly, the research raised the issue of support available both from – and within – universities. The issues of personal, academic, and peer support were found to be particularly striking in the context of the mental and physical health challenges identified by single-parent students during the COVID-19 pandemic. The article has further argued, however, for a recognition of the positionality of single-parent students within the Higher Education structure – despite the challenges that they faced, this is not to say that single-parent students were without agency or control. In fact, they occupied a position of submission and mastery within the university system (Butler 1995). Understanding the ways in which the discourses and structures of the Higher Education system are integral to the subjectivities of single-parent students ultimately enables us to begin to ‘interrogat[e] whose lives are valued and creat[e] the conditions for all lives to be valued, intelligible, and liveable’ (Chadderton 2018, 19).

The strength of the research, in drawing out the key issues of personal demands and support, was its limitation too, in that the issues raised in the research were not new: COVID-19 had exacerbated certain issues, but the issues were longstanding (NUS 2009). As one participant stated, ‘I just feel like the university have never considered what parents need’. That this comment echoes arguments from literature from over ten years prior to this research points to the urgency of making changes at UK universities to support single-parent students (Hinton-Smith 2012; Byrne and Flood 2006; NUS 2009). Another strength of the research is that it highlights some of the lessons that can be taken from the pandemic in terms of how to meet the needs of students. Firstly, lecturers should ensure that lectures are recorded and available online for students enables those who have caring – or other – responsibilities to catch up in their own time if they miss a teaching session. Secondly, many of the single-parent students who participated in the project emphasised how invaluable their personal tutors had been to them during that time. Whilst universities have, by now, moved back to an in-person campus experience, retaining an option for remote personal tutoring would be beneficial for single-parent students in terms of managing their competing responsibilities.

Finally, based on the data presented and analysed above, I suggest three key recommendations that would significantly improve the experiences of single-parent students studying at university in the UK:

1. Universities should collect data on single-parent students to identify who they are, to enable them to work with student support services to provide the specific support necessary. Data highlighting the challenging circumstances of single-parent students during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the implications of those circumstances on the mental and physical wellbeing of single-parent students highlights how critical the provision of this support is. However, stigma surrounding being a single parent often prevents students from disclosing this information (NUS 2009). One solution to this could be the addition of a ‘tick box’ on the student record, whereby students could choose to disclose confidentially to their personal tutor and department that they have shared or sole parental responsibility. Alongside this, specific institutional support for single-parent students is necessary given the particularity of their circumstances. Training should be provided to academic members of staff so that they feel empowered to signpost those students to the relevant support.

2. Universities should work closely with Student Unions to create parent-friendly events and parents support/social groups on campus. Single-parent students benefit greatly from support groups but do not have the time to organise those groups themselves. Connecting with peers in similar situations could help to alleviate the isolation, loneliness, and stress experienced by single-parent students. Universities without a ‘student parent’ officer should ensure that they establish a post. That individual could work with departments to support student parents to thrive in HE.

3. Universities should make affordable and flexible childcare on campus a priority, alongside ensuring that parent and baby rooms and baby changing facilities are available. The research highlighted that often campus nurseries are full, and in any case, the childcare is unaffordable for students. Single-parent students are more likely to have financial difficulties, and are more likely to encounter childcare difficulties if, for example, their child is ill. Single-parent students reported feeling unwelcome on campus, and the introduction of parent and baby rooms (to breastfeed, for example), baby changing facilities, and after-school activities would go some way to make the space more accessible.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to Alex Hird (PhD student, department of International Politics at Aberystwyth University) and Michelle Evans (PhD student, School of Education at Aberystwyth University) for their work as research assistants on this project. This paper was presented at Aberystwyth University School of Education Research Seminar in November 2021, and I thank the attendees of that seminar for their helpful comments. Many thanks also to two anonymous reviewers who provided detailed, insightful suggestions which were hugely beneficial in revising the article into its current form, and to Dr Stephen Atherton and Dr Sarah Trotter who also commented on this paper in its draft form. My deepest gratitude is to the inspiring single parents who took part in this research project.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Correction Statement

This article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Additional information

Funding

This work was funded by the Aberystwyth University Research Fund URF-029-01.

Notes

1. All research participants are referred to by pseudonyms.