Bringing in Bourdieu's theory of social capital: renewing learning partnership approaches to social inclusion

Abstract

This paper is developed from a recently HEA-funded study that seeks to identify key aspects of learning partnerships (LPs) and produce guidelines on best practice for educational providers working with under-represented adult learning groups. The theory and practice of social capital is highlighted as central to this task. In particular, the work of Pierre Bourdieu is seen as an invaluable contribution to the search for more informed (and renewed) learning partnership approaches for social inclusion. References to Bourdieu's contribution in the literature and in partnership practices are inadequate and this oversight, it is argued, presents greater obstacles to the social inclusion ideal. The paper advocates a critical engagement with Bourdieu's ideas in order to (re)examine social inclusion challenges and develop appropriate learning partnership arrangements.

The authors wish to acknowledge the support of the HEA in sponsoring a recent research project wherein this paper is situated (see O'Brien & Ó Fathaigh, 2005).

Notes

1. For example, while group membership is declining (e.g. Boy Scouts figures are down by 26% since 1970 and Red Cross membership has declined by 61% in the same period), ‘associational membership’ figures are up in some cases (e.g. national environmental organisations like the Sierra Club and feminist groups such as the National Organisation for Women). Furthermore, an increase in associational membership is manifest in the non-profit organisations sector (e.g. Oxfam).

2. Coleman's resources are measured (somewhat crudely) using High School and Beyond (HSB) data which includes such information as: the presence of two parents in the home, lower number of siblings, household size, church attendance, and higher parental expectations. The danger here is that such information can actually obscure discussions on ‘who gets to access such resources?’ and ‘how is access differentiated along race, class and gender dimensions?’

3. Social action also engages those who critique the dominant political order of the day. Such an anti-establishment stance need not be seen as pathological, however e.g. subgroups that are formed to speak out against (what they see as) others’ perpetuation of injustice.

4. This point is highlighted in the main study's discussions on partnership formation in Ireland (see O'Brien & Ó Fathaigh, 2005). Here, it is noted that partnerships do not just simply exist—they come into being. Further, trust is something that is worked upon when common and discordant interests are negotiated.

5. Bourdieu's own professional background as an anthropologist no doubt informs this position.

6. The key term here is ‘mediated’. Rudd (2003) argues that Bourdieu's theory moves beyond structure–agency debates to focus on the processes whereby individuals internalise the relationships between themselves and objective, external structures. Moreover, the theory also enables us to see how individuals’ subjective perceptions then structure their externalised practice. See the concept of ‘habitus’ explained later in this section.

7. Although each category of cultural capital is distinct, it is possible that ownership of one form may influence an individual's relationship to, and possession of, another (Rudd, 2003).

8. Bourdieu states that, while disadvantaged groups often recognise their less favourable positions, they are seldom aware of the processes through which such positions occur (Rudd, 2003).

9. Bourdieu (as highlighted) refers to other forms of capital—social capital being only one of four main types. Strictly speaking, then, the ‘social capital’ title is too narrow—from a Bourdieuian perspective, it means more than a broad construct of social relations. When we refer to Bourdieu's theory of ‘social capital’ we do so in relation to his integrated analysis of all capital forms.

10. This is not to take away from the fact that voluntary organisations have the unique capacity to engage individuals in important social networks and facilitate the distribution (and redistribution) of important capitals (Courtney, 1992).

11. See O'Brien and Ó Fathaigh (2004, Chapter 3) for a brief review of the research literature coverage on social capital ‘outcomes’.

12. The research was conducted for the UK educational charity The Campaign for Learning (see http://www.campaign-for-learning.org.uk/projects/projectsindex.htm for more details).