Conflict and Alliance

Abstract

The article discusses some features of the political culture of late medieval Norway by focusing on the broader strata of the people and their political influence. To what extent could these groups express their own political goals and act to achieve them? The point of departure is the 1448–50 struggle for the Norwegian throne, the claimants being the Danish‐German Kristian I and the Swedish Karl Knutsson (Bonde). The Norwegian Council of the Realm was divided into two ‘parties’, both of which recognized the importance of the common people's support and acceptance of their candidate. However, the article argues that there were interesting differences in the two parties' tactics and rhetoric towards the common people. It was no coincidence that it was the supporters of Karl who mobilized the common people in the political struggle. Several central political, social and geographical arguments made by supporters of Karl were not employed in favour of Kristian. The supporters of the latter had to base their tactics on constitutional law and tradition. Nevertheless, it was concrete, contemporary political and economic interests that motivated the representatives of the common people, when they could not have a domestic king, to want Karl rather than Kristian,. This contemporary situation overshadowed a possible underlying constitutional conservatism among the common people. The popular representatives fought for what has been called ‘The Norwegian System’ in order to defend their own interests.

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank colleagues at the Institute of History and Area Studies at Aarhus University, Nordic Centre for Medieval Studies (NCMS) and two anonymous referees for valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article.

Notes

1. I will largely use the term ‘farmer’ in this article. On the other hand, there is a tradition of speaking of ‘peasants’, when referring to the political revolts and uprisings of the period.

2. S⊘rensen, “Budstikken går. B⊘ndernes opr⊘rspraksis i nordisk middelalder,” 44–5.

3. Dunn, The Peasants' Revolt 1381.

4. Fourquin, The Anatomy of Popular Rebellion.

5. Ibid., 63.

6. Ibid., 76.

7. Ibid., 71.

8. Ibid., 78.

9. Imsen, Noregs nedgang, 54.

10. B⊘gh et al., Til Kamp for Friheden.

11. Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities, 250–331.

12. Ibid., 57.

13. Ibid.

14. Creveld, The Rise and Decline of the State; Bagge, The Political Thought of The King's Mirror, 213 and Fra knyttneve til scepter, 284–7; B⊘gh, “Kongen og hans magt” and Schück, Rikets råd och män.

15. See Imsen, Arv, Annamelse, Valg.

16. See Blickle (ed.), Resistance, Representation and Community.

17. See for instance S⊘rensen, Bondeoppr⊘r i Danmark 1438–1441; B⊘gh et al., Til Kamp for Friheden and Österberg, ”Agrarekonomisk utveckling, ägostruktur och sociala oroligheter…”.

18. However, The Swedish ‘herredag’ in the Late Middle Ages had none of the institutionalization and formalization of the English parliament in the same period.

19. Schück, Kyrka och rike, 164–234.

20. Ibid., 234–6.

21. Imsen, “Bondemotstand og statsutvikling i Norge…”, Norsk bondekommunalisme, del 1, “Oslofjordbygdene som politisk og sosialt stormsentrum…”, “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, Europa 1300–1550, 165–169 and Noregs nedgang; Imsen and Vogler, “Communal Autonomy and Peasant Resistance in Northern and Central Europe”. See also Njåstad, Grenser for makt.

22. Imsen, “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, 103–107; see also ”Bondemotstand og statsutvikling i Norge…” and “Oslofjordbygdene som politisk og sosialt stormsentrum…”.

23. Hoak, “Introduction”, 1.

24. He was crowned in Uppsala 29 June 1449.

25. He was crowned in Copenhagen 28 October 1449.

26. Enemark, Kriseår, 161–77.

27. Olesen, Rigsråd, Kongemagt, Union, 406.

28. Benedictow, Fra rike til provins, 22.

29. See Olesen, Rigsråd, Kongemagt, Union, 409.

30. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 5, tillæg nr.1.

31. Taranger, Norges historie, 63–4; I find Poul Enemark's rejection of this rather unconvincing; Enemark, Kriseår, 165 and 170.

32. See Norges gamle Love 2.R. 2. bd. nr. 6; Enemark finds this very unlikely; Enemark, Kriseår, 161–77.

33. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 5, tillæg nr. 2.

34. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 5, tillæg nr. 3.

35. Besides Karl and Kristian, the former king Erik, who had been deposed, and the Earl of Orkney, William Sinclair, were mentioned as candidates. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 5, tillæg nr. 4.

36. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 5, tillæg nr. 5.

37. The native man in question was Sigurd Jonsson, the most prominent Norwegian nobleman at that time. Sigurd himself supported Kristian.

38. Norges gamle Love 2.R 2. bd. nr. 6.

39. Benedictow, Fra rike til provins, 17–46.

40. Enemark, Kriseår, 168.

41. Taranger, Norges historie, 57–73; Hasund, Det norske folks liv og historie, 262–267; Marm⊘y, Vårt folks historie, 88–96 and Bj⊘rkvik, Folketap og sammenbrudd, 176–7. See also Åkerblom, Sveriges förhållande till Norge, 34–6.

42. Åkerblom, Sveriges förhållande till Norge, 34–5; Taranger, Norges historie, 72. See also Holmsen, Norges historie, 362.

43. Daae, Kong Christiern den förstes norske Historie, 23–4 and 39–42; Hamre, Norsk historie frå omlag 1400, 128–36 and Enemark, Kriseår, 172–4.

44. Albrectsen, Danmark‐Norge, 207.

45. Imsen, Arv, Annamelse, Valg, 45–51, 56–8 and 62–3; see also Hamre, Norsk historie frå omlag 1400, 128–36.

46. Benedictow, Fra rike til provins, 33–5.

47. Albrectsen, Danmark‐Norge, 209.

48. Imsen, Arv, Annamelse, Valg, 63.

49. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 4.

50. See Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd. note 3 s. 14.

51. Norges gamle Love 2R. 2. bd., nr. 3, tillæg nr.1.

52. Benedictow, ”Norge”, 32 and Enemark, Kriseår, 176.

53. Daae, Kong Christiern den förstes norske Historie, 41–2; Enemark, Kriseår, 172 and Albrectsen, Danmark‐Norge, 207.

54. Norges gamle Love 2.R. 2 bd. nr. 5.

55. Imsen, “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, 97.

56. Apart from Imsen, see Hamre, “Setesvein”; Benedictow, “Norge”; Bj⊘rkvik, Folketap og sammenbrudd, 100–02 and Ugulen, ”…alle the knaber ther inde och sædesvende…”.

57. Moseng, Opsahl, Pettersen and Sandmo, Norsk historie II, 99–110.

58. Imsen's point that the conception of ‘knape’ does not reach socially deep enough in the peasant society when speaking of the men who were politically active in the 15th century, may be right. However, it can give us the impression that it is easier to make such a social categorization of the Late Medieval Norwegian society than actually is the case; Imsen, “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, footnote 23.

59. Moseng, Opsahl, Pettersen & Sandmo, Norsk historie I, 370–6. The Danish historian, Troels Dahlerup, is a Scandinavian pioneer in the field; Dahlerup, “Lavadelens krise i dansk senmiddelalder”; “Danmark” and De fire stænder; see also Poulsen, “Med harnisk og hest”.

60. See Nielsen, “Væbner” and Imsen, “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, 97.

61. Imsen “…attj wthi act oc mening…”, 97.

62. Diplomatarium Norvegicum I nr. 766, II nr. 761 and 821, V nr. 799 and 812, IX nr. 268, XIII nr. 121 XVI nr. 109, see also III nr. 856.

63. Diplomatarium Norvegicum II nr. 776, 827 and 987, III nr. 831, V nr. 815, VIII nr. 334 and XIII nr. 92.

64. Diplomatarium Norvegicum XXI nr. 319, 320, 416 and 452.

65. Diplomatarium Norvegicum II nr. 829 and V nr. 816.

66. Diplomatarium Norvegicum II nr. 776, 817, 819, 821, 827 and 987; III nr. 610, 831 and 858, V nr. 688, 758 and 815, VIII nr. 334, X nr. 218, XII nr. 218, XIII nr. 104, XVI nr. 112, XXI nr. 466.

67. See Regesta Norvegica VI and VII where all known sources for the old Holte Gunnarsson are registered.

68. See Imsen, Norsk bondekommunalisme, del 1, 191–192 and Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 142–60.

69. See for instance Norges gamle Love 2R. 1 nr. 86: 151 and nr. 90: 176–7.

70. See Åkerblom, Sveriges förhållande till Norge, 36 and 40; Taranger, Norges historie, 72 and Hasund, Det norske folks liv og historie, 262.

71. Norges gamle Love 2.R. 2. bd nr. 29 and 40.

72. This letter was issued after a raid on Tr⊘ndelag by the Norwegian knight Ørjan Karlsson, who was a staunch supporter of Karl, even after 1450. It was Olav Nilsson who had summoned the people at the Archbishop's residence in Trondheim. Olav had asked the people whom they wanted as king of Norway, Kristian or Karl? Considering the total political and military situation, both in Norway and the rest of Scandinavia, it was no surprise that the people said they wanted Kristian. That the letter from 1449 has fewer signatories and the signatories are less strictly formally organized than the letter from 1453, is probably due to pressure of time. The signatories of the second letter are rigorously and legally organized, in groups of three men from each county (‘fylke’) in Frostating. See also Åkerblom, Sveriges förhållande till Norge, 40 and 47.

73. See also Daae, Kong Christiern den förstes norske Historie, 14–15 and Åkerblom, Sveriges förhållande till Norge, 40.

74. Sollied, “Kildekritiske unders⊘kelser vedr⊘rende nogen middelalderslekter. I. R⊘mer – Gyldenl⊘ve,” 259–62; see also Diplomatarium Norvegicum II nr. 773.

75. Diplomatarium Norvegicum II nr. 846.

76. Diplomatarium Norvegicum I nr. 861 and II nr. 846; see also Ugulen, “…alle the knaber ther inde och sædesvende…”, 285.

77. See Gillingstam, Äldre svenska frälsesläkter II, 89–90 and Ugulen, “…alle the knaber ther inde och sædesvende…,” 268–9; see also Sandberg, G⊘rvel Fadersdatters regnskap over Giske og Giskegodset 1563.

78. For instance the family Hogenskild; see Ugulen, “…alle the knaber ther inde och sædesvende…,” 274 and Erslev, “Hogenskild, Peder”.

79. Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 23; see also Childs, “Mowing around”.

80. Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 195–197; also Wold, I Paradisets f⊘rste krets, 142–7. Steen, Ferd og fest, draws a more pessimistic picture of communications in Norway in the period. However, as far as I can see Steen does not essentially contradict my statements about communications. Furthermore, I find Steen too influenced by the traditional thesis of Norwegian decline in the Late Middle Ages.

81. Norges gamle Love 2 R., 1. bd. nr. 90, see p. 176. See Imsen, Noregs nedgang, 48–9.

82. See Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 36.

83. Steen doubts if the sea was the most common way of travelling; Steen, Ferd og fest, 276–84; Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 24–5 and 198.

84. Lamberg, “Bergensrådmannen Nils Ragvaldsson och hans norsk‐svensk‐isländska släkt”; see Opsahl, Norsk innvandringshistorie, 166–7.

85. Diplomatarium Norvegicum XXI nr. 392.

86. The Swede had given a man at Stange in Hedmarken, just south of Gudbrandsdalen, a horse and a sledge which he wanted to be given to his brother, the smith.

87. Opsahl, “En norsk topparistokrats sosiale nettverk rundt 1400”.

88. As an instructive example of such a clientelism, see L⊘berg, “Torstein Skjeldulvsson og hans nærmeste slekt”.

89. Schück, Rikets råd och män.

90. See for example Norges gamle Love 2.R. 2. bd. 5, tillæg 1.

91. Imsen, Noregs nedgang, 49.

92. Schück, Rikets råd och män, 118.

93. Imsen, ”Bondemotstand og statsutvikling i Norge…”; Norsk bondekommunalisme, del 1 and 2.

94. Imsen, Norsk bondekommunalisme, del 2, 108.

95. Rian, “Olav Engelbrektssons kamp for det norske system”.