Problems and prospects for conservation and indigenous community development in rural Botswana

Abstract

Community development and conservation programmes have recently been combined in the form of community-based natural resource management programmes. Community participation is recognized as an integral component of these programmes. Communities, however, often lack the administrative or technical knowledge to participate fully in the planning and implementation of the programmes. As government and non-governmental organisations also become involved, the design of programmes becomes more complex. Given the diversity of experience, knowledge and interests of these stakeholders, disagreements in the design of programmes among and within groups are almost unavoidable. Using informal semi-structured interviews, workshops and document analysis that involved the indigenous peoples, non-governmental organisations and the Government of Botswana, we identified the main issues that affect the design of programmes in the northern Okavango panhandle in Botswana. These are savings, capacity building and training, research, community health, cattle industry, conservation of the Okavango Delta, employment, economic diversification, natural resource management, land tenure, cultural identity, traditional leadership, language and representation in and responsiveness of the national government. Strategies for dealing with these issues are discussed.

1. Introduction

Interest in rural community development and the conservation of natural resources in Africa has increased in recent years, and this has led to the development of many community-based natural resource management models (Hulme & Murphee, 1999). These models include the Communal Area Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) in Zimbabwe (Western & Wright, 1994; Hill, 1996), Game Management Areas such as Mumbwa, Upper Lupande and Luangwa Valley in Zambia (Lewis et al., 1990; Balakrishnan & Ndhlovu, 1992; Marks, 1994; Western & Wright, 1994; Siachoono, 1995), Living in a Finite Environment (LIFE) in Namibia, Conservation of Biodiversity Resource Areas Programme (CORBA) in Kenya, Ujirani Mwena (Good Neighbourliness) in Tanzania, and the Tete project locally known as Tchuma Tchato (Our Wealth) in Mozambique (Twyman, 1998).

Although each model is unique, the successful implementation of any project requires community participation. An extensive literature exists on the theory and practice of community participation (IIED, 1994; Nelson & Wright, 1995; Hitchcock, 1996; Dikobe & Thakadu, 1997; Keough, 1998; Twyman, 1998; Taylor, 1999). The community, however, is typically only one of many stakeholders involved in rural development and the management of natural resources. Other stakeholders include non-governmental organisations, government and business organisations. As stated by Hasler (1996: 24), ‘it has become apparent that neither state nor local control of resources can work independently’. The stakeholders may have conflicting management priorities and value systems which impair the planning and implementation of community-based natural resource programmes (Adams & McShane, 1992; IIED, 1994; Western & Wright, 1994; Wily, 1994). Information about conflicts between stakeholders and their influence on rural community development and conservation of natural resources is therefore critical for the design and implementation of the models (Infield, 1988; Adams & McShane, 1992; Hitchcock, 1995; Hitchcock & Bixler, 1995).

The objective of our study was to identify the issues of conflict which stand in the way of realising successful programmes in the northern Okavango panhandle (the Delta), Botswana. The study involved the Ncoakhoe people of the Okavango Delta, the Kuru Development Trust and the Government of Botswana.

In this article, conservation is defined as the management or governance of human use of natural resources in order to meet the needs of present generations while maintaining the potential to meet the needs of future generations (Cleaver, 1997). Rural community development is defined as a set of activities aimed at improving the economic and social wellbeing of a rural community as well as improving community participation in political decisions. This improvement has both short-term and long-term dimensions, with the long-term dimension being influenced by environmental considerations (Cleaver, 1997).

1.1 Description of the stakeholders

Stakeholders are organisations, community groups or individuals who have interests in any resource (e.g. land, forests, water), planning process and management (British Columbia Ministry of Sustainable Resource Management, 2004). In this article, we define a stakeholder as an organisation or individual who has an interest in the conservation and indigenous community development in the Okavango Delta of Botswana. In this context, three types of stakeholders were identified: the Ncoakhoe people, the Kuru Development Trust (‘The Trust’) and the government of Botswana.

1.1.1 The Ncoakhoe community

The peoples of the Okavango Delta of Botswana consist of five separate ethnic groups: the (1) Bugakhoe, (2) Xanikhoe, (3) Dxeriku, (4) Hambukushu and (5) Wayeyi. This study focuses on the indigenous hunter-gatherer groups: the Bugakhoe (Bushmen, Khoe, Kwengo, Barakwena, Mbarakwena, Mbarakwengo, G/anada, and/anda); and the Xanikhoe (Gxanekwe, //tanekwe, tannekhoe, River Bushmen, Swamp Bushmen, G//ani, //ani, Banoka). These groups are part of a larger ethnic people (known collectively as the San people) that live in Angola, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Zambia and South Africa (Yellen, 1995). The sub-group of the San people of the northern Okavango panhandle refer to themselves as the Ncoakhoe, meaning Red (Ncoa) people (Khoe). The Xanikhoe are recognised as the original inhabitants of the Okavango panhandle, and together with the Bugakhoe, are able to maintain some aspects of their traditional hunter-gatherer lifestyle (Yellen, 1985; Thakadu, 1997). However, owing to the increasing pressure on the resource base of the Okavango Delta (a critical source of permanent water), deteriorating environmental conditions and the history of discrimination against the Ncoakhoe community, there has been a higher level of impoverishment in the community (Le Roux, 1998).

The study group was composed of the members of the community-based organisation, the Teemashane Community Development Trust. The Teemashane Community Development Trust (or Teemashane) is a community-based organisation, registered in 1999, that draws its membership from the Ncoakhoe community of eight different villages in the northern Okavango. The member villages of Teemashane are Shaikarawe, Mohembo West, Tobere, Kaputura, Xakao, Sekondomboro, Ngarange and Mogotlho. The European Union assessment of the San living in Ngamiland reported 4 100 Bugakhoe and 1 300 Xanikhoe (Le Roux, W, 1999). The size of the Ncoakhoe community of the northern Okavango panhandle was estimated by Teemashane at 1 393 people, including those who are not currently living in the area.

The distinction between village and community is important. Villages are composed of several discrete communities that have unique languages, cultures, race, socio-economic levels and geographical locations within the village. Members of a community share common problems, needs, identity, and usually the same geographic location within the village (Yellen, 1985; Thakadu, 1997). Our research focus was on the Ncoakhoe community.

1.1.2 The Kuru Development Trust

The Kuru Development Trust is an indigenous non-governmental organisation working in the northern Okavango panhandle. It was formally registered in 1989 with the Registrar of Societies as a trust owned by San for the advancement of their socio-economic and political needs. Their responsibility is to assist in setting public policy agendas, identify and define critical development issues, and provide policy-makers with advice and assistance (Commission on Global Governance, 1995). The Trust is under the control of the San Board of Directors, which has the final say on matters of policy, recruitment and administration.

The Trust aims to empower local communities by establishing community-based organisations such as Teemashane. These are legally recognised bodies that are able to gain land tenure and manage and direct projects and programmes utilising the Trust only as a technical support organisation.

1.1.3 The government of Botswana

Local government in Botswana is administered by the kgotla, headed by the Kgosi or chief. This is the traditional form of Tswana government, the Tswana being the dominant ethnic group in Botswana. Kgotla meetings are held regularly in order to address community issues and exchange information. The national government is represented by Village Development Committees, which are accountable to the District Councils and District Land Boards.

1.2 Description of the study area

The study area is within the Okavango panhandle region of the northern district of Ngamiland in Botswana (Figure 1). Daytime temperatures average 32°C in midsummer and 25°C in midwinter. The Okavango River, which drains into the Okavango Delta, and eventually disappears into the Kalahari Desert, is the only permanent source of water in the district. Water availability is the primary influence on vegetation and soil types, wildlife movements and human settlement. The water of the Okavango is derived from rain (30 per cent) and from flood (70 per cent) (Merron, 1995). The Okavango River's annual flood (from June to September) originates in the highlands of Angola and flows through Namibia before reaching Botswana (Merron, 1995). The rainy season begins in November and continues until April, with an average of 550 mm per year. Because of spatial and seasonal variability in rainfall and high evapotranspiration rates, Botswana remains susceptible to drought.

Figure 1 Map of Botswana showing the study area

2. Methods

2.1 Observation period

The study was conducted in the eight communities of Teemashane: Shaikarawe, Mohembo West, Xakao, Kapatura, Tobere, Sekondomboro, Ngarange and Mogothlo. A total of 30 weeks, from May to December 1999, were spent in the study area. The first month (the orientation period) was spent on observing local culture and customs. An effort was made to become familiar with the staff at the Kuru Development Trust as well as members of the communities. Developing relationships with individuals and establishing trust among the stakeholders were considered an important function of the observation period (Pratt & Loizos, 1992).

2.2 Qualitative data collection

The majority of the Ncoakhoe people are illiterate and therefore oral research methods (Le Roux, 1998) were used to collect information on the prevailing ideas about community development and natural resource management in the study area. All research methods were discussed with the staff of the Trust and the Board of Teemashane before implementation.

2.2.1 Kgotla meetings

The kgotla, the traditional form of tribal government in Botswana, is a village meeting chaired by the kgosi (chief) of the community. Issues that affect the village at large or members of the village can be discussed during village meetings. Attending kgotla meetings is a common procedure for researchers wishing to conduct studies in Botswana (Albertson, 1999). Whenever it was appropriate, the primary author of this article attended kgotla meetings.

2.2.2 Informal semi-structured interviews

Informal semi-structured interviews were used in the study to obtain the opinions of the Ncoakhoe community and villagers about community development and natural resource management in the northern Okavango panhandle. These methods were chosen because of their flexibility in design and implementation (Mikkelsen, 1995). Individual and group interviews were conducted spontaneously whenever an opportunity arose. Informal conversations were also conducted, with a few written ‘reminders’ to direct the interview so as to ‘let information emerge’ (Pratt & Loizos, 1992; Devereux & Hoddinott, 1993; Stake, 1995; Chambers, 1997). Most village interviews, even if initially conducted with individuals, developed into group interviews. These proved to be more socially acceptable, stimulated greater discussion and generated more information. Interviews were conducted through the Trust or community translator familiar with those being interviewed.

Interviews were also conducted with experts and interested parties that included representatives from Shakawe Fishing Lodge, Audi Camp, Okavango Research Centre, Department of Wildlife and National Parks, Conservation International and Okavango Peoples’ Wildlife Trust and Ecological Consultant. The interviews were conducted to determine the opinions of these groups about community-based natural resource management programmes. Lastly, interviews were conducted with the staff of the Trust, to determine what issues they perceived as important in the conservation of the environment and the development of the Ncoakhoe.

2.2.3 Village visits

All the villages in the study area were visited to access local infrastructure and observe the Ncoakhoe community placement within the villages. The information collected during the visits was used to create a more complete profile of the community. Two- to three-day workshops were held with the Executive Committee of Teemashane. These were followed by workshops in Xakao, Ngarange, Mogothlo, Sekondomboro and Kaputura. Community participants from Tobere and Shaikarawe attended the workshop in Kaputura and the participants from Mohembo West attended the workshop in Sekondomboro. Workshops were participatory and their agenda was flexible. Drama, storytelling and community-owned monitoring were used to facilitate communication during workshops (Figure 2). Owing to time constraints, community-owned monitoring was conducted in only two villages. The information collected was included in the analysis of the other qualitative data.

Figure 2 Community-owned monitoring

Community-owned monitoring is used to identify and discuss ‘how a community sees itself,’ and to record changes in the community over time (Le Roux, B, 1999). Four steps were taken to facilitate this activity: (1) the four elements of development (Figure 2) were discussed by all the participants to ensure a common understanding of the exercise; (2) characteristics of the participants' ideal or ‘dream community’ were identified by the participants and drawn in the centre of the chart. The drawings illustrated the community development goals; (3) the participants were then divided into separate gender groups to discuss and collectively rank each icon. A ranking of 1 meant the participants felt that they were far away from the ‘dream community’ concerning the issue represented by the icon. A ranking of 5 signified that the participants' responses were close to the ‘dream community’ concerning the issue represented by the icon; and (4) the participants were then brought back together and the information was reviewed. Separate rankings by gender were recorded. This activity generated a great deal of discussion in the community participants as to why there were some differences in the rankings. A copy of the ‘wheel’ (Figure 2) was left with the community for future monitoring.

This community-owned monitoring activity was developed by the First Nations Development Institute (Le Roux, B, 1999) and was adapted to the local environment by the staff of the Trust.

2.2.4 Review of government documents

The ‘opinions’ of the Botswana government were compiled through an assessment of government documents, including national policies on natural resources conservation and development (Republic of Botswana, 1990a), tourism (Republic of Botswana, 1990b), wildlife conservation (Republic of Botswana, 1986), community-based strategies for rural development (Republic of Botswana, 1997a) and the most recent National Development Plan 8 (Republic of Botswana, 1997b). The scrutiny of official documents was supplemented by a review of the literature pertaining to national development and conservation goals.

The information collected through interviews, workshops, meetings and the review of documents and literature helped to identify community development and conservation goals; define potential issues of conflicts between stakeholders; provide potential solutions; or minimise conflicts among stakeholders.

2.3 Data analysis

Data analysis involved reviewing interviews, workshops, meetings and written materials; and recording all references to conservation and development for the Ncoakhoe, the Trust and the government. From the reviews and recordings of the data, major conservation and development issues for each group of stakeholders were identified. The issues were then compared between the Ncoakhoe and the Trust, the Ncoakhoe and the government, and the Trust and the government. Each comparison between groups was classified into one of three categories. First, no conflict concerning the issue exists among the stakeholders. Secondly, stakeholders are in conflict concerning the importance of the issue; one stakeholder considers an issue important for achieving conservation and development goals whereas another stakeholder does not. Thirdly, stakeholders are in conflict concerning strategy; stakeholders agree that an issue is important, but disagree about how that issue should be addressed.

We divided the issues into three categories because it was necessary to organise issues according to their relative importance to the stakeholders. For example, if there were ‘a lot of conflicts about an issue’, then the issue would rate very high on every participant's list. We also assumed that since the Bugakhoe and Xanikhoe belong to the Ncoakhoe community and share common characteristics, it was not critical to separate the specific needs, views or opinions of the Bugakhoe from that of the Xanikhoe. Our intention was to identify and combine general and common views (opinions) of these San people about the development and implementation of the natural resource management programmes in their community.

3. Results

Fifteen development and conservation issues were found to be important to the stakeholders (Table 1). Four issues were not regarded as issues of conflict among or between the stakeholders. These were savings, capacity building and training, research and community health. There was only one issue of conflict among all stakeholders: the different importance given to the cattle industry. The needs to improve education and diversify the economy in the Okavango panhandle were not issues of conflict between the Ncoakhoe and the Trust. Rather, the strategy of how to improve education and the economy was a source of conflict between the Ncoakhoe and the government, and between the Trust and the government. Two issues of conflict among and between all stakeholders were issues of strategy about the protection of the Okavango Delta and increasing employment prospects for the Ncoakhoe people. The stakeholders could not agree on the appropriate strategy to deal with these issues. Finally, the importance of natural resource management, security of land tenure, strength of cultural identity, traditional leadership, language and local government responsiveness were rated differently and became issues of conflict between the Ncoakhoe and the government, and between the Trust and the government, but not between the Ncoakhoe and the Trust.

Table 1 Conservation and development issues identified by the Ncoakhoe (Nc), Kuru Development Trust (KDT), and the Government of Botswana (GOB) in northern Botswana

	Stakeholders
Issues	Nc & KDT	Nc & GOB	KDT & GOB
Non-controversial issues
Savings	NC	NC	NC
Capacity building, training	NC	NC	NC
Research	NC	NC	NC
Community health	NC	NC	NC
Controversial issues
Re-evaluate cattle industry and fences	CI	CI	CI
Improve education	NC	CS	CS
Conservation of Okavango Delta	CS	CS	CS
Increase employment	CS	CS	CS
Economic diversification	CS	CS	CS
Natural resource management	NC	CI	CI
Security of land tenure	NC	CI	CI
Strengthen cultural identity	NC	CI	CI
Traditional leadership	NC	CI	CI
Language	NC	CI	CI
Local government responsiveness	NC	CI	CI
NC = there is no conflict between stakeholders concerning the importance of the issue or how to address the issue.

3.1 Conflicts among all stakeholders concerning the importance of issues

3.1.1 Cattle industry

The cattle industry is a critical influence on the conservation of natural resources in northern Botswana. As a result of the outbreak of Cattle Bovine Pleura Pneumonia in northern Botswana in 1996, approximately 300 000 cattle were destroyed (New Agriculturalist, 1999). The government has proposed restocking Ngamiland with cattle and promoting tourism, to stimulate community development and to diversify the economy (Republic of Botswana, 1990b; Perrings, 1996; Republic of Botswana, 1997a). It is recognised, however, that a poorly managed cattle industry will rapidly degrade the environment and adversely affect the viability of wildlife (Perkins, 1996; Perrings, 1996; Wheelwright et al., 1996). In addition, veterinary cordon fences which were installed to control the spread of foot-and-mouth disease in cattle prevent wildlife movement, fragment wildlife populations, separate young animals from their herds and impose agonising deaths from entanglement and dehydration (Albertson, 1998). The simultaneous but conflicting goals promoted by the government of Botswana, of developing tourism based on wildlife and wild habitats, and of developing the cattle industry in Ngamiland, has also led to conflicts between the stakeholders.

In direct opposition to the government, the Trust does not wish cattle to be reintroduced into the area. In an effort to encourage the Ncoakhoe to choose the environment over cattle, the Trust is trying to establish successful alternative community development activities before the restocking of cattle begins. The majority of the Ncoakhoe, who have never owned cattle, are interested in alternative development strategies with a focus on wildlife-based tourism. Those who owned cattle before they were destroyed, however, wish to own cattle again. Although the local people generally desire the security and pride associated with the ownership of cattle, they do not want ‘wildlife to disappear’ from the Okavango Delta ecosystem. Thus the cattle industry is a controversial issue.

3.2 Conflict between the Noakhoe, the Trust and the government concerning strategy

3.2.1 Improving education

Although the Ncoakhoe value modern education, they view it as conflicting with traditional education. Traditionally, children learned through stories from their parents and elders. Parents also taught the youth valuable information concerning the location and behaviour of game, and about social norms and customs in the course of their daily activities. The children who attend modern schools must stay in hostels and be away from their home for long periods of time, essentially making traditional education impossible (Le Roux, W, 1999).

It has also been reported that the children are treated poorly in schools and discriminated against. The discrimination is entwined with the recent introduction of the cash economy to the community. Cash is severely limited and the children ‘who do not have the right clothes’ are considered to be poor by others. The result is cultural alienation, with many children ‘turning their backs on their identity and background’ (Le Roux, W, 1999: 7).

To solve educational problems, the Ncoakhoe suggested that the traditional schools called cana should be re-established, and traditional studies be incorporated into modern education. Increasing access to adult education is also considered necessary for the survival of the Ncoakhoe culture. While the main focus of the national government is to increase the number of Ncoakhoe people with higher education (Republic of Botswana, 1997b), incorporating traditional education into the modern educational system may be a major challenge.

3.2.2 Economic diversification

Tourism is considered by the government, the Trust, and the Ncoakhoe to be an important aspect of economic development in the Okavango Delta. The government focus is on low-volume, high-end, safari-style tourists who occupy permanent accommodation (Republic of Botswana, 1990a, 1990b, 1997a). The Trust focuses on cultural tourism and the wilderness experience, aimed at the casual camper who does not require lodge accommodation. This requires less capital investment and is easier for communities to manage. In addition to tourism, other natural resource uses have the potential for employment and economic development (e.g. harvesting the mongongo nut for its oil; aquaculture; and harvesting grass for thatching).

3.3 Conflict between the Noakhoe, the trust and the government concerning the importance of the issue

3.3.1 Natural resource management and land tenure

The proposed framework for natural resource conservation, according to the Botswana National Conservation Strategy ‘involves a blend of approaches… based upon continued, strong intervention by Government in the use and management of natural resources’ (Republic of Botswana, 1990a: 6). The community-based programmes, which began in 1990 and were implemented by the national government, promote ‘sustainable, conservation-based development on lands that are marginal for crop production and domestic livestock’ (Taylor, 1999). Community participation, however, only takes place in designated Wildlife Management Areas and Controlled Hunting Areas Under the community-based natural resource management programmes, Land Boards within local government allocate land to a community on condition that the land use proposals are commercially viable; however, ‘certain community rights cannot be granted’ unless the community forms a recognised legal entity. Communities that choose to use their land for subsistence or maintain land because of significant cultural value (in other words, not a commercially viable activity as defined by the government) cannot lease the land from the government (Twyman, 1998).

The Ncoakhoe community desire land tenure rights for natural resource management projects even though they are not in Wildlife Management Areas or Controlled Hunting Areas and therefore not eligible for the national community-based natural resource management programme. The Executive Committee of Teemashane has stated repeatedly that natural resource management should be dealt with locally, limiting the involvement of the national government to technical support from the Department of Wildlife and National Parks.

The Trust is aiding the Ncoakhoe in the process of gaining land tenure for residential settlement, traditional resource use and income generation. Past experience with other San groups indicate that it will be very difficult for the Ncoakhoe to gain tenure based on traditional resource use or cultural significance because the Botswana government specifies commercial and business objectives to be the only valid claims for tenure (Twyman, 1998).

3.3.2 Cultural identity

In this article, we define ‘cultural identity’ as a combination of factors that create unique customs, traditions and beliefs that define one group from another. Interviews with Ncoakhoe leaders revealed that language, traditional knowledge and skills, and a spiritual connection to the land were important elements in defining and maintaining a strong cultural identity.

The Ncoakhoe culture, when compared to other cultures in the in study area, is perceived by the community and the Trust as weak, and threatened by other ethnic groups. There is a basic need to incorporate tradition in development and create projects that are culturally relevant. ‘If one is developed materially, but destroyed spiritually, that is not an integrated, harmonious development’ (Pradervand, 1989). The recognition of land claims for important cultural sites (burial sites and seasonal villages) will depend on the official acceptance that a cultural connection to land exists. However, the national government, in a reaction to segregationist policies in neighbouring countries, refuses to make ethnic distinctions in policymaking. Thus, community development under the Rural Area Development Programme refers to ‘Remote Area Dwellers’ and does not recognise culture as an important aspect of development even though 80 per cent of ‘Remote Area Dwellers’ are San (Taylor, 1999). The only reference to culture and ethnicity, made by the government, is as a potential tourism development (Republic of Botswana, 1997b).

The Trust fully supports the struggle of the Ncoakhoe for empowerment and believes that in order to counteract the loss of identity ‘as people’, the documentation and dissemination of indigenous knowledge and history is a crucial aspect of community development. This view has created conflicts between the Trust and the government in the past and continues to be an issue today. In practice, the Trust is well regarded by local authorities in the study area because it is viewed as a development organisation that will help others, and not only the Ncoakhoe, to initiate projects and community groups. Until indigenous (local) knowledge and history is recognised as an important ingredient of community development, the government, the Trust and the Ncoakhoe peoples will continue to disagree.

3.3.3 Traditional leadership

For reasons that the authors do not know (or were not revealed to the authors during the field study), the current headmen in the Ncoakhoe community are not recognised by the national government, and therefore do not receive a salary and have no legal power. Traditional leaders are responsible for the overall health issues and problem-solving in the community. They also represent the community to outsiders and establish relationships with other groups. Leadership is viewed as important issue today for the aforementioned reasons, as well as for representing the Ncoakhoe people at kgotla meetings and in the wider political structure of Botswana.

3.3.4 Language

The Kuru Development Trust recognises that language is an important component of cultural identity (Le Roux, B, 1999). The Trust has mother-tongue language programmes operating within other San groups and wishes to initiate a similar programme with the Ncoakhoe. Members of the Ncoakhoe community and the board of Teemashane strongly desire the implementation of mother-tongue literacy programmes in their communities and the introduction of the Khoedam language into the primary school system. The parents interviewed in a study by Le Roux, W (1999) stated that ‘children who grew up without their language would lose their identity and that they wanted their languages to be written, in order to strengthen their children's self-esteem as well as to preserve cultural knowledge’.

Currently, early primary education in Botswana is conducted through the medium of Setswana, but in Grade Four the language of instruction changes to English. The national government has introduced a programme called Breakthrough to Setswana in order to facilitate access to literacy in Setswana. The programme, however, is designed for children whose first language is Setswana. Teachers report that native Setswana speakers ‘break through’ after five months, but the San learners take at least 10 months to complete the required stages of the programme (Le Roux, W, 1999). The Ncoakhoe children who are marginalised at schools and do not understand the language often run away from schools.

3.3.5 Responsiveness of the local government

Although national policy promotes the devolution of decision-making and the strengthening of local institutions, District Councils, District Land Boards and Village Development Committees must rely on the national government for financial assistance, and do not have the institutional capacity to carry out their responsibilities. This dependency ensures that the Botswana government is the primary controller of the type of development projects which are undertaken (Holm, 1972; Picard, 1985). In addition, the Ncoakhoe report that they are treated poorly and ignored by Village Development Committees, and that the provision of government programmes such as the supplementary feeding programme, pensions programme and disability assistance are inefficient and often considered unfair. The authors, however, were not able to verify the accuracy of these statements. We were also not able to obtain the response of the Village Development Committees to these statements.

A development goal of the Trust is to aid in the creation of local institutions or community-based organisations to represent the Ncoakhoe. The development of separate local institutions, however, has created competition for funding from the national government, assistance from the Trust, land for projects, and employment.

3.4 All stakeholders are in conflict concerning strategy

3.4.1 Conservation of the Okavango Delta

The Ncoakhoe strongly believe in the conservation of the Okavango Delta as an environmental and cultural issue, although immediate needs such as dependable supplies of drinking water and food must first be met. Several Ncoakhoe people interviewed wished to have exclusive rights to land so that they could teach other ethnic groups in the Okavango Delta about traditional methods of conservation of natural resources which they (the Ncoakhoe) have practiced for a long time and have proved to be sustainable. Both the government and the Trust, however, agree that the conservation of the Delta will only be effective if Angola, Namibia and other countries that are part of the Okavango River ecosystem are involved. In addition, the participation of all ethnic groups and villages that are dependent upon the Delta, and other stakeholders such as safari businesses and sport fishing operations, is needed.

3.4.2 Increasing employment

The government, the Trust and the Ncoakhoe agree that increasing employment opportunities, whether through projects initiated by the Trust, government make-work programmes, or self-employment, are a priority. Ideally, the community would like to administer their own income-generating projects; however, because of the high level of unemployment in the community, they are willing to accept any method that will increase employment opportunities.

The Trust is committed to empowering the Ncoakhoe by encouraging self-employment among the community so that they have control of their own destiny. However, to encourage self-employment among the Ncoakhoe community, social conditions that prevent development or promote poverty in the community should be identified and discussed jointly by the Ncoakhoe, the Trust and the government. The stakeholders should also discuss solutions to cultural obstacles to development.

The Trust would also act as a technical support agency, providing assistance to the community when needed. In comparison, the government is promoting tourism joint-venture schemes where communities lease their land or sell their hunting quota to safari operators (Republic of Botswana, 1997b; Twyman, 1998).

3.5 Non-controversial issues

All the stakeholders agreed that the monetary savings in the community had to be increased. Furthermore, all the stakeholders agreed that capacity building and training of community members, with both modern and traditional skills to increase employment prospects, were important issues. All the stakeholders acknowledged that more information concerning the habitat, diversity and population of wildlife and plant species is required to aid in conservation programmes. Community health issues did not appear to cause direct controversy among the Ncoakhoe, the Trust and the government. This may be because this study was conducted during the dry season where illness due to malaria is fairly low.

4. Discussion

This study has identified eleven natural resource management and rural community development issues of conflicts between the stakeholders in the northern Okavango panhandle (Table 1). If these issues are ignored, there are several potential environmental consequences and repercussions for the sustainability of community-based natural resource management programmes.

If the issues of land tenure, conservation of the Okavango Delta, natural resource management, land tenure and development of the cattle industry are not addressed, the health of the Okavango Delta ecosystem may decline. International agreements to regulate water resources and the hunting of wildlife that migrate across national boundaries are vital to conservation and development. This would allow the competing needs of Angola, Namibia and Botswana, and of all the communities that are dependent on the Okavango ecosystem for their livelihood, to be resolved.

In addition, the expansion of the cattle industry could damage wildlife populations and cause further deterioration of rangelands and wildlife habitats (Perkins, 1996; Perrings, 1996; Wheelwright et al., 1996; Twyman, 1997; Albertson, 1998). Environmental deterioration in turn could reduce the viability of activities dependent on natural resources that can be developed to improve the rural economy, such as subsistence agriculture, wildlife-based tourism, collection of thatch and reeds, hunting, fishing and gathering wild foods. If economic development is not achieved, the Ncoakhoe may then become even more dependent on the GOB pensions and food supplement programme. The consequences of not dealing with the conflicts in natural resource management may also have negative repercussions for cultural identity. Natural resource management and land tenure, and the perceived strength of cultural identity are inextricably linked in Ncoakhoe culture. The inability to practice traditional skills (hunting and gathering), to access resources that have been used traditionally and important for the people to use continuously and to visit sacred territories may lead to a loss of traditional skills, which may impact the Ncoakhoe culture and further disenfranchise the Ncoakhoe. If land tenure continues to be conferred for commercially viable use as determined by the Botswana government, such as joint-venture schemes or projects and rearing of livestock, the Ncoakhoe may continue to be employed at sub-standard levels, providing little opportunity for their economic growth and empowerment.

Cultural identity and community development are also affected by education. If conflicts concerning the delivery of education are not addressed, the Ncoakhoe children may continue to face discrimination and abuse at schools. Lack of education may limit the potential for capacity building and training by not creating the opportunity for learning modern skills. The children may continue to be ashamed of their parents and culture, and adopt Tswana culture to the detriment of their own. As the Ncoakhoe culture and language are lost, culturally specific ways of expressing ideas and meanings may also be lost and the communication between generations in the community may deteriorate.

The government should actively involve traditional leaders of the Ncoakhoe community in the development activities. Conversely, if the Ncoakhoe community does not recognise the limitations of the government, their expectations may not be met if it is not within the boundaries of national policy.

The consequences raised here are the results of not adequately dealing with the issues that were identified as important by the Ncoakhoe, the Trust and the government. In addition, if the conflicts between the stakeholders are not addressed, the design and implementation of community-based natural resource management programmes will not be appropriate or sustainable. The level of animosity toward the government from the Ncoakhoe community is extremely high and if the government continues to ignore the needs of the community, any future potential for building a working relationship may be destroyed. The marginalisation of the Ncoakhoe by historical events, prevailing attitudes, discriminatory practices, laws and regulations that further disenfranchise the Ncoakhoe and the refusal of the government to address the resulting inequalities makes achieving project objectives very difficult. Conflicts between the government and the Trust must also be addressed if the government proposes to use non-governmental organisations to aid in the decentralisation of power and facilitate community participation. If the Trust agenda is in conflict with government policy, the Trust will be restricted, and will not expedite national conservation and development plans.

Finally, if the Trust or the government are in conflict with the Ncoakhoe community over the development initiatives of either body the success and sustainability of such initiatives may not be achieved because of lack of the Ncoakhoe support.

5. Conclusions

This study has identified several issues that influence the conservation and indigenous community development in northern Okavango Panhandle. These issues are part of very complex social, cultural, economic, political, and environmental issues in northern Okavango Panhandle.

In our opinion, the introduction of a new community-based natural resource management programme in the northern Okavango panhandle should avoid the flaws in the ‘top-down’ approach (Mikkelsen, 1995) to problems of development. The government, the Trust and the Ncoakhoe should engage in a ‘joint learning relationship’ where knowledge and ideas are discussed among them all. Without this relationship, none are likely to be satisfied. The Ncoakhoe will not receive relevant information on new natural resource management options that may help solve their social, cultural, economic, and environmental problems. The government and the Trust will not receive the satisfaction of seeing their development activities and results which have absorbed limited budgets under difficult field conditions, contribute to the development of Ncoakhoe community. In particular, the Trust and the government will not learn about the Ncoakhoe's indigenous knowledge about farming and conservation systems, and how the natural resource management programme can be incorporated within the prevailing social, cultural, political, economic and environmental systems.

It is also our opinion that unless development is for, and inside, the community, it is not properly development, and endeavours to promote development from outside are unlikely to succeed. Development must be for the Ncoakhoe community, and the community should initiate development projects or priorities. The Trust and the government should work with the community as ‘partners’ for the development of the Ncoakhoe community. ‘Outsiders’ should not impose their development agenda on the community.

The issues of conflicts outlined in this manuscript should be used to stimulate a dialogue among the stakeholders. The government, the Ncoakhoe and the Trust should begin working together on issues that do not cause conflict, namely improving biological and social research, increasing the community's savings and diversifying the economy. Achieving goals that are jointly set may promote trust and help build relationships that can then withstand addressing the issues that generate conflicts. By being aware of the issues that contribute to conflicts in the conservation and community development, and how these issues are inter-related, the Ncoakhoe, the Trust and the government have the opportunity to be proactive in approaching the conflicts positively and reaching potential solutions. The development of community-based natural resource management programmes that are successful, environmentally sustainable, and culturally, socially and economically acceptable and beneficial to the Ncoakhoe people, requires compromise.

6. Recommendations

Taking into account both the culture and natural resource management, we provide the following specific recommendations with respect to the policy of the national government, NGOs and the Ncoakhoe people. These recommendations, however, are by no means inclusive of all potential solutions.

6.1 Policy of the Botswana government

First, the Botswana government should examine the potential advantages and disadvantages of further development in the cattle industry in the northern Okavango panhandle. Policy changes that could be implemented include removing cattle fences that disrupt the movement of wildlife, and designating land for foraging or multi-purpose resource use. Secondly, the government should clarify ‘community participation’ in government, by clear definition of the rights of communities to manage their resources, and should also back up its commitment to community participation with concrete financial and physical support. Thirdly, the government should acknowledge the influence of cultural factors on community development. Financial support should be allocated for activities that reflect the importance of culture in community development. For example, research on veld foods has the potential to increase employment by hiring local people, to validate the Ncoakhoe culture by acknowledging indigenous knowledge of edible and medicinal plants, and to diversify the economy by exploring the commercial use of wild foods. Fourth, access to education for Khoedam speakers through mother-tongue education should be improved. Mother-tongue education has the potential to make formal education easier and to create a better learning environment for the Ncoakhoe children. However, this depends on the number of teachers that can teach Khoedam, the number of books that have been translated into Khoedam, and the number of people that speak Khoedam. Finally, the national government should recognise traditional leaders by giving them positions in local councils. This would legitimise communities that presently have no status and has the potential to improve access to government programmes.

6.2 Non-governmental organisations

First, the Kuru Development Trust should participate in new tourism and other income-generating projects in the Okavango panhandle, which are based on, or that reflect, the Ncoakhoe culture. Cultural tourism might promote social and economic development, by making San children more familiar with their own culture, and see it positively. Secondly, the Trust should facilitate the formation of cooperatives that harvest wild foods for the local market. Cooperatives could conduct research alongside their production, and thus perhaps alleviate some of the dependence on government food supplement programmes. Thirdly, to reduce competition for resources among other ethnic groups in the northern Okavango Panhandle, the Trust should actively promote community development programmes for other ethnic groups. This may involve hiring staff members specifically to liaise with other ethnic groups, or encouraging other NGOs to relocate out of urban centres to the rural areas. This may promote contact between rural communities and NGOs, and reduce some of the inequalities between rural and urban areas. Fourthly, the Trust should also continue to network and share information with other NGOs in the Okavango ecosystem, including organisations in Namibia and Angola. Finally, the Trust should implement an adult literacy programme for the benefits of illiterate Ncoakhoe people (the majority).

6.3 The Ncoakhoe community

First, the Ncoakhoe people should regularly attend kgotla meetings in the villages as a means of entering into the local political structure, and gaining exposure to the local government. This may improve the Ncoakhoe representation in the government and perhaps the local Village Development Committees may respond more readily to Ncoakhoe requests concerning the provision of pensions. Secondly, the Ncoakhoe should reinstate traditional schools (cana). If necessary, the community should approach the Trust and the government for funding. Thirdly, the Ncoakhoe should find a suitable method for addressing conflicts within their community in order to ensure future success of community-based projects. Fourthly, community members with traditional knowledge should be identified and steps should be taken to record and disseminate that knowledge so that it is not lost.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Christopher Opio

Respectively, International Studies Program and Ecosystem Science and Management Program, University of Northern British Columbia. The authors would like to thank the Kuru Development Trust and the Teemashane Community Development Trust for participating in the study; and Robert Hitchcock, Don Munton, Heather Myers and Tomson Ogwang for reading earlier drafts of the manuscript and providing constructive comments. Special thanks are also extended to the Canadian Crossroads International for providing logistical support for the study. Corresponding author: Christopher Opio.