Diversifying Rwanda's tourism industry: a role for domestic tourism

Abstract

Domestic tourism is an undeveloped theme in African tourism scholarship since the planning and promotion of tourism in most African countries is biased towards international tourism. Rwanda's tourism industry, anchored on the attractions of gorilla tourism for international visitors, is now being rebuilt after civil strife and genocide, and diversifying to encompass the promotion of cultural tourism. This paper examines the role of domestic tourism in Rwanda's developing tourism economy and argues that positive benefits can be obtained through the greater promotion of domestic tourism in the country.

1.INTRODUCTION

The World Tourism Organization (WTO) predicts that during the next 20 years the expansion of domestic tourism will be especially strong in several developing countries, most notably China, India, Thailand, Brazil and Mexico. These countries are evidence that domestic tourism already constitutes a large and growing industry in several parts of the developing world (Ghimire, 2001: 11). Across many countries of the developing world, travel for purposes of leisure, pilgrimage or business is no longer the exclusive prerogative of the upper classes. Participation in leisure travel extends beyond the growing middle class to include the lower middle classes. For both Gladstone (2005) and Scheyvens (2002), however, the key factor in the surge of domestic tourism in many developing countries is the rise of a middle class with reasonable affluence and disposable income and a strong desire for travel. According to WTO projections, the number of domestic tourists could soon be ‘as much as ten times greater than current international tourist arrivals’ (Ghimire, 2001: 2). This observation serves to underline the need for ‘policy makers to look at what benefits such forms of tourism could bring to their countries’ (Scheyvens, 2002: 6) and for more serious research and analysis of domestic tourism across the developing world. Scheyvens (2002: 155) argues that ‘countries searching for an alternative, less exploitative form of tourism development than that dominated by the interests of multinational capital, should encourage domestic tourism as this results in greater community ownership of tourism enterprises’.

Although domestic tourism accounts for approximately 80 per cent of all tourism activity worldwide (Neto, 2002: 2), it is still the case that ‘governments of most developing countries would rather promote international instead of domestic tourism’ (Dieke, 2000: 16) because of the much-needed foreign exchange earnings the industry generates for the host country. The general trend across Africa is a systematic bias in national tourism development planning towards international as opposed to regional or domestic tourism (Ghimire, 2001). For example, tourism policy in Nigeria, as is true of so much of Africa, gives priority to planning for international tourism (Mustapha, 2001). Indeed, even though Kenya has introduced measures to support domestic tourism (Sindiga, 1996) and Zambia has acknowledged its potential role in tourism planning (Rogerson, 2003), government resources in both countries are still channelled primarily towards the promotion of international tourism. The case of South Africa is exceptional in Africa as here the national government has launched a number of coordinated initiatives designed to maximise the impact of domestic tourism for the country's tourism economy (Rogerson & Lisa, 2005).

This paper argues that even as international tourism in Africa continues to grow, the development of domestic tourism can bring stability to a volatile industry and create a more sustainable path for tourism development. The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife in Kenya observed recently that ‘domestic tourism forms the basis for a stronger international tourism. It bridges the seasonality gap and therefore creates jobs and stability in the employment sector. This ties in appropriately with the government goals of poverty reduction and wealth creation hence leading to social harmony’ (Nabutola, 2005).

Currently the majority of Africa's tourism products, be they ‘safari tourism, beach tourism, “roots” tourism, marine tourism [or] cultural and heritage or ethnic tourism’ (Dieke, 2000: 3), are geared towards international tourists. While these tourists bring in significant foreign exchange earnings, mass tourism is a highly volatile industry and often seasonal in nature (Shaw & Williams, 1994: 183–4), posing a threat to job security and consistent earnings within the industry. By diversifying the base of a national tourism economy, domestic tourism can often maintain a country's tourism industry during volatile periods for international tourism.

This paper examines the role of domestic tourism in Rwanda's developing tourism economy. Between 1990 and 1994, during the civil strife that escalated into war and culminated in genocide, leaving the country in a state of physical and economic stagnation, the country's tourism industry faced a devastating slump. Currently, as Rwanda completes its transition to stability, there has been a determined effort to rebuild what was lost, and this has been accompanied by the development of the national tourism industry. Especially since 2001, the country has made a renewed commitment to tourism as the industry is considered to be a significant driver of economic development, job creation and economic stability (Grosspietsch, 2005). As is the case with most African countries, however, Rwanda's present tourism strategy has directed most of its efforts towards international tourism and in particular ‘gorilla tourism’. This paper argues that while international tourism contributes greatly to national economic growth, it is important at the same time that Rwanda not overlook the potential for and advantages of domestic tourism.

2. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOURISM AND TOURISM POLICY IN RWANDA

Rwanda is a landlocked country with few natural resources and minimal industry (Government of Rwanda, 2003). Covering an area of 26 338 sq km with a population of 8.4 million people, 59 per cent of whom live below the poverty line, the country is one of the poorest in the world, with the highest population density on the African continent. About 91 per cent of Rwanda's population is engaged in the agricultural sector and relies mainly on subsistence farming. Land is accordingly a precious natural resource, the need for which often overrides other developmental initiatives. The catastrophic 1990–94 war and genocide severely damaged an already fragile economic base and badly affected the livelihood of the population. Further, the image of the country was damaged, which in turn had an impact on both local and foreign direct investments.

Since 1994 the country has faced the daunting task of rebuilding its economy. The reform efforts have brought about a surge of growth during the last decade, particularly in agriculture, which is the leading economic sector and contributes 41.6 per cent of national GDP (OTF Group, 2005a). Although Rwanda continues to depend heavily on foreign aid to meet its numerous development challenges, it has also, in the post-1994 years, made substantial progress in stabilising its fledgling economy, which has been one of the fastest growing in Africa. Nevertheless, levels of poverty remain severe, and the government's main economic challenge is to stimulate new sources of poverty-reducing growth. In addressing the challenges of economic growth and poverty reduction, the Government of Rwanda has acknowledged the potential of tourism. Since 1994, the industry has undergone a significant overhaul as the country has sought to establish itself strategically as a unique tourism destination in Africa and compete against the attractions of more established African tourist destinations such as Kenya and Tanzania.

Rwanda's tourism industry, coinciding with conservation and preservation efforts, has been based primarily on the country's natural endowments. The majority of its natural attractions are located within its three National Parks (Figure 1): the Volcanoes National Park in the north-west, on the slopes of the Virunga mountain range, which is home to the rare and famous mountain gorilla; the Nyungwe Tropical Forest, surrounded by a lush forest canopy, home to several species of bird and the rare golden monkey and offering great opportunities for hiking; and the Akagera National Park in the north-east, an ‘archetypal African savannah landscape’, that is a relatively warm region of woodlands interspersed with open grasslands (ORTPN, 2005a).

Figure 1. Locations of Rwanda's National Parks

In 1990, these three parks fell under the management of the Rwanda Office for Tourism and National Parks or Office Rwandais pour Tourisme et Parcs Nationaux (ORTPN) as property for conservation as well as development. Historically, and to the present day, these three parks have been the country's major tourist destinations.

2.1 The evolution of international tourism in Rwanda

Owing to the lack of any records or data there is limited historical information on the growth and development of Rwanda's tourism industry. Some observers, however, suggest that tourism's origins go back to the early 20th century when Rwanda's varied flora and fauna, diverse primates, and in particular its rare mountain gorillas, began to attract the attention of several visitors, including naturalists, scientists and zoologists (Booth & Briggs, 2004). In 1925 the Albert National Park was established, and subsequently renamed the Volcanoes National Park after political independence in 1962. Located within the Virunga Volcanoes mountain chain, it has been the focus of many studies of mountain gorillas (Booth & Briggs, 2004: 177). At the time of independence, the gorillas were already well known internationally and, despite the problem of overpopulation, Rwanda's new leadership vowed to maintain the park for tourists and researchers (Booth & Briggs, 2004: 177). According to the ORTPN, several projects and studies were carried out over the years by various organisations to promote conservation mainly in this park. The work of the zoologist Dian Fossey from 1967 made the gorillas of Rwanda internationally renowned. Her life, as depicted in the 1988 film Gorillas in the Mist, ‘drew global attention to the plight of the mountain gorilla, and generated unprecedented interest in the gorilla tourism program’ (Booth & Briggs, 2004: 178).

For almost 30 years, Rwanda's most recognisable tourism asset has been its mountain gorillas. Of only 700 left in the world, Rwanda is home to about one-third (ORTPN, 2005a,b). Shackley (1995) observed that in the early 1990s gorilla tourism contributed an estimated 75 per cent of all national tourism revenue. By 2004 dependence on gorilla tourism had increased to 93 per cent of tourism income (ORTPN, 2005c: 3). Williamson (2001) notes that the gorilla has become a national symbol, with images of the animal being used on bank notes and by national companies and organisations. Indeed, ‘gorillas play an essential role in contributing to the positive image of Rwanda and act as ambassadors on the international scene by raising the profile of the country’ (ORTPN, 2005a). Not only do the gorillas contribute to improving the country's image, the continued increase in the numbers of international tourists who come to see them has played the biggest role in tourism growth. Accordingly, protecting the gorillas' habitat is a strong priority for Rwandan tourism.

The year 1984 is recorded as the peak of international tourism in Rwanda, when the number of tourist arrivals reached a total of 39 000 persons (OTF Group, 2005b: 1). As shown in Figure 2, between 1983 and 1988 Rwanda's annual international tourist numbers stabilised around an average of 35 000 visitors. The devastation the genocide caused to the country's tourism economy is clear and only since 2000 has the trajectory of international tourism arrivals once again been positive. The most recent data suggests that international visitor arrivals reached 20 000 in 2004, a level which is almost half of the numbers recorded in 1984 (Mazimhaka, 2006).

Figure 2. International tourist arrivals, Rwanda, 1980–2001 Source: OTF Group, 2005b: 1, based on data provided by ORTPN

2.2 Renewal of Rwanda's tourism economy

Since 2001 the Government of Rwanda has identified several priority sectors for economic development. The Rwandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper emphasises a need to ‘develop other engines of growth and to transform [the] economy’, including ‘encouraging the development of tourism’ (Government of Rwanda, 2002: 9). Through the Rwanda National Innovation and Competitiveness (RNIC) programme, the OTF Group ‘developed a National Tourism Strategy that was adopted in 2001. The strategy identified a long-term vision and defined several areas to be developed to promote tourism in Rwanda’ (OTF Group, 2004: 1). A group of 40 representatives came together from the private and public sectors with local NGOs to form Rwanda's Tourism Working Group (TWG), with a mandate to implement the strategy. Overall, this group articulated the following goal for Rwanda's tourism industry: ‘Generate $100 million in tourism receipts [and 70 000 international tourists] in 2010 by focusing on creating high value and low environmental impact experiences’ (OTF Group, 2005b).

The beginnings of the potential realisation of this goal were evidenced by increases in 2003–4 in visitor arrivals to the three national parks by 39 per cent and by park receipts increases of 42 per cent. Nevertheless, it has become evident that ‘the gorillas alone cannot sustain Rwanda's tourism growth’ (ORTPN, 2004a: 1). Despite their enormous contribution to the country's tourism industry, the concern remains that international tourism remains gorilla-centred and current growth is therefore unsustainable. This prompted the ORTPN's suggestion that Rwanda ‘needs to move away from [a] Gorilla monoculture’ (ORTPN, 2005b: 1) and explains why Rwanda's tourism industry has recently focused on providing a more diverse tourism experience for all visitors.

In October 2003, the ORTPN and the TWG held a National Tourism Launch in Kigali, designed to inform the local population of the industry's latest efforts. The launch attracted several VIP guests, including the President and several cabinet ministers. Interviewed by the author in June 2005, the Executive Director of the Rwanda Tourism Agency (RTA) within the ORTPN, Rica Rwigamba, stated that the aim of the event was to declare that, after the war and genocide, ‘tourism is being launched again. There is a future for Rwanda and a future for … tourism’. During 2003, the ORTPN hired marketing and public relations firms to help the industry reach new markets (ORTPN, 2004b: 15). The role of these firms was to promote Rwanda throughout Europe and arrange for a successful re-launch of Rwandan tourism on the international market at the World Travel Market in London in November 2003. This re-launch was to be the official message to the international community that Rwanda was ready to offer a unique tourism experience to all tourists. Whilst Rwanda's National Parks remain the country's most popular attractions, the industry's efforts at diversification mean that other natural and cultural assets are also being promoted. Rwanda's cultural attractions are viewed as critical for the future growth of international tourism and for showcasing the diverse attractions of the country's tourism industry. The new images used to re-launch Rwandan tourism represent the re-emergence of Rwanda as a tourism destination and reflect its hospitality and enthusiasm for promoting its culture (see Figure 3).

Figure 3. Images used to re-launch Rwanda's tourism industry 2004 Traditional dancer performing a dance often used to showcase Rwandan culture and hospitality Source: ORTPN website

In February 2006 the Ministry of Commerce, Industry, Investment Promotion, Tourism and Cooperatives (MINICOM) of the Government of Rwanda released the Rwanda National Tourism Policy which is focused on ‘tourism promotion, on improvement of tourist sites, on development of tourist infrastructure, as well as [the] development of [an] entrepreneurship spirit in the hotel and hospitality industry’ (Government of Rwanda, 2006: 6). This policy document is a landmark as it represents the first national tourism policy adapted to address the pressing issues facing tourism in Rwanda. It was announced that MINICOM will work in conjunction with the United Nations World Tourism Organization to ‘develop an action plan for the rehabilitation of tourism’ (Government of Rwanda, 2006: 6). The development of the Tourism Policy and defining specific objectives for tourism are viewed as imperative to ensure that ‘the industry can fulfil its potential while leveraging the country's natural and cultural endowments’ (Government of Rwanda, 2006: 14).

Overall, it is evident that since 1994 Rwanda's tourism industry has faced several challenges to its growth and development. As the country continues to rebuild itself economically, tourism will continue to play an important role, being widely considered one of the sectors that will help the country achieve its economic targets through revenue gains and job creation. Thus far, Rwanda's tourism product has, understandably, been aimed largely at international tourists so as to raise much-needed foreign currency, and while this has been proving positive as regards achieving industry targets, dependence on an exclusive market could be detrimental to the industry in the future. The 2006 Tourism Policy is committed to encouraging ‘high end ecotourism’ with a focus on generating increased volumes of international tourism (Government of Rwanda, 2006). Only a brief mention is made of domestic tourism, stressing that ‘Rwanda citizens and foreign residents have not been able to experience the same tourism attractions due to lack of tourism culture, insufficient information and financial limitations’ (Government of Rwanda, 2006: 20). This paper argues that if the tourism sector is to play a more considerable economic role than previously, a vibrant domestic tourism must be encouraged. Its success will go a long way to boosting not just Rwanda's tourism industry but the country's economy as a whole.

3. BEYOND GORILLA TOURISM – DEVELOPING DOMESTIC TOURISM

According to Dieke (2000), travel for leisure purposes is still considered to be an extravagance even for members of the middle class in many African countries. To gain an understanding of the current situation of Rwanda's domestic tourism industry, in 2005 the author conducted surveys using written information from 15 important participants in the development of Rwanda's tourism strategy [0]and one-on-one interviews with three key stakeholders: Eric Kacou, Director of the RNIC Project, OTF Group, Rica Rwigamba, Executive Director of the RTA of ORTPN, and Joseph Birori, of Primate Safaris, Kigali, one of Rwanda's leading tour operators.

In addition, surveys were distributed to 15 Rwandan tourism stakeholders, including tour operators, restaurant owners and members of the national tourism board (Mazimhaka, 2006). Overall, the survey respondents indicated a belief that a strong demand for domestic tourism in Rwanda could help create tourism awareness and a tourism culture, and has the potential to sustain the overall tourism industry. The majority believed that Rwanda's current tourism products were sufficient to attract domestic tourists, although new ones will need to be developed to further expand this market. The views of the interviewees and several survey respondents, obtained in June and December 2005, are quoted in this paper.

3.1 Initiatives to promote domestic tourism

Eric Kacou stated that when Rwanda's National Tourism Strategy was initially created two main challenges needed to be addressed in order to make the country competitive at an international level. First, there needed to be a ‘change in the beliefs and attitudes’ of those in charge of the industry. After the devastation of 1994, many leaders were sceptical that any tourist would be interested in visiting the country and doubted that the industry could be successful again. Second, there was a need to build a common vision. This was achieved through the creation of the TWG, which helped develop a new perspective on the potential role of tourism in Rwanda. He said that when this strategy was forged in 2001 the role of domestic tourism was discussed, although the main goal of the strategy was to look at what was required at the time ‘to prioritise the industry’, namely to develop world-class experiences for all tourists.

As survey respondent Fidèle Ruzigandekwe, Director of the Rwanda Wildlife Agency, ORTPN, indicated, Rwanda's tourism industry is ‘quite a young industry’ and the development process is in its infancy. Although the promotion of domestic tourism was part of the National Tourism Strategy, international tourism was the focus and took precedence in order to build and sustain the industry. Emmanuel Ruzibiza, a member of the TWG, observed that ‘any tourism strategy in Rwanda is outward looking’ and this may become a problem when it comes to convincing Rwandans to participate in domestic tourism.

Rica Rwigamba noted that even though domestic tourism was not a main factor in the strategy, local tourists have shown an ‘unexpected participation’ in tourism since 2004. In order to promote tourism and the new strategy for tourism development, the ORTPN has participated in several local events and exhibitions, encouraging Rwandans to tour the country. Participation in these events made tourism more visible to Rwandans. She said that recently ‘people [in Rwanda] want to spend’ and visit various places across the country. However, it is evident that while the potential for domestic tourism growth exists, members of Rwanda's tourism industry have yet to grasp this potential.

The Director of the RNIC project, Eric Kacou, averred that domestic tourism has the potential to contribute to Rwanda's tourism industry and to the national economy in the following ways:

• When domestic tourism begins to grow in the country, people will begin to believe in it and gain a sense of national pride. This pride will encourage locals to go out of their way to ensure that international tourists enjoy their stay by providing friendly service and knowledgeable information.

• Domestic tourism can also help non-five-star hotels and restaurants in the country secure steady business and, since domestic tourism is the biggest generator of jobs, can create a more consistent market demanding consistent service.

• Domestic tourism has the potential to expand tourism by:

  		encouraging entrepreneurs to invest in industries, bringing in bigger investment companies and therefore creating more jobs;
  		protecting local historical and cultural assets so that they become or remain tourist-generating sites; and
  		building new products and experiences.

The supply side of the market for domestic tourism in Rwanda targets several segments of potential tourists within the country. The core segments are the expatriates, diaspora returnees, more affluent Rwandans and schoolchildren. This means that domestic tourism promotion and marketing efforts must be approached differently depending on which segment is to be targeted. One local tour operator admitted that ‘tour operators have not done enough to promote domestic tourism’ and that while Rwandans want to join in the effort for a successful domestic tourism, a lot of work remains to be done. In addition, Birori made the point that tour operators must target the different tourist segments in Rwanda's domestic tourism population differently. For example, the expatriates in Rwanda are more likely than Rwandans to resemble foreign tourists in their desire to explore various parts of the country and to participate in experiences (such as gorilla trekking). Kacou suggested that to promote Rwandan experiences to Rwandans, tour operators and other members of the industry need to develop different approaches. He said the government, as represented by the ORTPN, had ‘put in a lot of effort in putting up products’ and it was now up to the private sector to market these products to the people.

The ORTPN's participation in domestic tourism initiatives was most evident in the 2004–5 period. Kacou and Rwigamba supplied the following details:

• In October 2004, the ORTPN began a targeted campaign of tourism awareness directed towards Rwandan schoolchildren, resulting in 1300 children visiting the national parks.

• As part of this campaign in 2004, the ORTPN started petitioning the Ministry of Education to include tourism and conservation-related education in schools and to offer financial support to help sustain the existing training schools.

• In 2005 the promotion of the Kigali City Tour, which is geared towards business travellers as well as tourists living in Rwanda, gained momentum and promotional efforts by the ORTPN aimed towards the local population were increased.

• Cultural exhibits have been highlighted for local tourists, including fundraisers to refurbish historical sites and generate new experiences;

• Throughout 2005 the ORTPN participated in several local exhibitions and events providing tourism information for the local population.

• The ORTPN supported local sports events, such as the Kigali Peace Marathon in May 2005 and the Gorilla Rally in August 2005, to gain local recognition for tourism.

• The ORTPN's Gorilla Naming Ceremony in June 2005 was conducted with local community involvement and was regularly promoted on the main local radio stations and on television, to target a larger portion of the population.

• Partnerships with both the government and the private sector have been formed to encourage the distribution of tourism information to the local population.

This more aggressive marketing approach is reflected in Rwigamba's assertion that ‘anywhere we can give information, we will be doing that’. As all three key interviewees stated, the actions taken by the ORTPN have been useful, although follow-up actions were now required. Many of the survey respondents from the private sector felt that government support was marginal and that more cooperation from the government would lead to better and easier implementation of some of these initiatives. Despite this, it was acknowledged by members of the TWG that it is now up to Rwanda's tour operators and the private sector to expand on the initiatives that have been taken by government so far.

Overwhelmingly, the survey participants and interviewees identified lack of information and affordability as the main hindrance to domestic tourism development. There was a general feeling that if the people are to participate in the industry they must first understand what is happening in Rwandan tourism. Further, Kacou stated that the information sources used must be adapted to the specific sectors being addressed.

3.2. Key target segments and challenges

A major obstacle to the growth of domestic tourism in Rwanda is the high proportion of the country's population living in conditions of poverty. Recent surveys undertaken by the National Institute of Statistics (2006) indicate that the number of people living below the poverty line declined during the period 2000/01 to 2005/06 from 60.4 per cent to 56.9 per cent. Poverty levels are recorded as highest in rural areas, with 90 per cent of the poor living in these areas, many in communities surrounding Rwanda's most popular tourism attractions (National Institute of Statistics, 2006).

Rwanda's expatriate population is an untapped segment that is important to the tourism industry as a whole as this group often encourages friends and family living abroad to travel to the country. Rwigamba asserted that this segment has been neglected and has several particular concerns. For example, many expatriates do not believe they should be charged the same park entry fees as foreign visitors to the country. The ORTPN has addressed this concern by creating yearly ‘gorilla permits’ at a reduced cost for foreign residents, encouraging them to visit the gorillas and other parks more often while living in Rwanda. Kacou suggested that expatriates can best be targeted through their embassies, hotels and newsletters.

Rwanda's diaspora population is another potentially significant market for domestic tourism. Several tour operators acknowledged the impact the diaspora could have on Rwanda's tourism effort. This potential was demonstrated at the second annual Rwanda Convention in July 2005 in Houston, Texas, and the most recent annual Rwanda Diaspora Global Convention in December 2005 in Kigali, Rwanda's capital city. The Rwanda Convention had a special focus on tourism in Rwanda at both its first and second annual conventions, with the ORTPN as special guests. Rwigamba mentioned that members of the diaspora are increasingly more willing to travel within Rwanda and are now specifically seeking to invest in the country. These conventions offer opportunities for market development. More generally, for tourism in Kigali, the growth in conferences is an impetus for business tourism and for new tourism investments in the hotel sector.

Radio programmes and major events are the best ways to promote tourism to local Rwandans. Kacou observed that major events in particular attract Rwandans, so they would be willing to participate in tourism related events, although members of the tourism industry have not explored this possibility adequately. However, as is typical of most developing countries, the majority of Rwandans cannot afford to travel for leisure. A participant in the survey, M Inamahoro of the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International (DFGFI), observed that, for this particular segment of the population, ‘travel for leisure sounds like a foreign language’. Thus, many tour operators have not seen the value in promoting tourism to the majority of the Rwanda populace because they lack the buying power of international tourists.

To create a culture of tourism in Rwanda and encourage all Rwandans to participate, a necessary first step is to educate the people about its importance. One leading Rwandan tour operator, J Kayihura of Primate Safaris, asserted that domestic tourism was necessary to encourage Rwandans to appreciate, enjoy and learn about their country. He said that this knowledge and appreciation could also lead to a more concerted effort to protect and conserve Rwanda's tourism assets. The DFGFI respondent, M Inamahoro, argued that ‘if Rwandans do not know what their country has and is about, they will not understand their role in biodiversity protection. If the entire population understands the beauty and richness of their country, there will then be millions of people out there doing tourism marketing for their own country’.

Birori suggested that in addition to raising Rwandans' awareness of the importance of the industry itself, it was important to educate them about the job opportunities and benefits available to them through tourism. Currently, Rwanda's tourism training institutions and schools are inefficient and do not meet the standards of a productive tourism industry because of inadequate support. It could therefore be argued that if the government and the private sector accorded greater priority to these tourism institutions, more people would be willing to get involved in the industry. According to Birori, many Rwandans do not respect jobs in the tourism industry and feel they are ‘beneath them’, particularly those that involve serving others. He argued that such beliefs are ‘letting us down as members of the tourism industry’. Changing the perception of tourism, and emphasising to the local population that jobs in tourism are respectable and can provide them with a good salary, would go a long way towards improving the industry's image.

Finally, there is a small but expanding group of Rwandans who have the time to travel for leisure and can afford it. Among this group, those who are eager to travel locally often approach tour operators or staff at the ORTPN on a personal level to ask which activities are available to them. Birori and Rwigamba pointed out that in 2004 local Rwandans made up over 40 per cent of the tourists who visited Akagera National Park. This ‘unexpected participation’ is evidence of Rwandans' desire to travel and of the need to target them more seriously as a legitimate tourism market. Rwigamba suggested that the efforts made by domestic tourists to travel on their own means that there is a potential that is not currently being tapped. Other Rwandans, however, do not at present participate in the culture of domestic tourism. Although they can afford to travel, they either do not have the inclination to do so or are not sufficiently informed to understand which tourism activities they may enjoy. It was observed that many Rwandans still typically believe that tourism is ‘for foreigners’ and expect prices or experiences to be out of their reach. Ruzibiza argued that Rwandans often believe that Rwanda's tourism products are ‘not for them’.

A significant barrier to the development of domestic tourism is the lack of appropriate tourism products on offer. While a small segment of Rwandans enjoy nature based activities and exploring the country's national parks, it was disclosed that the majority of the population prefers cultural activities and relaxation. The existing products are, however, according to Birori, attractive to potential domestic tourists, although there is a need to emphasise activities that involve weekend getaways to the lakeside. Rwigamba added that local tourists have expressed an interest in Akagera National Park (which is a more relaxed, game viewing excursion) and the Lake Kivu region, which encompasses the cities of Kibuye, Gisenyi and Cyangugu. These two respondents pointed out that currently, however, there are few activities available for tourists visiting these areas. For example, at Kibuye, where hotels are affordable, there are no boats or water sports. Thus, whereas the lack of a tourism culture on the part of Rwandans is a hindrance to the growth of the sector, the availability of products and the strengthening of the tourism culture go ‘hand in hand’.

3.3. The factor of ownership

A critical theme expressed in the survey was of the need for Rwandans to ‘take ownership of their tourism industry’ through participation. All survey participants recognised the fact that most Rwandans cannot afford to travel and explore their country. However, as T Muzira, another survey respondent, pointed out, ‘domestic tourism will contribute to improving rural livelihoods through employment’. Kacou specified that in Rwanda domestic tourism is about more than just travel, instead ‘it is about pride’. The leadership of the country has worked hard to rebuild the nation as ‘one people, one nation, and one culture’, and tourism has a big role to play in encouraging Rwandans to see their country as their own – a country they have worked to rebuild and can now enjoy.

In a nation recovering from the ravages of war and genocide, domestic tourism can play a significant part in the healing process leading to national unity and reconciliation. Participants in the survey all viewed the promotion of Rwanda's cultural tourism efforts as the best drawcard to attract domestic tourists. Kayihura viewed the promotion of cultural tourism as critical because the ‘new generation of Rwandans need to know and understand their culture’. And in addition to learning about their own culture, the exposure of Rwandans to other cultures can only be beneficial. Kacou observed that while ‘not all values that tourists bring are good, [most of the time] bonds are created, friendships are made’, and it is an opportunity for locals to get a new view of the world, making them ‘look forward to something better and exciting in their lives’. Accordingly, as an integral part of developing tourism awareness in Rwanda, members of the industry must explore domestic tourism if this awareness is to be meaningful. In the final analysis, the greater the degree of participation, the greater are the chances for the long-term sustainability of the tourism industry in Rwanda.

4. CONCLUSION

In the developing world the potential for developing domestic tourism on the basis of the expansion of new middle classes is gaining increased attention (Scheyvens, 2002; Gladstone, 2005). The role of domestic tourism in Africa is one of the neglected themes in African tourism scholarship and in developing a sustainable African tourism industry. This research on Rwanda demonstrates that African countries must look beyond the narrow view that supports only the promotion of international tourism. Rather, it is argued that the domestic tourism industry in African nations must be recognised for its potential contributions and its ability to sustain the overall growth of tourism in future.

For Rwanda there are economic, social and political benefits in promoting the growth of domestic tourism. The benefits in economic terms are job creation and stabilisation of the tourism industry as a whole. Moreover, developing a tourism culture in Rwanda that allows for regular travel by domestic tourists would mean a boost to both the informal tourism economy, through the sale of local goods and services, and the formal tourism economy through site visits and stays at the country's lakeside lodges and hotels. Socially, the development of a tourism culture in Rwanda would open ‘new worlds’ to Rwandans through their participation in new and exciting experiences and interactions with foreign as well as local tourists. Finally, in political terms, Kacou suggested that the development of domestic tourism potentially would contribute to bringing Rwandans together in shared experiences of the beauty and uniqueness of their country. In the wake of the country's recent tragic history, the domestic tourism industry in Rwanda could thus support the value of unity and reconciliation, one of the national government's core priorities since 1994.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Joan Mazimhaka

1Junior Consultant, OTF Group, Rwanda, and postgraduate student, School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. The author wishes to thank Wendy Job for preparing the illustrations for this paper, Professor Chris Rogerson for editorial assistance, and two anonymous referees for their valuable input.