Sustainable social development in the South African mining sector

This article is based on a paper presented at the International Conference on Engaging Communities, 14–17 August 2005, Brisbane Convention & Exhibition Centre, Queensland, Australia.

Abstract

For decades South Africa's mining sector has been profiteering while neglecting mining communities' development needs. Most of these communities now have social problems. Recently, forces outside the sector – globalisation, the government, the communities themselves – have pressured the mining organisations to become corporate citizens; that is, to take on social responsibilities and work towards sustainable development in their areas. However, this study revealed a gap between policy and practice: social responsibility and real sustainable development do not reach the communities. This article suggests some critical underlying factors that must be dealt with to close this gap: acculturation stress, power relationships, communication and priorities, and identifying who takes responsibility for various facets of development. The article is based on a study of how stakeholders view community development needs. It makes two main recommendations: a process approach to corporate social responsibility and development rather than ‘quick fixes’, and proper community engagement initiatives.

Keywords:

• Community engagement
• corporate social responsibility
• social development
• sustainable development
• mining communities

1. INTRODUCTION

Mining communities in South Africa are unique in being mainly isolated, originally rural, with high illiteracy rates, and very dependent on the mining companies for their livelihood and development. In addition, they are often exposed to toxic environmental hazards from mine operation wastes. Although some mines might have a lifespan of close on 40 years, mining is by its nature a relatively temporary activity since it depends on the available mineral deposits. If mining towns and villages are not proactive and do not implement replacement economic survival strategies, they will almost certainly die a silent death the day the mine closes down. The mining environment is also fast growing and brings high earnings for the mining corporations. This affects the local communities, who are usually unable to take advantage of this across-the-board momentum because of their rural background. Consequently they experience cultural shock and do not respond effectively to the development changes, occupational skills requirements and the rapid change from an agricultural society to a cash dependent one. This has led to companies depending on labour from elsewhere.

A discussion of the mining communities of South Africa is not complete without looking at the political history of the sector and the subsequent power relationships between the mining corporations, government and communities. Mbendi (2007) suggests that to gain a better understanding of the political history of the sector we should look at the history of migration in the mining industry. Schoofs (2000) argues that the scale of mining explains why the draconian system of migrant labour was imposed and in turn paved the way for apartheid. To maintain profitability, the mining industry required cheap labour and consequently looked outside its borders. He argues that white labourers who were imported for their mining skills and experience shortly after the discovery of gold in 1886 saw blacks as a threat to their relatively high wages. To combat this threat, the white unions, among other things, forced the industry and then the government to adopt the ‘colour bar’, banning blacks from skilled jobs and preventing black workers and their families from settling permanently in mining towns. These policies were the forerunner of the apartheid system, and their continuing impact on mining communities has been identified as a major cause of stagnated development in these communities.

As a consequence, most mining communities in South Africa are characterised by poor social and economic conditions such as poverty, unemployment, bad housing (including overcrowded single-sex male hostels) and infrastructure, prostitution, ill-health and a high influx of documented and non-documented single migrant labourers. It must be briefly noted of course that such conditions are not exclusive to mining communities; they can be found in other rural (non-mining) communities, for example agricultural communities, due to similar or different causes.

Despite the new political dispensation of 1994, these conditions still persist in the mining communities. Globally and nationally, there has been pressure on corporations to be more accountable for and transparent about their actions in the communities where they operate. This means that in their core business they must focus not only on their profitability and production, but also on their corporate social responsibilities. This implies being involved in sustainable development in the surrounding communities.

It must be noted that there is a variety of mining activities in South Africa (coal mines in Kwazulu-Natal, open cast coal mines in Mpumalanga, gold mines in Gauteng and the Free State, iron ore mining in the Northern Cape and marble mines in the Rustenburg area) and that the surrounding communities each have their own background and history and are not identical. The development issues raised in this article are the result of qualitative research undertaken in the communities around a specific platinum mine in South Africa in the North West Province.

This article introduces and discusses the concepts ‘sustainable development’ and ‘corporate social responsibility’ (CSR) in the context of the South African mining sector, and recommends some ways that the South African mining companies can improve community engagement so as to carry out their corporate social responsibilities and ensure sustainable social development.

2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The vast majority of the communities in this survey are underdeveloped and semi-rural and have a very low literacy level. This meant that a quantitative research method was unsuitable and would not produce the comprehensive results that a qualitative research method would bring.

The qualitative method was a better choice in this case because it enabled the participants to expand on their answers without being limited by the questions. The data collection methods were mainly focus groups and interviews. Focus groups (of 8–12 people) and interviewees were selected purposely to take account of, among other things, gender, race, migrant or local status and age (compare Miller, 2000:400–1). Some individuals in the area were also used as key informants (e.g. community representatives). Patton (2002:321) defines key informants as ‘people who are particularly knowledgeable about the inquiry setting and articulate about their knowledge – people whose insights can prove particularly useful in helping an observer understand what is happening and why’. The researchers also made use of objective observation to ‘collect’ data. Creswell (1994:150) notes two main advantages of observation: it is useful firstly to register unusual aspects, and secondly to explore topics that may be uncomfortable for participants and informants to discuss.

The most important objective of all the interviews (focus groups as well as personal) was to get the participants to describe the world in which they live. In their spontaneous responses and descriptions, participants may reveal new contexts and relations that the researcher can use to interpret the results meaningfully (compare Kvale, 1983:180–3).

The interviews with the participants were translated where necessary and transcribed. To analyse and interpret the results, a selection of statements on central themes (e.g. community engagement, culture, migrants, HIV/AIDS) was compiled for the commentary. A more theoretical – as opposed to a practical – approach was then used to analyse the data. The researchers drew on insights gained from a literature survey and then recontextualised the data within the specific theoretical framework (see Kvale, 1983:179–80).

During the study the researchers kept in mind four important elements that increase the trustworthiness of qualitative and quantitative research (Guba, cited in Krefting, 1991:215–17):

• Truth value – confidence in the truth of the findings and the context in which the study was undertaken.

• Applicability – the degree to which the findings can be applied to other contexts and settings or groups.

• Consistency – whether the findings would be consistent if the inquiry was replicated with the same subjects or in a similar context.

• Neutrality – the degree to which the findings are a function solely of the informants' input and the conditions of the research and do not reflect other biases.

3. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

The term ‘sustainable development’ began to be heard in the early 1970s, and over the years has become a buzzword for environmental and social scientists – who, however, rarely agree on its definition. The term became popular because it offers an alternative to the traditional concept of development, which focused on growth as the ultimate end and regarded the means to achieve this end as irrelevant (Khator & Fairchild, 2006:13). The most popular or widely accepted definition came from the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987 (also known as the Brundtland report), which called it ‘development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (Clugston & Calder, 1999:1).

In 2001, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's policy brief gave the following more technical definition for the term by describing it as:

a development path along which the maximisation of human well-being for today's generations does not lead to declines in future well-being. Attaining this path requires eliminating those negative externalities that are responsible for natural resource depletion and environmental degradation. It also requires securing those public goods that are essential for economic development to last, such as those provided by well-functioning ecosystems, a healthy environment and a cohesive society. Sustainable development also stresses the importance of retaining the flexibility to respond to future shocks, even when their probability, and the size and location of their effects, cannot be assessed with certainty. (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2001:2)

Taylor (2002:2) believes that the concept of sustainable development is an important milestone in environmental theory because it posits how society itself should be organised and not simply why certain environmental protections should be adopted or how they can be best implemented. Indeed, one of the successes of sustainable development has been its ability to serve as a grand compromise between those who are mainly concerned with nature and environment, those who value economic development and those who are dedicated to improving the human condition (Kates et al., 2005:19). The concept of sustainable development comprises many elements, usually categorised into three dimensions−environmental, economic and social−each having a specific function (EEA Grants, 2006:3):

• the environment as the necessary basis for sustainable development,

• the economy as the tool to achieve sustainable development, and

• the good life for all (the social dimension) as the target of sustainable development.

Environmental concerns are very important for sustainability because the natural environment is the physical context in which we live and sustainability requires that we recognise the limits of this environment. A key environmental issue is to minimise our impact on global ecosystems and maintain the earth in a healthy state (Pearce, 1999:7). The economic dimension is also important because it addresses issues of the depletion of non-renewable resources, global constraints on economic growth, and correct procedures for assigning costs to environmental pollution and other negative impacts currently borne by society as a whole (Pearce, 1999:7). While recognising the importance of maintaining a balance between all three elements of sustainable development, this article focuses mainly on the social dimension.

3.1 The social dimension

Sustainable social development entails the long-term transformation, improvement and continuous betterment of the livelihoods of people in a given social context. The view of the United Nations is that development encompasses long-term sustainability in production and consumption relating to all economic activities in order to optimise the economically sound use of resources and minimise waste. The purpose of development is therefore to achieve and enhance the social and economic well-being of communities, both urban and rural, and to meet the basic needs of society. It should not concentrate only on the material well-being of citizens; it should also ensure individual actualisation and fulfilment and create a just and fair development environment in order to provide equal opportunity for civil society to participate (Maaga, 2001:1).

On a theoretical level, historically the concept of development has been analysed from a macro perspective. More specifically, modernisation theory, dependency theory and world system theory are the foundation stones of development studies. At the time of their introduction, these theories suggested for the first time the principle that First World colonial countries, with their main focus on extracting resources (through mining and agriculture), dominate and, in a sense ironically, actively ‘underdevelop’ Third World countries (Graaff & Venter, 2001:77). Coetzee (2001:119) further states that the word ‘development’ connotes a favourable change: moving from worst to better, evolving from simple to complex, or advancing away from the inferior.

A major criticism some micro-foundation theorists make of the structural approach to sustainable development, such as modernisation theory, is that it is top-down approach and focuses basically on economic growth and material prosperity. Coetzee (2001:119) suggests that development implies not only the satisfaction of basic needs but also the right to live a meaningful life. The modernisation approach implies a linear evolutionary process, from the traditionally underdeveloped societies to the modern and differentiated societies, which is the way mining communities have evolved in South Africa. However, the modernisation approach and other structural approaches do not address the ‘deeper dimensions’ of underdevelopment and largely ignore individuals.

This paper argues that, to address the social and human elements of development in the South African mining sector and to deal specifically with mining communities, the human-centred or ‘micro’ approach (i.e. at the individual rather than broad social level) is the most appropriate.

3.2 The human-centred approach

The human-centred approach allows individuals to participate actively and interactively in various programmes and processes in order to stimulate sustainable development. This approach, according to Coetzee (2001:118–39), not only includes individuals and allows them to participate, but also focuses on the personal growth of each individual, the basic needs that have to be met, and the right of each individual to live a meaningful life. We can therefore say that people-centred development as a micro (interactionist) approach includes all aspects of life in society and relationships between people. ‘New’ concepts such as abilities, civil society, decentralisation, democracy, diversity, empowerment, environment, globalisation, human rights, participation, shareholder, sustainability, and so on subsequently form an integral part of an interactive human-centred approach. Traditional values such as peaceful communal living, justice, respect, and so on, can easily be used as basic point of departure for the people-centred approach.

Although the theoretical approach of this research was primarily on a micro level, it is important to state that macro and micro approaches to development are not mutually exclusive. In fact, viewed together, they complement each other. However, a problem is that the various theories are seldom translated into practical application especially when it comes to identifying the responsibilities of the role-players. In South Africa, development initiatives have until recently been voluntary for the mining companies, so most development programmes have been philanthropic initiatives in communities around the mines or via national programmes in education, health, welfare or small business development. Hamann and Kapelus (2004) argue that although these initiatives have in some cases been welcome contributions to development, they have had little impact on the root causes of social problems around the mines. Furthermore, this study found that most community members see the mine's development initiatives as ‘window dressing’ and artificial.

3.3 Corporate social responsibility in the South African mining sector

To overcome these problems, CSR has become the buzzword for social development efforts. But, like sustainable development, this concept is defined in vague and ambiguous terms and interpreted in numerous ways. For example, the European Commission (Hamann & Kapelus, 2004:85) defines CSR as ‘Essentially a concept whereby companies decide voluntarily to contribute to a better society and a cleaner environment’. The problem is that theory and practice are two different things: mining companies have written their intentions into their company policy documents, but whether these intentions have been implemented is seldom checked.

The current state of the South African mining communities is a case in point. Most of these policies have been stated but not implemented, despite the new political dispensation. To make CSR more than just voluntary, and to ensure that companies are accountable, the South African Government has instituted regulatory policies through the South African Mining Charter (Republic of South Africa, 2002) and the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (Republic of South Africa, 2004). The Charter and the Act require each mining company to submit a Social and Labour Plan to the Department of Minerals and Energy for the conversion of so-called ‘old order mining rights’ to ‘new order mining rights’. In sum, these policies require that within 5 years mining companies should have 40 per cent historically disadvantaged South Africans participating in management and 10 per cent women participating in mining. In terms of the communities, Regulation 46(c)iii of the Act specifically requires mines to support infrastructure and poverty eradication projects in line with the Integrated Development Plans of the area in which the mine operates and of the major labour-sending areas. The development of community capacity is a crucial component of establishing a sustainable community, and therefore the government (through the Social and Labour Plan) requires that each mine prepare a comprehensive integrated development and implementation plan (including a sustainable community project) for communities where mining takes place and for the major sending areas. As already mentioned, these regulations have now become a prerequisite for mining licence renewal.

What the Charter and the Act have done is put issues of CSR and sustainable development in the hands of the mining industry at national policy level, but what they have not done is spell out what this means in practical terms. Furthermore, the government does not have a measuring tool or benchmark or the monitoring capacity to ascertain to what extent companies are implementing their corporate social responsibilities (among other things, the requirements of the Social and Labour Plan).

Against the abovementioned background and the findings of this research, and taking into account South Africa's political, economic and social history, the researchers recommend that mining companies take note of three underlying critical factors that will help prepare the groundwork for sustainable development and community engagement – acculturation stress, power relationships and communication – and prioritise certain issues essential for the sustainability of development projects.

4. UNDERLYING CRITICAL FACTORS

4.1 Acculturation stress

In the South African context it would be thoughtless to ignore the legacy of apartheid and the way communities and corporate organisations are dealing with it. It would appear that although the state apparatus of apartheid has been dismantled, the principles still linger in industry. It was clear from the research that the corporate organisations and the communities that surround them are still two separate worlds. Change has come for a few blacks in the middle class, but for many South African blacks the dream of democracy has turned into a meaningless exercise of self-determination (Frye, 2004).

Information revealed by the focus groups and personal interviews indicated the need for a change of mind-set by both the communities and the corporate organisations in how they relate to each other in the new dispensation and let go of historical and traditional ideologies. The following comments from some of the respondents illustrate acculturation stresses they experience in response to the new political, social and economic dispensations:

The employees are not responding well to the changes; there is friction and people just do not mix. (Mine general manager)

The adjustment is difficult for both black and white. For the white staff members it is usually job security issues. Since the beginning of equity in employment, the white staff members have been finding it difficult to feel secure in their jobs. Even for the black staff members there is stress related to the job, finances and family issues. There have been several suicides this year. Three staff members committed suicide and one attempted suicide. These suicides were from both black and white staff members … (Mine general manager)

The mine is still ‘apartheid’. We do not want ‘apartheid’ – the company is absolutely no good … some of the management should bring their wives and children and stay here for a week and see if they like it. (Community member)

Berry (1997) identifies four strategies that individuals or groups may adopt to cope with acculturative stress: integration, assimilation, separation or segregation, and marginalisation.

4.1.1 Integration

Various facets of identity may be integrated. Individuals or groups identify with traditions and values from two or more cultures, usually engaging in their activities, but also maintain their own culture. Here, contact with other cultures leads to a positive identity and tolerance of others. Berry (1997:24) found that integration clearly demonstrates a ‘substantial relationship with positive adaptation’. It also appears to be the most effective strategy for long-term health and well-being. Integration is also reported to have positive correlation with self-esteem (especially in American minorities such as Hispanics, blacks and Asians). This form of acculturation strategy was not observed by the researchers in the communities around the mine. There were very few non-business environments where black and white community members engaged in activities together unless they were mine initiatives.

4.1.2 Assimilation

Individuals or groups may forego the maintenance of their traditional ethno-cultural heritage and take on the cultural ways of the host society. This form of acculturation strategy was observed by the researchers in the black management of the mine. To get on with, and be tolerated by, their white counterparts they have had to assimilate their attitudes and behaviour. On promotion to managerial positions, most have had to move away from their villages to a village that has a predominantly white community. Throughout the survey some respondents expressed negative attitudes about the practice of moving people away from the villages when they are promoted; and some expressed the view that once the blacks are promoted to these positions they change their behaviour and become ‘sell-outs’ in order to fit in. However, one mine manager said:

It is not so much about race and gender. It is about people recruiting and selecting people that fit the current culture – guys that you feel comfortable with. (Mine manager)

Phinney et al. (1992) found that assimilation can have a negative correlation with self-esteem that can affect individuals' or groups' self-actualisation.

4.1.3 Separation or segregation

This strategy is used when a group is in a superior situation socially or economically. Essentially this means maintaining their own culture's behavioural patterns, values and identities and not accepting the behaviour, values and identities of other groups. Of the four strategies listed here, this best describes the practice of the mining company in this study. The mine has developed separately from the local population, with the result that there are now two worlds – the wealthy and the poor. The racial divide has been maintained, with only a few blacks living in the predominantly white village (Mooinooi). However, reports from community respondents are that most of the white management has moved away from the village and are now setting up home in Rustenburg (a city about 40 kilometres from the mine). Some respondents say that most of the black people you see in this village are either relatives of the black management who live there or domestic workers. To a casual observer, this style of acculturation may appear advantageous to the white population in that it enables them to maintain their traditions and dominance. Further analysis, however, suggests that the disadvantages of this style of acculturation may outweigh the advantages, especially in the current political and socio-economic climate of South Africa. As revealed by the focus groups and personal interviews, some of these negative aspects in the current relationship between the mining company and its communities were:

• Mistrust and antagonism between the communities and the mine.

• Lack of knowledge about the communities, resulting in inappropriate project initiatives and poor interpretations of why communities are resisting participation in such projects.

• Activities planned without involving the communities, as if to say: ‘We know what is good for you …’

• A mind-set and attitudes towards the blacks that remain within the apartheid paradigm. As a result, social and development activities initiated by the mine are perceived as disrespectful and insulting to communities that want to be treated like adults. Benchmarks for and beliefs about what working and living conditions the blacks can tolerate are based on past attitudes and remain very low.

• Insecurities among the white population about the future and the possibilities of relating to the black population on an equal footing.

4.1.4 Marginalisation

Berry (1997) suggests that this strategy is adopted where there is poor positive adaptation. Marginalised individuals tend to be shut off from or cut out of both traditions, having few connections, or none, that would enable them to develop positive social support and recognition. Marginalisation is characterised by confusion, anxiety, striking out against the dominant group, feelings of alienation, loss of identity, and acculturation stress. This analysis describes the feelings and reactions of the black communities in this study who are faced with the challenges and opportunities the new political dispensation has brought, and also their frustration at being marginalised by what they see as the mining corporation's discriminatory policies. The themes that came out of the focus groups and interviews with the communities reflect this confusion, which has contributed to the difficulties experienced in setting up projects and prevented full understanding of the communities' needs. The researchers identified two kinds of need that have been affected by this style of acculturation: physical development and self-actualisation. Some of the community's confusions and anxieties identified and observed in the research setting were as follows:

• Many said they wanted self-determination, but at the same time implied that they wanted the mine to maintain the paternalistic relationship of the past.

• Many echoed the sentiment that they wanted the mine to go away because it had caused them so many problems, but also felt that they needed the mine and that if it left the consequences would be disastrous.

• The traditional leaders felt emasculated by the economic dominance and power of the mine as well as by the new local government dispensation, which has taken away their control over community groups such as youths and women, who are now more focused on generating cash using any conceivable strategies (e.g. prostitution) even if it means ignoring culture and traditions.

Interviews with some of the mine management indicated that they are aware of the acculturation process and want to be part of the changes. Generally, however, it is difficult to make changes when the institutional and societal structures that contributed to the problems remain. As suggested above, the most appropriate acculturation strategy is integration. To achieve this, the discriminative institutional and societal structures of the past need to be eradicated; for example, single-sex hostels and dubious recruitment criteria. The mine must therefore look at the power relationships between government, itself and the communities, and take into account the strength and weaknesses of each party.

4.2 Power relationships

Garvey and Newell (2004:iii) argue that mainstream approaches to CSR underestimate the importance of power in the relationship between corporations and the communities where they invest, which limits their applicability to many developing countries. The impact of corporate self-regulation (Hansen, 2002) has been that corporate organisations, especially transnational ones, are able to wield more power than most developing countries' governments because of their financial and global clout. The result is that communities, especially those associated with the extraction industry, have found themselves in a more vulnerable position since their closest ally (the government) may not be in a position to support them because of international pressures. Generally, communities are vulnerable in negotiation because they are disadvantaged in the factors that are prerequisites for strong partnerships. According to Murphy and Bendell (2002:218), these prerequisites are:

• media and public concern and company vulnerability to these,

• an organised civil movement with enough finance and commitment and an adequate level of competence, and

• the genuine commitment of all parties to the partnership process.

Cornwall (2002) argues that power dynamics continue to be important even once a supposedly equal place at the table has been negotiated. From this study it was clear that the mine's agenda for working towards partnerships is uncertain because community members are aware of the mining licence requirements and therefore do not trust the mine's current motivation for change.

4.3 Communication

The researchers believe that, to avoid the difficulties of the acculturation processes and power relationships and to build good relationships with their surrounding communities, the mining company needs to establish a communication department with a dedicated community relations division. Community relations should be approached from a strategic viewpoint, because communities nowadays hold the company's ‘social licence’ (through the Social and Labour Plan) to operate. Therefore a community communication strategy is of the utmost importance, to manage and facilitate participative communication between stakeholders, the various levels of government, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the communities (also see the report of the World Bank & International Finance Corporation, 2002:15–16).

4.4 Priorities

To put into action a human-centred approach (taking into account acculturation stress, power relationships and communication), development priorities must be established in the context of the communities concerned. Such priorities were identified by the researchers for each of the mine's surrounding communities and are briefly discussed here.

The aim of prioritising issues is to provide some practical guidance as to what development issues the mining company and interested parties should focus on to achieve sustainable development. The issues identified were based on each community's perceptions of their priority needs (e.g. housing, infrastructure, water, security lights, clinic) and on theoretical guidelines: Maslow's hierarchy of needs (Graham, 1982:17–18); the Human Development Index (United Nations Development Programme, 1994:129–31); Thomas's wishes/desires theory (Rossides, 1978:429); and priorities set by the National and Provincial Government.

One of the major practical issues related to sustainable development and CSR – after identifying the priorities – is identifying which stakeholders are responsible for what. Part of the aim of this study was to discover how the stakeholders perceived their responsibilities.

5. PERCEIVED RESPONSIBILITIES

The review of the literature suggests that there is a constant ‘tug of war’ between government, mining corporations and communities over who is responsible for the communities' development, with the result that many development issues have stagnated and the communities have remained underdeveloped while the various parties have been passing the buck over who is responsible. Pasco-Font (2001) suggests that it is important there is a clear split of responsibilities between government, mining corporations and their respective communities. If this is not clarified, it can lead to resentment between the communities and the mining corporation; a sentiment that may be misdirected because of mistaken perceptions of who is responsible.

The findings from the focus groups and interviews suggested that the community sees the mine as being responsible for most of the community concerns. However, this perception does not negate the other role-players' responsibilities, because their responsibilities are key to the sustainable development of the communities.

6. RECOMMENDATIONS

This section makes recommendations for improving community engagement in order to help mining companies in South Africa achieve their corporate social responsibilities and ensure sustainable social development. It first contextualises these recommendations in terms of strengths, weaknesses, partnerships and the underlying critical factors discussed above.

6.1 Contextualisation for recommendations

The paper thus far has had a mainly negative focus, which is understandable as it is based on the perceptions of communities who have been disadvantaged and feel that they have been exploited for decades. This is the reality for these communities, and it is impossible to address these perceptions if the mine does not know what exactly these perceptions and expectations entail.

However, when making recommendations, it can be advantageous to focus on the positives that each role-player can bring to the relationship. The negatives are important for understanding what the communities have been going through as a result of their own actions, as well as those of other role-players, and can be used as a lesson in what not to repeat. On the other hand, if the negatives are not managed well, they can leave the role-players accused of exploitation and feeling vulnerable and force them to make quick, dramatic responses and decisions, which can be detrimental to the whole process of achieving sustainable development.

When making recommendations it is important that the underlying critical factors are dealt with as a process rather than as a one-off solution. Such a solution will have only a temporary impact and it will be necessary to revisit the issues within a few years.

The findings of this study brought to light vast differences between the expectations, perceptions and needs of the various role-players and stakeholders. The only way to start an alignment process between community expectations and the mine's own expectations and perceived responsibilities within its neighbouring communities is to embark on a community engagement process with the aim of mutual understanding and improved community relations.

Broadly speaking, improvements should come about as a result of better communication, integration and power relations within and between government, the mine and the communities. Acknowledgement of power and how it affects other role-players is important because, if not used well, power can lead to further exploitation of others. So far the power relationships that have been discussed have focused on the power struggles between institutions, namely the government, the mine and the communities. There are also power struggles and lack of coordination within these institutions that can hamper development. In the case of communities, the relationship between those with power and the powerless comes in several forms, including gender, age, class, ethnicity, employment status and migration status. All these variables need to be taken into account at the consultative stage to ensure that all interest groups, including the most vulnerable such as children, the youth, women and the elderly, are taken into account. The aim should be to obtain a better understanding of each role-player's needs and then to get them to work towards supporting each other. It is also important to note at this stage that most communities are focusing on basic needs and therefore may not be full partners to the sustainable development agenda. The point is that communities may be overwhelmed by the sudden interest in their welfare and be pushed to contributing to decisions that have a short-term impact because of their inexperienced negotiating position.

6.2 Specific recommendations

Against the abovementioned background and context, the following are some of the specific recommendations:

• The World Bank (2002) suggests that foundations such as Development Trusts of mining companies have the advantage of being able to solicit additional funds from other sources and to make a contribution to the community on many fronts.

• Communities are highly cash-dependent and have no informal means of earning extra income, such as cottage industries, backyard vegetable gardens, and so on. Consequently, the levels of poverty are dependent on the employment status of the community members. Continuous sustainable projects that generate local employment are thus crucial, particularly with the possibility of future mine closure in mind.

• Community projects require creative marketing strategies and comprehensive business plans. Project consultants can help here.

• The study showed that housing is one of the major priorities. A good working relationship and partnership between all parties (the mining company, national and local government, NGOs, traditional leaders and communities) are crucial to resolving the housing issue.

• Besides initial training where necessary, ongoing training should be provided by the government, NGOs and the mining company as part of a holistic economic strategy. It is also important to take account of different training needs in terms of gender, age and ethnicity. Some specific training needs are life skills (e.g. personal financial management, self-worth issues, problem-solving, HIV/AIDS awareness), the mastering of professional English language, negotiation skills and technical training.

• The mine management and key employees also need training in community engagement, communication and dealing with government representatives and traditional leaders on different levels. A strategic alignment process is needed to align employees, especially those at middle management level, with company values as expressed in the mine's policy documents. In order to achieve this, the mine could make use of training and research institutions such as universities, or business consultancies, which can assist with this long-term process.

• Technical language about environmental affairs often leaves a large proportion of the communities in the dark about the efforts and improvements that mining companies are making in the environment. Open days are a good idea, but the presentations and location need to be accessible to all community members. When dealing with community members, the mine needs to appreciate that there is a difference between what is scientifically acceptable and what is socially acceptable and understandable in terms of environmental issues.

• Land and mineral rights appear to be another contentious issue and cannot be ignored. Mining companies must aim to resolve this issue as early as possible because ignoring it may hamper any development plans and increase resentment from certain corners of the communities.

• Role-players involved in the development initiatives should be sensitised to the perspectives of community members and leaders living in different social conditions. For example, there is a difference between the development vision of a man sharing a shack with five other families, not knowing where the next meal is coming from, and the man coming from a secure home with plenty of food on the table.

7. CONCLUSION

This study found that the mining communities have severe social problems and that they perceive most problems as being caused by the mine and its operations. Therefore the solutions, they say, are the responsibility of the mine. Although there is a strong sense of dependency in the communities, it is important to note that some members are looking to move away from their dependence on the mine. However, they acknowledge that in order to do so they need some initial support. Also important to note is the role of government as a development partner. The vast differences between perceptions and expectations mean that this study represents the start of a long-term process. In this process the aligning of the actions and expectations of all relevant role-players in the quest towards sustainable development in the mine's neighbouring communities must be a priority. The study could form the basis of an annual study to monitor progress and identify additional stumbling blocks on the road to improved community relations, and could inform similar studies at other mining companies to work towards community relations benchmarks in the mining industry.

Notes

This article is based on a paper presented at the International Conference on Engaging Communities, 14–17 August 2005, Brisbane Convention & Exhibition Centre, Queensland, Australia.