Mining waste management: Extending sustainability options across economic, social and environmental boundaries

ABSTRACT

This article assesses the potential for using mining waste residues, such as by-products (e.g. slag) and waste rock, to establish industrial activity beyond mining to serve the country's developmental agenda. The mining industry focuses primarily on its own economic sustainability, rather than on wider socio-economic and environmental sustainability. New thinking on the issue emphasises that capitalism and sustainability have mutually excluding aims. Using a broader understanding of sustainability, this article reassesses initiatives implemented in a research and development setting to reduce mines’ atmospheric emissions through cleaner production and to minimise their mining waste residues through beneficiation. South Africa's regulations require mines to prepare social and labour plans for mine closure. Stockpiled mining residues could form the basis for economic activity in areas affected by mine closures. A collaborative, overarching framework for such activity could promote the development of an industry ‘beyond mining’ – the beneficiation of mining waste residues.

KEYWORDS:

• Beneficiation
• communities
• corporate social responsibility
• mining
• sustainability

1. Introduction

This article describes an organisational approach that involves three sets of actors – mines, the state and the community – in promoting the socio-economic development of mining communities ‘beyond mining’ by generating activities based on alternative uses for mining waste. It is based on a series of research and development (R & D) projects undertaken by a transnational mining corporation between 2002 and 2009. Subsequently, the author undertook further independent research, driven by a systems approach to sustainability, and reassessed the R & D projects. These projects could be viewed as ‘sustainability experiments’ that could inform a collaborative approach between the mining industry, the state and the mining communities to promote the sustainability of these communities after the closure or downsizing of the mines. Such a collaborative approach could generate socio-economic opportunities and help to meet the country's sustainability objectives.

1.1. Mining, sustainable development and sustainability

Mining is a key component of the mineral–energy complex in South Africa. The mining industry has driven economic development in the country for more than a century (Jacobs, 1948; Worger, 1987; Terreblanche, 2012). Many practices that evolved at the Kimberley diamond fields in the nineteenth century continued for the gold mines (Pogue & Hilsenrath, 2014). However, mining contributed to a range of environmental and social problems. Since the mines needed cheap labour close by, they employed migrant labourers (among other work seekers) in low-skilled positions (Terreblanche, 2002). As growth in rural areas slowed, owing to both politico-economic factors (Bremner, 2007) and increasing urbanisation, many labourers and their dependants settled around the mines. Although these mining communities grew rapidly, their resources were limited, particularly in the informal settlements (Bugliarello, 2011). The communities faced problems such as inadequate housing, poor infrastructure and a lack of non-mining jobs.

South Africa began to legislate for sustainability in the 1990s, partly in response to the growing international awareness of a looming environmental crisis. The World Business Council for Sustainable Development defines sustainability as ‘development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (Brundtland, 1987). The South African mining sector is regulated by the 1996 Constitution, together with mining-specific and environmental legislation. Specific legislation includes: section 24 of the Constitution, which affirms global principles of sustainable development; the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (No. 28 of 2002 and its amendment Act, No. 49 of 2008); and the National Environmental Management Act (No. 107 of 1998 and its amendments), which relates to preventing and remedying environmental damage. However, the mining industry has had a history of poor environmental and social practice both locally and internationally (Duncan, 1995). After the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD, 2002), a new emphasis was placed on corporate social responsibility, which reflected a different relationship between mining corporations, government and communities. Sustainability had become an important part of the business discourse.

Elkington (1997) summed up the paradoxical nature of sustainable development by noting that ‘capitalism and sustainability … do not make easy bedfellows’. The one aims to profit from an investment of capital, while the other aims to sustain the biosphere in all its dimensions. Reconciling these mutually exclusive aims is problematic. Business attempted such a reconciliation through ‘triple bottom line’ or ‘three pillar’ reporting on economic, social and environmental matters (Daly, 1974; Giddings et al., 2002; Edwards, 2005:20–3; Hitchcock & Willard, 2006:3–33; Cato, 2009, 2011).

In the mining sector, the term ‘sustainability’ is used interchangeably with ‘sustainable development’, a conflation of concepts in line with the dominant neoclassical economic paradigm (WBCSD, 2010). This form of sustainability has been called ‘weak sustainability’ (Neumayer, 2003; Sedlacko & Gjoksi, 2009), and allows for the substitution of natural resources (‘natural capital’) with manmade capital. This aligns with the Hartwick–Solow Rule, which states that ‘consumption may remain constant, or increase, with declining non-renewable resources provided that the rents from natural resources are reinvested in reproducible capital’ (Harris, 2003:3).

1.2. New thinking on sustainability

The geopolitical changes of the 1990s and the opening up of new markets encouraged new thinking about sustainability, both philosophically and practically (Costanza, 1989; Daly & Cobb, 1989; Speth, 1992; Worster, 1993; Gell-Mann, 1994; Neumayer, 2003; Söderbaum, 2008; Cato, 2009, 2011; Jackson, 2009; Sedlacko & Gjoksi, 2009). This included a critique of the definitions of sustainability and sustainable development: if the biosphere is understood as the locus of all living organisms on the earth and its atmosphere, it cannot be treated as an inexhaustible reservoir of resources for economic exploitation. Manmade and natural forms of capital are not equivalent. If systems in the biosphere were irreparably disrupted, the needs of future generations would not be met, the economy would not be sustained (Cato, 2009) and growth could not continue (Jackson, 2009). The understanding has been slow to emerge that the environment, as part of the biosphere, needs close stewardship, since it is in the environment that economies and the various manmade constructs occur. The reasons for this are complicated by a narrow conceptualisation of the complex systems of the biosphere.

Sustainability is used here as a broader concept than sustainable development and the triple bottom line. A more radical interpretation of sustainability derives from a fuzzy boundaries model of sustainability, which emphasises interdependent and interrelated systems in the biosphere. This model is conceived as a merging of society and the economy (human activity and well-being), which is open to the environment through porous boundaries. Giddings et al. argue that:

this takes into account that the boundary between environment and human activity is itself not neat and sharp; rather it is fuzzy. There is a constant flow of materials and energy between human activities and the environment and both constantly interact with each other. (2002:193)

2. The R & D projects and weak sustainability

As noted, the article discusses six R & D projects undertaken by a transnational corporation from 2002 to 2009. The projects were intended to address questions facing various mining operations about air emissions and around stockpiling of mining waste residues. Within the parameters of the corporation's understanding of sustainable development, they applied the reuse, recycle and reduce principles for cleaner production and beneficiation.

The six projects are outlined in Table 1 (Ferraz, 2012), categorised into those affecting elements within the mine boundaries and those that went beyond these boundaries. The ‘beyond mining’ projects were particularly valuable for informing a fresh perspective on sustainability. The ‘within mining’ projects, in turn, suggested how secondary beneficiation of mining waste residues could potentially address the socio-economic challenges faced by communities living near and adjacent to mines. The projects are described briefly in the following.

Table 1. The six research and development projects, 2002–09

Project description
Reduction in atmospheric emissions through cleaner production
Within mine boundary
1. Cleaner production in the primary extractive process through integrated spontaneous combustion control and management at an opencast coal mine
Beyond mine boundary
2. Regional air quality public–private partnership in cleaner production and beneficiation with a multilateral organisation
Minimisation of mining waste residues through beneficiation
Within mine boundary
3. Minimisation of primary residues: beneficiation of electric furnace slag
4. Minimisation of secondary residues: beneficiation of water treatment plant sludge (gypsum)
5. Secondary-level beneficiation of residues leading to the manufacturing of products: beneficiation of residues into housing systems
Beyond mine boundary
6. Residue beneficiation: framework for secondary beneficiation of upstream waste residues

2.1. Improving air quality through cleaner production

Atmospheric emissions from sources such as mining create adverse conditions for health and well-being. The worst effects occur in residential areas where coal and wood are used for heating and/or in areas that are close to large industries. A project at an opencast coal mine in Emalahleni focused on improving air quality through cleaner production. Its strategy to manage and mitigate the impacts of spontaneous combustion within the mine boundary involved technological adjustments, the dissemination of information and, crucially, behavioural change. Technological changes on the mine included obtaining additional earth-moving equipment to speed up the extraction process, plugging venting holes and cladding hotspots on the high wall. Behavioural change was achieved through activities such as changing its key performance indicators and encouraging knowledge transfer through training sessions, posters and regular alerts on the status of spontaneous combustion on the mine.

Improving regional air quality beyond the boundary of the mine was more complex, as it involved multiple actors. Coaltech (2009), a collaborative research association of industry, government, research institutions and labour, worked on a methodology to characterise emissions from coal mining (e.g. determine the composition of dust from material handling and of gases from spontaneous combustion). This research was only a partial solution, however, because complaints about air quality typically originate from outside mine lease areas. It is not possible to design plans for meeting air quality standards without correctly understanding the diversity of pollution sources. A strategic public–private partnership between the public sector, a multilateral organisation and large private-sector enterprises was suggested to undertake a regional air quality study and develop integrated action plans to address sustainable development concerns. Although a pre-feasibility study was undertaken, the initiative was not taken further in this form.¹

2.2. Socio-economic opportunities from beneficiation of mining waste residues

Another ‘within mine’ R & D project focused on the beneficiation of electric furnace slag, and helped to deepen understanding of the material and its potential to be reused and recycled (Table 1). In the case of platinum smelters and concentrators, waste stockpiles consist of slag and tailings that require environmental rehabilitation in addition to long-term monitoring and management. If alternative uses could be found for this material, communities in the area would benefit from a cleaner environment, while the corporation would benefit from lower risks and fewer liabilities. Various uses for slag were identified, apart from using it as is, such as on mine roads. Wet processes for producing building and mining elements appeared most practicable, including making slag granules into wallboards and slag foam into wall plasters, lightweight bricks, insulation bricks, and mining elements for rock support and ventilation seals. High-temperature processes could be used to produce building materials such as castable insulation slabs and profiles, and insulation rock wool (or mineral fibre). The research identified alternative uses for building and mining materials, and considered the feasibility of using products from wet processes in housing. The housing research prototypes were used to assess the viability of the beneficiation and its potential to create employment, and hence better socio-economic conditions in the community and a degree of independence from the mine. Secondary beneficiation of upstream mining waste could include activities such as materials preparation, manufacturing, distribution and research.

A second project, related to gypsum waste, involved a water treatment plant that desalinates rising underground water from one defunct and three operational collieries of the Witbank coalfield. This process prevents polluted mine water from decanting into the local river system, facilitates mining operations and enhances mining safety. The reverse osmosis process used at the reclamation plant generates treated water, with gypsiferous sludge and brine as by-products (Anglo American, 2011). An analysis of the gypsiferous material showed that it was of high grade and suitable for reuse, and the uses identified for it included building products (e.g. wallboards), mining products (e.g. ventilation seals) and agricultural products (e.g. fertiliser). The project differed from the slag project in that it related to a different stage of the mining life cycle, and there was as yet no significant gypsiferous sludge stockpile.

The third project related to housing, and used the product deliverables from the projects on slag and gypsum. Although a range of alternative uses for gypsum and slag was identified, priority was given to products for the construction of energy-efficient housing, which would maximise employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. The project assessed facilities for material preparation, product manufacturing, the installation of housing systems and logistics. Community inputs on housing requirements and affordability were integrated into the design of the housing. Three research prototype houses were built, which confirmed the technical feasibility of the design (Figure 1). The economic feasibility considered the proximity of the residues to areas of growth, their availability and access to energy. However, under current economic conditions, the feasibility of these projects is limited.

Figure 1. Prototypes of energy-efficient housing using slag

Source: Ferraz (2012).

The next focus was on realising the socio-economic potential of mining residues to promote enterprise development and job creation. While the three projects mentioned were defined within the mines’ lease boundaries, they aimed to address the economic interest of the mine, albeit indirectly through compliance with corporate social responsibility requirements and the regulatory obligations of the social and labour plans required by the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act. These obligations typically extend beyond the mine lease boundary into the surrounding areas.

2.3. Forging community partnerships for sustainable long-term development

Corporate social responsibility activities aim to forge alliances with communities and help the organisation comply with the social and labour plans required by the Act. The project on residue beneficiation evolved from the three projects mentioned in Section 2.2, but went beyond the boundaries of the mine to forge alliances and promote enterprise development and job creation in the surrounding communities. It aimed to develop an overarching framework for the secondary beneficiation of upstream mining waste residues, namely slag. Typically, each operational site and mineral type are linked to a number of corporate social responsibility initiatives, depending on the needs of the communities, their geographic location and the availability of funding. However, such interventions are often done in isolation, without being linked to the larger system of industry, government and community.

The aim of the project was to promote the sustainability of communities after the closure of the mine, while reducing the risks for the mine by identifying income-generating opportunities for unwanted by-products, specifically slag. It also aimed to increase profitability, sustainability, technological innovation and transformation. Two constraints needed to be considered. First, since mining waste residue is stockpiled on mine lease areas, there is a geographic constraint for material offtake. Second, repurposing activities should not interfere with the routine operations of the mine.

The project identified entrepreneurial opportunities for the community in the technical, educational, legal and financial fields. It found capacitated partners, who shared the vision of sustainability beyond the closure of the mines, to develop the research and business case for these opportunities. The partners included technologists specialising in materials and mining waste residue, technology manufacturers, service providers, financial service providers, strategic partners such as Eskom, and universities. The Department of Environmental Affairs, Department of Science and Technology, and Department of Mineral Resources were also consulted to ensure compliance with regulatory and technical requirements. In addition, a business strategy was developed for the products, which included assessing the potential for franchising, branding and marketing; intellectual property constraints; and the accounting and taxation implications. An overarching framework was developed to coordinate the different activities, based on the experience from earlier work on reducing mining waste. This framework was independent of any particular site and could therefore be used across the corporation.

Although much consideration was given to the mechanisms for ensuring the sustainability of the business opportunities, the technological mandate and timeframe limitations of the project meant that some of the longer-term benefits were not realised. These included innovations for using slag for sustainable development opportunities, lowering disposal costs and reducing environmental liabilities; potential value-added opportunities for generating revenue through the sales of material; and partnerships with the community.

Despite sustainability not being the main focus of the project, the pilot idea was conceptualised, made operational to some extent and led to the suggested approach illustrated in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Proposed approach of networked elements

Source: Ferraz (2013).

Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff's (2000) triple helix model allows for ‘multiple reciprocal relationships among institutional settings (public, private and academic) at different stages in the capitalization of knowledge’. At the heart of Figure 2 are trilateral networks and hybrid organisations, consisting of actors from the state, industry and society (the community). The process of innovation arises within each of the spheres and at their intersections. The hybridisation of elements allows different formats or unconventional business operations to emerge, which can generate socio-economic value. A hybrid organisation can have at its core a sustainability goal that is not primarily economic, and can collaborate with other stakeholders to promote unconventional business operations. Such business operations are ‘unconventional’ in that they are evaluated using both monetary and non-monetary measures and have a developmental vision. A hybrid organisation can nurture economic activity in the beneficiation of mining waste residue in different areas, which could eventually grow into an industrial sector. The growth of economic activities not based directly on mining offers alternative work opportunities for the community. They can also forge partnerships, based on trust, with the mining industry and the government, which will contribute to sustainable development in the long run.

3. Changed perspective on sustainability

Research into the changing definitions of sustainability, driven by research into complexity theory and systems theory (Foxon, 2011; Ferng, 2014), called the concept of weak sustainability into question (Gutés, 1996; Frey & Stutzer, 2002; Neumayer, 2003). As early as 1928, von Bertalanffy introduced the concept of systems in biology, which was extended to science generally as systems theory (Taschdjian, 1975). Physicists such as Gell-Man (1994) applied systems theory to sustainability, suggesting that sustainability could be seen as a series of transitions in seven dimensions: ideological, institutional, economic, social, demographic, informational and technological. A large number of complex systems operate in each of these dimensions, and these systems are in turn embedded within the countless complex systems of the biosphere. Time is an important factor here, as elements of these systems operate on different timescales. Using this broader understanding of sustainability, the outcomes of the projects described as ‘beyond mine boundaries’ (Table 1) were reassessed against these seven dimensions.

Although the cleaner production project on the mine did achieve its goals of reducing atmospheric emissions through the control and management of integrated spontaneous combustion, improving regional air quality beyond the boundary of the mine proved far more complex. When evaluated as an experiment in sustainability, it was found that no sustainability goals had been met. The proposed public–private partnership between the multilateral United Nations Industrial Development Organization and Coaltech to minimise pollution at source (rather than treating the subsequent impact of air pollution) did not develop beyond the pre-feasibility stage. This was mainly due to a failure in the institutional dimension, as the parties struggled to reach agreement on contractual obligations about the allocation of financial and human resources. Also, in the ideological dimension, the different actors did not have a common understanding of sustainability.

When evaluated as an experiment in sustainability, the residue beneficiation project or overarching framework for the minimisation of slag mining waste considered technological, economic, informational and social issues. It met sustainability goals in the technological dimension, because alternative uses for slag had been identified. Likewise in the informational dimension, the knowledge was well documented and could be transferred. In the economic dimension, sustainability goals had not been met because the intervention had been designed as a short-term project. No further action had been taken to enable a business operation to emerge. Although the use of slag in housing systems was viable, the rate of return on investment in such a project would be low, and this was not investigated further. The potential for subsidies was also not investigated. In the ideological and institutional dimensions, there was a short-term benefit of goodwill and a promotional opportunity for the corporation. Regulatory constraints external to the corporation, such as delays in the issuing of permits, had a significant impact. However, the ideological space in which corporate social responsibility operates remains unchanged and sustainable development continues to be defined as weak sustainability. For the community demographic dimension, there was no benefit, although some potential was noted. The engagement with the community was peripheral, given the technological nature of the projects, and the planned partnerships did not materialise. Finally, there was no impact in the social dimension.

The R & D projects of the transnational mining corporation address the mines’ core business rather than developmental concerns. Realising the potential for socio-economic activities in the secondary beneficiation of mining waste residues requires a different way of doing business, with low monetary profits but high sustainability benefits. This would operate in parallel to the market economy with its high profit motives and low sustainability benefits. One possible collaborative approach is now discussed.

3.1. Interrelationship between the mining industry and communities

Developmental strategies are normally the responsibility of government, while the private sector is responsible for business strategies. However, communities increasingly hold mining companies responsible for the development of the areas in which they operate. The move toward a developmental state in South Africa requires government, industry and communities to be proactively engaged (Edigheji, 2010; Netshitenzhe, 2011). The research discussed in this article provides an approach that could drive development in mining districts. It involves unconventional business operations consisting of networks and hybrid organisations (as per Figure 2) that operate ‘beyond mining’ to facilitate the growth and social well-being of communities in line with the National Development Plan (NPC, 2013). Such collaborative partnerships must be adapted to local conditions and needs, and contribute to sustainability, as per Gell-Mann's (1994) seven dimensions approach.

Figure 3 presents a proposed framework for the secondary beneficiation of upstream mining waste residues, which could assist in meeting more extensive and radical goals of sustainability. The complex adaptive system that is the mining industry, the state and society forms the basis of a collaboration that is ‘beyond mining’.

Figure 3. Collaborative approach for secondary beneficiation of mining waste residues

Source: Ferraz (2012).

This would, however, require consensus and a common understanding of sustainability at a national level to create collaborative ventures across different mining areas and facilitate economies of scale. Such ventures would have broader sustainability goals, with multiple dimensions and timescales. Transitional steps would be needed in terms of both monetary and non-monetary measures to address the social and economic dimensions. Industry and government would need to partner and negotiate with the leadership structures in the mining communities. Residue beneficiation activities in the mining areas would be implemented through hybrid organisations in which industry (not only mining), government and the communities have an interest. These organisations, although evolving from mining, would operate independently of the mines and focus on developmental and sustainability goals, such as buying and selling mining waste for repurposing. In this setting, businesses would drive the economy by generating income and employment, while sustainability goals would include reducing environmental impact and increasing resource efficiency.

The industrial park at Kalundborg, Denmark is an example of the by-products (waste streams) of one business being used as low-cost inputs by others (IISD, 2015). Since the 1970s, this industrial park has evolved from a single power station into a cluster of companies that exchange materials and energy for mutual benefit. Over the next 30-odd years, their input costs and environmental impacts have been reduced. Nearby communities have benefitted from both the improved environment and from jobs in the local industry. Kalundborg is an example of complex systems working in symbiotic ways and being commercially viable over a significant period of time.

This is not directly applicable to South Africa, given the differences between the two countries. Here, a hybrid organisation evolving beyond mining would face complex challenges. These include the need for an overarching framework to ensure that the activities are not undertaken in isolation; an industry-wide pooling of resources to ensure cost-effectiveness; and a broad, forward-looking plan for creating additional economic opportunities, especially in areas affected by the closure or downsizing of mines.

How does the mining industry benefit from this approach, which is beyond its core business? The relationship between the industry and communities in South Africa is tense, particularly after the unrest in the platinum sector (Chinguno, 2013). The proposed approach would reduce the risks to the industry from, for example, regulatory compliance with social and labour plans, a downsizing of the labour force, environmental liabilities and liabilities after mine closure.

Government would benefit from the creation of job opportunities in communities affected by the closure or downsizing of mines, which in turn would promote stability. It would facilitate the overarching framework, consisting of key individuals who would form the core stakeholder group, to encourage the emergence of an industrial sector in residue beneficiation, as activities in this sector are currently piecemeal (Ferraz, 2013). Neither the mining industry nor the government would operate the unconventional business operations (Figure 2) emerging from the hybridisation of elements. Instead, they would be run as private companies with a board of directors, aligned to the goals of the overarching framework. They would be evaluated using both monetary and non-monetary measures, have a developmental vision and accept a low return on investment. Mining communities would benefit from the creation of socio-economic opportunities through reducing mining waste. The approach would offer workers affected by the closure or downsizing of mines an alternative for developing businesses or creating jobs.

4. Conclusions

South Africa's mining industry has matured, with ageing mines and the prospect of little more remaining than mining waste residue stockpiles (e.g. waste rock dumps, tailings and slag). If these could become assets rather than liabilities, they could assist in reducing socio-economic problems in areas affected by the closure of mines. Stockpiled mining waste residues could be used to establish additional economic activity in these districts and help to meet the country's development goals.

One example is using slag from platinum mining for industrial uses beyond mine boundaries. Implementing such a project would involve identifying product development opportunities with the client and prospective contractors, establishing commercial linkages and interacting with stakeholders on the viability of such products. The project would be considered completed once the product had been tested, its market potential assessed and recommendations made for an implementation strategy, while product certification, business planning and the long-term sustainability of the potential enterprise had been assured.

An independent reassessment of the R & D projects on minimising waste residues through beneficiation was needed to create a broader understanding of sustainability. It found that upstream mining waste beneficiation activities would have to be encouraged at a national level. Only then would a separate industrial activity, rather than occasional initiatives, become possible. Since such activities are clearly beyond the core focus of the mines, a collaborative partnership is required between multiple actors from the public sector, the private sector and local communities to transition from stockpiling mining residue to a range of different industrial activities. To this end, an overarching framework has to be established, in which actors collaborate on achieving the common goals of job creation and improved socio-economic conditions in the communities.

Hybrid business organisations in the mining districts would focus on promoting job creation and sustainability, without losing sight of the requirements for social and labour plans in the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act. Increasingly onerous regulatory requirements have led to transnational and multinational companies re-evaluating their activities in South Africa. This complicates the country's ability to attract foreign direct investment, as capital tends to move from highly regulated to less-regulated countries (Naughton, 2014). Therefore, the obligations around the closure or downsizing of mines should not become contentious. Placing residue beneficiation activities in the space ‘beyond mining’ helps address communities’ perception that the mining industry is solely responsible for poor socio-economic conditions in their areas. Without the double burden of regulations and expectations, the mining industry could mitigate the risk profile of its social and labour obligations. Alternative options for communities could help improve their well-being across current economic, social and environmental boundaries.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

¹Some six years later, a regional air quality study of the Highveld (the second designated Air Quality Priority Area) was completed under the auspices of the Department of Environmental Affairs.