Debunking the effectiveness of in-kind transfers in alleviating urban household food insecurity in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe

ABSTRACT

Urban household food insecurity has become a widespread dilemma in Zimbabwe. The paper investigates the extent to which various in-kind transfer programmes in two Bulawayo townships Zimbabwe, have attempted to enhance access to adequate food by poor urbanites. It also pays attention to the influence of in-kind transfers on food consumption behaviours in two ways: first, in relation to the number of meals consumed and second, in increasing quantities of food consumed by poor households. Data was collected through 10 key informant interviews, 50 semi-structured in-depth interviews and 237 questionnaires. Contrary to popular beliefs, we find that in-kind transfer programmes in the two townships have not meaningfully alleviated household food insecurity due to the distribution of incomplete food baskets, distances to distribution points, targeting systems, quantities of food items received and irregular distributions. We recommend the allocation of more resources for alleviating urban poverty and food insecurity.

KEYWORDS:

• Food insecurity
• in-kind transfers
• urban households
• Makokoba and Njube
• Bulawayo

1. Introduction

Food insecurity continues to be a concern in many countries, especially in the Global South. Urban household food insecurity has emerged as a key issue largely because of increasing urban poverty (Moyo, 2010; Battersby, 2012; Mulenga, 2013; Frayne & McCordic, 2015). In many Sub-Saharan African cities, millions of urban poor households cannot access food on a consistent basis (Legwegoh & Riley, 2014). High levels of poverty continue to make urban household food insecurity an increasingly problematic phenomenon (Frayne et al., 2014; Maitra & Rao, 2015; Peyton et al., 2015).

Food insecurity is ‘a situation that exists when people lack secure access to sufficient amounts of safe and nutritious food for normal growth and development and an active and healthy life’ (Food and Agriculture Organisation et al. 2015, 53). Addressing food insecurity is dependent on stability in availability, accessibility and utilisation of food in sufficient quantity and quality. In general, food insecurity is caused by unavailability of food, insufficient purchasing power, inappropriate distribution and use of food at the household level (Food and Agriculture Organisation et al., 2015). Urban household food insecurity has been driven by a combination of factors such as natural disasters, price hikes, weak institutions and poor governance (Baldos & Hertel, 2015).

In-kind transfers originated in the early 1950s due to surplus food stocks in North America (Barrett, 1998). These transfers include free food distributions to food insecure groups, supplementary feeding for acutely affected groups and food for work (Barrett, 2006). Barrett (2006) further notes that food aid is broadly utilised as an instrument for addressing food insecurity in low-income communities. Food transfers are meant for eliminating coping strategies which may result in long-term negative consequences for human dignity, household viability, and livelihood security. In-kind transfers have improved household access to food through direct food distributions, resulting in increased food consumption (Slater et al., 2013). Awokuse (2011) indicates that in-kind transfers have been used for nutritional programmes that alleviate household food insecurity.

In-kind transfers play a fundamental role in addressing household food insecurity through smoothing consumption in settings where food supply is unpredictable. These transfers are crucial in addressing food insecurity driven by lack of food availability in local markets. In-kind transfers are not dependent on functioning markets to meet household demand. Barrett & Heisey (2002) also argue that food transfers are important in responding to insufficient food availability. Zhou & Hendriks (2017) also opined that beneficiaries of in-kind transfers increase quantities of food consumed. In this regard, in-kind transfers have been implemented in urban settings to curb the increasing incidence of household food insecurity.

1.1. Urban household food insecurity in Zimbabwe: A historical overview

Poor urban households in Zimbabwe have been exposed to food insecurity due to political, economic and climatic dynamics that have obstructed both food availability and access. The Zimbabwean economy since independence in 1980 has gone through several transitions that have affected food security for poor urban households. At independence, the government declared a socialist-oriented ideological position with the aim of satisfying expectations of previously marginalised black majority (Brett, 2005). In this regard, the new government was caught in between meeting expectations of the black majority and avoiding turning away domestic and international capitalists. The government had inherited a highly developed and diversified economy where agriculture, mining and manufacturing sectors played a complementary role (Mlambo, 2008). A ‘Growth with Equity’ strategy was adopted to promote socio-economic development whilst at the same time ensuring respect of domestic and foreign capitalists’ private property in terms of the Lancaster House Agreement. Consequently, whites kept on controlling the economy as they owned most productive land, mines and the manufacturing industries (Makaye & Munhande, 2013). Wage inequalities became widespread in the private sector, which meant that urban poor households were not able to access adequate food due to weak purchasing power.

State-interventionist controls such as high taxation of companies curtailed the ability of the private sector to expand and employ more blacks. High corporate tax reduced the ability of investors to expand as profits were used to pay taxes (Brett, 2005). This also resulted in some companies dis-investing from Zimbabwe. For example, South African multinational corporations such as Barlow Rand, African Explosives and Chemical Industries stopped their operations in Zimbabwe (Masaka, 2013). Due to restrictive government policies, the economy grew moderately with an annual average of 3.5 percent (African Development Bank, 1999). The government failed to create employment as planned such that by the end of the first-decade employment creation averaged at 10 000 jobs per annum, far short of a planned target of 144 000 per annum (Brett, 2005; Raftopoulos & Mlambo, 2009). Failure by the government to create many jobs meant that unemployed urbanites continued to live in poverty and food insecurity.

The scientific socialist ideology was largely pursued in social services such as education and health. Spending on health and education trebled between 1980 and 1990 (Brett, 2005). This resulted in a balance of payments problems and budget deficit leading to deterioration in standards of living. Rapid growth in civil service employment, spending on social services, drought relief and funding of parastatals generated a chronic budget deficit, a high tax regime, and a rapid increase in public debt (Brett, 2005). The country experienced a depressed state of investment and general deterioration in standards of living (Mlambo, 2008). As standards of living continued to deteriorate, poor urban household became more vulnerable to food insecurity as they struggled to access adequate food due to limited income.

In an attempt to address the economic crisis (budget deficit, low investment and high unemployment) experienced towards the end of the first decade of independence, the government implemented Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in 1991–1995. ESAP changed the economic environment from government controlled to a market-driven policy regime. Within the first six months of the implementation of ESAP, consumer prices rose due to the removal of subsidies and inflation. Between ‘1991 and 1992 bread rose by 32%, milk by 10% and sugar by 45% and maize meal, the staple food of Zimbabweans, rose by 20% … ’ Gordon (1997, 266). By mid-1996 the cost of a basket of basic commodities for a family of six had risen by 256% between 1991 and 1996 (Gordon, 1997). Inflation and price increases worsened living conditions of Zimbabweans, especially urban populations due to their dependence on the cash economy (Kanyenze, 2003). Deteriorating standards of living left many urban poor households vulnerable to food insecurity. Limited purchasing power made it impossible for poor urbanites to access adequate food.

Economic restructuring was accompanied by the removal of protective safeguards for workers resulting in large scale retrenchments (Sachikonye, 2003). Many people lost jobs in the shrinking formal sector. Between 1990 and 1994, 87 out of 280 companies in the textile sector closed down (Mlambo, 2008). Massive retrenchments resulted in declining purchasing power of many urban poor households leaving them exposed to food insecurity. Moyo (2010) further argues that deteriorating economic conditions squeezed households’ entitlements. Consequently, food insecurity during the ESAP era was largely a product of failure to access food by poor urban households due to high prices, low purchasing power driven by high rates of unemployment.

Economic liberalisation resulted in severe loss of jobs, erosion of wages and increased cost of living. As the economic crisis worsened, many groups pressured the ruling party resulting in the adoption of radical political decisions. The radical economic management strategies resulted in increased economic isolation and restricted access to external credit (Moyo, 2005). This era was characterised by return of price and market controls, the indigenisation of banks, mines and industries. The economic crisis was further worsened by unbudgeted for expenditures such as war veteran pay outs (see Ramsamy, 2006; Mzumara, 2012) and involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo war, (Mzumara, 2012), Fast Track Land Reform programme, and Operation Murambatsvina. The economy also deteriorated as a result of the impact of the HIV and AIDS pandemic, and droughts.

The Zimbabwean government embarked on a radical Fast Track Land Reform programme in July 2000. The objective of this land reform programme was to provide the landless with opportunities, downturn the country’s poverty, and reduce land pressures within communal areas (Government of Zimbabwe, 2001). By the end of year 2000, the country was left with approximately 600 white commercial farmers down from around 4 500 (Richardson, 2007). Land was given to indigenous farmers (majority) with limited productive capacity due to lack/inadequate capital and farming inputs. As a result, between 2002 and 2009 the agricultural sector recorded a decline of 85.7% in production (Magure, 2012). The decline in agricultural production destabilised the agriculture sector which was once a backbone of the country’s economy, resulting in more poverty and hunger (Sachikonye, 2003). Fast track land reform programme perpetuated food availability decline thereby worsening urban household food insecurity.

More so, Operation Murambatsvina (Restore Order), which destroyed informal urban structures across the country between May and July 2005, exacerbated urban household food insecurity. Around year 2000 the urban economy continued to decline and formal job opportunities became very scarce. By year 2005 the informal sector had become a backbone of urban livelihoods for approximately 3 million urbanites (Chibisa & Sigauke, 2008). Many urban poor households resorted to informal employment which gave rise to mushrooming of illegal tuck-shops, street side market stalls and backyard-cottages (Musoni, 2010). Regardless of increased dependence on informal sector by many urban poor households for their livelihoods, a nation-wide urban clean-up programme destroyed illegal urban structures. By July 2005, approximately 700 000 people had lost either their source of livelihoods, homes or both (Potts, 2006). Instead of restoring law and order, the operation deepened widespread extreme urban poverty, which in-turn led to upsurges in household food insecurity.

The HIV and AIDS pandemic also worsened urban household food insecurity. Zimbabwe has been hard hit by HIV and AIDS like other countries in Southern Africa. The HIV epidemic has been high in urban areas and this became a major challenge to urban food security during the course of twenty-first century. By 2003 the country’s HIV prevalence rate stood at 24.6% (Government of Zimbabwe, 2006). HIV infections and mortality rates continued to be high amongst poor urbanites. The epidemic distressed household livelihoods thereby destabilising food security. As a result of HIV and AIDS, urban households became exposed to food insecurity as they lost productive household members (Crush, et al., 2011). In 2005 approximately 3 000 people died every week as a result of HIV and AIDS (Government of Zimbabwe, 2006). HIV and AIDS-related deaths also increased dependency ratios for many urban poor households. The dependency ratios increased as economically productive household members became sick and some died, hence orphans were incorporated into extended families. AIDS-related morbidity and mortality brought about declines in income which in-turn shrunk household’s purchasing power. Such households ultimately failed to access adequate food, thereby increasing household food insecurity.

Zimbabwe entered a new millennium in a deep economic crisis which continued to worsen over the years. The gross domestic product of the country dropped by 36% between 2000 and 2006 (Parsons, 2007) while rates of unemployment increased to around 80% (Chimhowu, 2009). Many urban poor households became vulnerable to food insecurity, due to the decline of the economy. The purchasing power of urban poor was greatly eroded by the rise in inflation rates. By October 2003 the food inflation rate stood at 491.2% (ZIMVAC, 2003). During the same period, many urban poor households failed to access food due to persistent shortages of the Zimbabwean dollar. Urban household food insecurity increased as people could not access money from banks. Failure to access money meant that households struggled to access adequate food due to weak purchasing power.

The country also experienced a fall in agricultural output of 41% between 2000 and 2006 (Parsons, 2007). This resulted from droughts experienced in the Southern African region and implementation of the Fast Track Land Reform programme as previously highlighted. As agricultural output was reduced drastically, urban households were left vulnerable to food insecurity. Increase in unemployment rates coupled with high and increasing cost of living worsened off the poverty situation rendering urban poor vulnerable to food insecurity (ZIMVAC, 2003). During the period of hyperinflation the government introduced price controls which resulted in the ‘vanishing’ of food commodities from formal markets. Most poor households were therefore forced to access food from informal markets as basic commodities such as mealie-meal, rice, sugar, and cooking oil became scarce in the formal markets (Masaka, 2013; Chagonda, 2016). The situation forced urban poor households to depend on informal markets which charged exorbitant prices. Zimbabwe which was once a bread basket of Southern Africa became highly dependent on food donations through in-kind transfers. Within this context of increased urban household food insecurity, we examine the influence of in-kind transfers in bettering access to food by poor urbanites in Bulawayo. In so doing the study answers the following research questions; to what extent are in-kind transfers ameliorating urban household food insecurity? What factors hinder the effectiveness of in-kind transfers in addressing urban household food insecurity in Makokoba and Njube townships?

2. Methods

The study used household questionnaires, key informant interviews and semi-structured in-depth household interviews as primary data collection instruments. Purposive and snowballing sampling were used to identify study participants. Purposive sampling enabled the identification and selection of ten information-rich key informants (see Patton, 1990) comprising of personnel from Non-Governmental Organisations (Themba Le Ntandane and Capernaum Trust), World Food Programme, Department of Social Services, Mzilikazi District Administrator’s office, Bulawayo City Council, Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association, Bulawayo United Residents Association and ward-based Child Protection Committees. A total of 237 households (out of 680 in-kind transfer beneficiaries) participated in the study, through utilising the process of data saturation as a determinant of sample size adequacy and richness in data gathered. The focus was more on sample adequacy rather than merely on appropriate sample size (Bowen, 2008) cited in Mandal (2018). Data saturation therefore takes place when new data tend to be redundant of data already collected (Saunders et al. 2018), leading to a point in the research where collecting additional data seems counterproductive and the ‘new’ information generated does not add much more to the information which has already been gathered (Strauss & Corbin, 1990) cited in Mandal (2018).

Snowballing sampling was used to identify households benefitting from in-kind transfers in the two townships. Snowball sampling allowed referrals to be made within a circle of people who have particular characteristics and know each other (see Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981, cited in Browne, 2005; Yin, 2011). Key informants were used to gain initial contact with household respondents. Household respondents involved in in-kind transfers were also relied on for further questionnaire referrals.

2.1. Study site and context

This study was carried out in Njube and Makokoba townships in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Bulawayo is the second largest city in Zimbabwe with a total population of 653 337 (ZIMSTAT, 2012). Approximately 55% of the population in Bulawayo is employed and about 72% of this working population earns between $1 and $400 per month, far below the poverty datum line (ZIMSTAT, 2015). The poverty datum line stood at $498 as of March 2017 (ZIMSTAT, 2017). Njube township has a total of population of 26 978, and a total of 6 777 households (ZIMSTAT, 2012). Makokoba has a total population of 36 756 and 6 126 households (ZIMSTAT, 2012). While Makokoba was the first black township in Bulawayo to be built in 1894, Njube came into existence in 1954 (Key informant 8, March 2017). Makokoba and Njube townships are highly populated and increases in population have not been matched by an increase in accommodation and access to basic services (Key informant 8, March 2017). Most residents of these townships live below the poverty datum line due to limited livelihood opportunities. Most residents are former employees of companies such as Kango, Radar, Dunlop, National Railways of Zimbabwe, Cold Storage Commission, Monarch, and National Blankets. Due to closure and scaling down of many industries in the city of Bulawayo, most households have been exposed to extreme poverty. Poor households in Makokoba and Njube are largely dependent on informal trade as their source of income. Households in the two townships had similar experiences in in-kind transfer programming due to common economic and demographic characteristics. In this regard, in the findings and discussion section, statistics from the two townships are aggregated.

3. Findings and discussion

3.1. In-kind transfer programmes in Makokoba and Njube townships

Urban households in Makokoba and Njube townships received in-kind transfers from the government of Zimbabwe, World Food Programme (WFP) and two Non-Governmental Organizations (Themba Le Ntandane and Capernaum Trust). The government, through the Department of Social Services, distributed maize grain to vulnerable urban households following an El Niño that was experienced during the 2015/2016 farming season. Beneficiaries were entitled to 50 kg of maize grain per household every month. Some households (3%) that received in-kind transfers from the government also benefitted from Capernaum Trust food transfers. Capernaum Trust provides in-kind transfers to ‘orphaned and vulnerable children disadvantaged by virtue of the fact that the main breadwinner in the immediate family unit is deceased or labour constrained’ (Key informant 10, December 2016). Households with orphans benefitting from the organisation’s education assistance programme who are extremely food insecure are supplied with food hampers once per school term. The food hampers consist of 40 kg mealie meal, 6 kg sugar beans, 2 litres cooking oil and 1 kg salt. These food items constitute a complete food basket in line with the WFP commodity basket.

In addition, some (3%) households also received in-kind transfers from WFP’s nutritional support programme (NSART). The nutritional support programme targets food insecure people living with HIV who are on Antiretroviral Therapy (ART) and Tuberculosis (TB) treatment. One key informant pointed out that ‘the food and nutrition assistance programme is meant for encouraging the poor to start and adhere to ART and TB treatment’ (Key informant 6, March 2017). NSART beneficiaries receive 10 kg of corn-soya blend porridge every month. ART and TB patients are enrolled for six months into the programme ‘to assist beneficiaries (individuals not their households) to improve their nutritional status for improved efficiency and drug adherence’ (Key informant 6, March 2017). An additional group of households (5%) were also beneficiaries of an in-kind transfer programme implemented by Themba Le Ntandane community-based organisation. The organisation assists households that experience perennial food insecurity with food transfers on a monthly basis (depending on availability of funds). Households received 10 kg mealie-meal, 2 litres cooking oil, 2 kg soya chunks, 2 kg sugar beans and 2 kg corn-soya blend porridge.

3.2. In-kind transfers and urban household food insecurity

In-kind transfers have been implemented in Makokoba and Njube townships with the objective of enabling poor households to improve access to food. The government distributed maize grain which enabled most poor households to have periodic access to food in form of cereals. While maize grain is important for cereal availability, poor households in the two townships had inadequate income for purchasing other food items. While most (77%) respondents reported that their households’ incomes were less than US$50 per month, the cost of a basic food basket of an average five-member household stood (as of March 2017) at $163.92 per month (ZIMSTAT, 2017). Given the low incomes, it has been difficult for poor households to purchase adequate food items. Additionally, inconsistent distributions have been an impediment to the effectiveness of food transfers in the two townships. Narrating about inconsistencies of in-kind transfer distributions in Makokoba township one beneficiary commented:

We have not been receiving the maize grain on a regular basis. When the programme started we were told that distributions will be done monthly. We last received maize in about six weeks ago. We have not yet been informed of the dates for the next distribution. (Household respondent 43, Makokoba, January 2017)

This response was common for many households in the two townships. While other studies have shown that in-kind transfers are an important tool in the global fight against hunger (Awokuse, 2011; Chilanga et al., 2017; Zhou & Hendriks, 2017), inconsistent distributions have nominally transitioned poor households in Makokoba and Njube townships out of food insecurity.

A few (8%) households received comprehensive food baskets from Themba Le Ntandane and Capernaum Trust, which also enabled poor households to have periodic access to staple food commodities. However, the quantities of food items received were insufficient in meeting adequate household food supplies. One of the key informants reported that ‘ … the quantities of food aid are not adequate to change food consumption patterns of poor urbanites’ (Key informant 8, March 2017). For example, households that received food transfers from Capernaum Trust reported that the items lasted one month instead of the expected three months. These in-kind transfers were not adequate as they did not consider household sizes. One respondent uttered that:

Capernaum Trust is assisting us by giving us food packs. However, the food we receive is not adequate since we get the food pack once a term. The food items hardly last a month … . (Household respondent 40, Makokoba, January 2017)

Although in-kind enabled poor households to have periodic access to staple food items, poor households in the two townships lived with anxiety and uncertainty about food supply and access. Irregular food distributions compromised the effectiveness of the in-kind transfers in the two Bulawayo townships. Adequate food availability is an important condition for household food security (Food and Agriculture Organisation, 2015). Therefore, poor households in Makokoba and Njube townships received not large enough quantities of in-kind transfers that have resulted in periodic access to food.

Many households in the two townships reported that in-kind transfers had marginally increased the number of meals consumed due to irregular food distributions. All respondents were asked whether the in the past four weeks they had skipped meals. Most households (82%) reported that they frequently skipped meals due to inadequate household food supplies. More so, several households (49%) reported that there were days when they had no food in their homes. Almost 8% of such households reported that they had no food in the house and no way to access food on a regular basis (more than ten times in a month). For example, one respondent pointed out that:

We have not increased the quantities of food that we consume. The government is assisting us with the maize grain but we still struggle to get relish. Sometimes I fail to get money (USD$1) for grinding the maize. (Household respondent 26, Njube)

Therefore, irregular distributions of in-kind transfers in form of cereals have marginally resulted in increasing the number of meals consumed by many households as they experience periodic access to food. One key informant respondent pointed out that ‘there is no consistency in distributing in-kind transfers to the beneficiary households’ (Key informant 5, March 2017). Although other studies have concluded that access to mealie-meal is vital for the urban poor households as a daily staple (Chilanga et al., 2017), this has not been the case for most poor households in the two townships who struggle to access food on a regular basis.

More so, in-kind transfers periodically increased the quantities of food consumed by poor households in the two townships. All respondents were also asked whether in the past four weeks their households ate smaller meals than needed. About 82% of the respondents reported that they continued to eat smaller portions of food than what they would consider adequate. For such households that ate smaller portions, 45% of households reported that they often (above ten times a month) resorted to eating smaller portions due to limited food availability. An additional 37% highlighted that they ate smaller portions once in a while (three to ten times a month). With insufficient household income, poor households in Makokoba and Njube continued to experience periodic marginal access to food which has in turn restricted quantities of food they consume.

Stability (regularity of food supply) is an important dimension of food security (Wineman, 2016). In the two townships, in-kind transfers resulted in periodic marginal improvements in food consumption behaviours of most poor households since distributions were done irregularly. Thus, failure to distribute maize grain on time affected the food consumption behaviours of poor urbanites. Narrating about inconsistencies of in-kind transfer distributions in Njube township one beneficiary commented:

We were supposed to receive maze grain yesterday but it was postponed as we were informed that there are transport challenges. We have not been informed when we are going to receive the maize. (Household respondent 42, Njube, January 2017)

Irregular in-kind transfer distributions have resulted in periodic food availability for poor urbanites. The importance of distribution consistency in ensuring improved food access has been demonstrated in various urban settings which have shown that regular transfers are an effective tool for alleviating food insecurity (see Bailey, 2013; Gentilin, 2015).

While many respondents highlighted that in-kind transfers marginally improved food consumption, a few households from the two townships pointed out that food transfers stabilised access to cereals. The importance of cereal availability was captured by some household respondents from the two townships who indicated that:

Receiving maize grain has assisted my household. We no longer struggle to get mealie-meal. In the past few months if it was not for the government we were going to perish because of hunger. (Household respondent 36, Njube, January 2017)

The food relief programme has emancipated us from hunger. Mealie-meal is a key food commodity that we need as a household. We cannot survive without mealie-meal. As long we have mealie-meal we have no problem as a family. (Household respondent 37, Makokoba, January 2017)

Distributing maize grain has been important for improving the availability of staple food for such households. Urban households need mealie-meal for most of their meals. As such in-kind transfers have been effective in reducing household vulnerability to food insecurity through smoothing consumption for these households. For example, some households (8%) received complete food baskets which improved the availability of several basic food items. One of the key informants also echoed that ‘if it was not for the food transfers some urban poor were going to starve to death’ (Key informant 2, April 2017). Food transfers have been important for improving food availability thereby smoothing food consumption for a few households in the two townships.

Some households (17%) from the two townships also reported that in-kind transfers increased the number of meals consumed. Such households highlighted that:

We now consume two meals per day due to the maize grain that we receive. Mealie-meal is important because isitshwala (stiff porridge) is our life. If you eat isitshwala you will be full the whole day. We no longer spend a day without eating. With maize we can get samp and mealie meal. Mealie meal is important for porridge and isitshwala. (Household respondent 29, Njube, January 2017)

I used to struggle to buy mealie-meal. Now I am able to eat three times a day. The maize lasts more than a month since I stay alone. (Household respondent 8, Makokoba, January 2017)

These households pointed out that in-kind transfers have increased the number of meals as mealie meal received are important food commodities. These few households confirm that food transfers are important in filling food consumption gaps for poor households (Zhou & Hendriks, 2017). However, it has to be emphasised that it was only a few households that experienced significant improvements in the number of meals consumed.

More so, some households (18%) reported that in-kind transfers had increased the quantities of food consumed. Such households reported increases in quantities of isitshwala (stiff porridge) consumed. The maize received by households with few members resulted in increasing food portions consumed per meal. One such household respondent pointed out that ‘I have increased the quantity of isitshwala that I consume. The maize I receive is adequate for me. I stay alone so I end up selling part of the maize so that I can buy relish’ (Household respondent 10, Makokoba). A few households’ improvements in the availability of cereals through in-kind transfers has resulted in increasing the quantities of food consumed. Therefore, in-kind transfers have been important for improving food consumption behaviours for a few poor households in Makokoba and Njube townships.

3.3. Impediments to the effectiveness of in-kind transfers

In-kind transfers are important social protection programmes that alleviate food insecurity for urban poor households (see Awokuse, 2011; Zhou & Hendriks, 2017). In-kind transfer distributions in Makokoba and Njube townships are meant to stabilise access to food. However, several factors hinder their effectiveness in addressing urban household food insecurity. Factors such as distance to the distribution points, communication on distribution dates, targeting system, composition of food baskets, quantities of food items received and irregular distributions have all reduced the effectiveness of in-kind transfer programmes.

The targeting system utilised by the government hindered the effectiveness of food distributions. The success of in-kind transfers in alleviating food insecurity depends on the effectiveness of targeting (Awokuse, 2011; De Groot et al., 2017). Barrett (2002) also concluded that the ineffectiveness of in-kind transfers revolves around poor targeting. The study established that the selection criteria in the two townships were marred with irregularities as some deserving households were excluded. One of the key informants uttered that ‘there was no proper targeting of beneficiaries. Members of ZANU PF political party were responsible for registrations and some deserving households were excluded from the programme’ (Key informant 3, March 2017). Therefore, numerous exclusion errors including political alignment differences resulted in many ultra-poor households not benefitting from the programme. Some undeserving households received maize leading to inclusion errors. Hence, poor targeting has hindered the effectiveness of in-kind transfers in alleviating urban household food insecurity in the two townships.

Poor communication with beneficiaries was established as another limitation of the maize grain distribution programme. Respondents highlighted that there was no proper notification on the distribution dates. Due to poor communication, some poor households from the two townships missed several distributions. To explain such poor communication one respondent pointed out that:

Sometimes you get to know about distributions when you see people carrying bags of maize. The Child Protection Committee members are side-lined in this programme. They are useful in informing us about cash distributions. Social Welfare should use them in all programmes. (Household respondent 23, Makokoba, January 2017)

This had negative repercussions on stabilising access to food by poor households. These findings reveal that for in-kind transfers to be effective in addressing household food insecurity, there should be appropriate communication channels with beneficiaries.

In addition to poor communication, respondents pointed out that distributions were done at one central point per township which was a challenge for the elderly and chronically ill. An elderly household respondent highlighted that:

The city council hall (distribution point) is too far. I cannot carry a 50 kg bag of maize. My grandchildren are also young they also cannot carry the bag. I end up using part of the maize (5 kg) to pay for transport. Sometimes I pay a US$1 for transporting the maize to my house. (Household respondent 32, Njube, January 2017)

For such households, access to mealie-meal is reduced as they use part of the maize to pay for transport. As a result, distance from the distribution point to the residences of beneficiaries is important in determining the effectiveness of in-kind transfers. Distribution points should be established where they are convenient for recipients, not based on logistic convenience for the government or provider of food transfers. This points to the fact that the location of food distribution points has reduced the effectiveness of in-kind transfer programme in Makokoba and Njube townships.

Household sizes and quantities of in-kind transfers are important in improving household food security (Zhou & Hendriks, 2017). Large-sized households spend more resources to access various food groups as compared to households with fewer members. Considering low-income levels among poor urbanites, access to adequate basic food items becomes difficult for large-sized households. This demonstrates that household size is an important factor that affects the distribution of limited resources, therefore large-sized households exert more pressure on food consumption behaviours. In-kind transfers that do not put into consideration the size of the household fail to meet the food requirements of large-sized households. The greatest in-kind transfers targeting errors result from providing vulnerable households with inadequate assistance (Barrett, 2002).

Lastly, the duration of in-kind transfer programmes is important for addressing household food insecurity. The government-funded in-kind transfer programme had a life span of six months. This was influenced by inadequate food production during the 2015/2016 farming season. Therefore, the distribution of maize was meant to cushion rural households during the lean season. The programme was also extended to urban areas. Poor urban households struggle to access food all year round as they are dependent on their exchange entitlements. As a result in-kind transfers that are driven by food production have not adequately addressed household food insecurity in these townships. To explain this one of the respondents pointed out that ‘what will happen to us after March. Nothing would have changed after six months … the government should continue giving us maize. We do not have money’ (Household respondent 26, Njube, January 2017). Seasonal in-kind transfers have restricted the role of in-kind transfers in Makokoba and Njube townships since ultra-poor households experience chronic food insecurity.

4. Conclusion

Poor households in the two townships continue to experience periodic access to food through in-kind transfers. The purpose of implementing in-kind transfers in Njube and Makokoba has been to improve access to basic food stuffs. However, a combination of factors have hindered the effectiveness of in-kind transfers in alleviating household food insecurity. Resultantly, the prevalence and intensity of food insecurity have not been markedly reduced. To begin with, in-kind transfers were distributed erratically, hence households hardly maintained a steady supply of adequate food. In-kind transfers are successful in reducing food insecurity if distributions are done in a consistent manner. Secondly, there are also strong indications that incomplete food baskets have not significantly reduced household food insecurity since poor urbanites in the two townships have low incomes. Access to mealie-meal which is undoubtedly important has however inadequately addressed food insecurity for many households as they have unending difficulties in accessing other basic food items. Lastly, access to food did not meaningfully improve even for households that received comprehensive food packs because households received insufficient quantities. For these reasons, household food consumption behaviours of poor urbanites have been improved marginally by in-kind transfers that have not sustained stable access to adequate food. Given the aforementioned factors, the study thus recommends that NGOs and the private sector should increase their efforts in complementing the government in alleviating urban food insecurity. Currently, NGOs implement low scale programmes in Bulawayo townships as poverty and food insecurity are largely seen as a rural phenomenon. Therefore, allocating more resources for alleviating urban poverty can help in stabilising access to food by ultra-poor households.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

ORCID

Philani Moyo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9089-7565