Abstract
This article introduces the analytical framework of the collection on the performance of the EU in international institutions and summarizes its main findings. We focus on the role of the EU in the decision-making within international organizations and regimes as a major locus of global governance. We suggest unpacking the concept of EU performance into four core elements: effectiveness (goal achievement); relevance (of the EU for its priority stakeholders); efficiency (ratio between outputs accomplished and costs incurred); and financial/resource viability (the ability of the performing organization to raise the funds required). Based on the case studies of the collection, the findings presented in the second part of the article relate to the identified core elements of performance with a particular emphasis on the dimensions of ‘effectiveness’ and ‘relevance’. Most notably, the EU appears, on balance and over the past two decades, to have become much more relevant for its member states when acting within international institutions. Moreover, the findings highlight four particular factors explaining EU performance in international institutions: the legal framework conditions (including the relevant changes that the Lisbon Treaty has brought about), domestic EU politics, the status of relevant EU legislation and policies, and the international context.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Alasdair Young and one anonymous reviewer for helpful comments on earlier versions of this article. We would also like to thank Lisanne Groen and Eva Kubrichtova for their help in preparing the manuscripts for this special issue.
Notes
1. Historically, the European Commission has represented both the European Community and Euratom. Since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009, the Commission represents the European Union.
2. By contrast, analysts who make pleas for a single European representation in international organizations frequently question the relevance of the states that constitute the EU.
3. Since we did not ask contributing authors to systematically address this factor, we can only speculate that these changes may not be as pervasive in areas of low politics such as health (WHO) and social policy (ILO) and may hardly unsettle the balance within NATO.