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Articles

Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin’s Unusual Hungarian ‘Roots’

Pages 41-58 | Published online: 14 Feb 2014
 

Abstract

Can states as well as non-state political ‘actors’ learn from the history of cognate entities elsewhere in time and space, and if so how and when does this policy knowledge get ‘transferred’ across international borders? This article deals with this question, addressing a short-lived Hungarian ‘tutorial’ that, during the early twentieth century, certain policy elites in Ireland imagined might have great applicability to the political transformation of the Emerald Isle, in effect ushering in an era of political autonomy from the United Kingdom, and doing so via a ‘third way’ that skirted both the Scylla of parliamentary formulations aimed at securing ‘home rule’ for Ireland and the Charybdis of revolutionary violence. In the political agenda of Sinn Féin during its first decade of existence, Hungary loomed as a desirable political model for Ireland, with the party’s leading intellectual, Arthur Griffith, insisting that the means by which Hungary had achieved autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire in 1867 could also serve as the means for securing Ireland’s own autonomy in the first decades of the twentieth century. This article explores what policy initiatives Arthur Griffith thought he saw in the Hungarian experience that were worthy of being ‘transferred’ to the Irish situation.

Notes

1. See N. Mansergh, The Irish Question, 1840–1921: A Commentary on Anglo-Irish Relations and Social and Political Forces in Ireland in the Age of Reform and Revolution. 3rd ed. (Toronto, 1975); and T.J. Noer, ‘The American Government and the Irish Question during World War I’, South Atlantic Quarterly, lxxii (1973), 95–114.

2. See M. Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party, 1916–1923 (Cambridge, 1999), 26. Also B. Maye, Arthur Griffith (Dublin, 1997).

3. A. Griffith, The Resurrection of Hungary: A Parallel for Ireland. 3rd ed. (Dublin, 1918; orig. pub. 1904).

4. D. McCartney, ‘The Political Use of History in the Work of Arthur Griffith’, Journal of Contemporay History, viii (1973), 3–19, quote at p. 9.

5. U. Korkut, Liberalization Challenges in Hungary: Elitism, Progressivism, and Populism (New York, 2012).

6. W.B. Gallie, ‘Essentially Contested Concepts’ in M. Black (ed), The Importance of Language (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1962), 123. Also see W.E. Connolly, The Terms of Political Discourse. 2nd ed. (Princeton, 1983), ch. 1: ‘Essentially Contested Concepts in Politics’.

7. Cited by L. Baritz, ‘The Idea of the West’, American Historical Review, lxvi (1961), 618–40, quote at 637–8.

8. D. P. Dolowitz, S. Greenwold, and D. Marsh, ‘Policy Transfer: Something Old, Something New, Something Borrowed, But Why Red, White And Blue?’ Parliamentary Affairs, lii (1999), 719–30.

9. See especially O. James and M. Lodge, ‘The Limitations of “Policy Transfer” and “Lesson Drawing” for Public Policy Research’, Political Studies Review, i (2003), 179–93.

10. D.P. Dolowitz and D. Marsh, ‘Learning from Abroad: The Role of Policy Transfer in Contemporary Policy-Making’, Governance: An International Journal of Policy and Administration, xiii (2000), 5–24, quote at 17.

11. C.C. Pentland, ‘Enlarging the Security Community: NATO, the EU, and the Uses of Political Conditionality’ in D.G. Haglund (ed), New NATO, New Century: Canada, the United States, and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance (Kingston, ON, 2000), 63–82, quote at p. 64. Also see J. Kelley, ‘International Actors on the Domestic Scene: Membership Conditionality and Socialization by International Institutions’, International Organization, lviii (2004), 425–57; and R.H. Linden, ‘Putting on Their Sunday Best: Romania, Hungary, and the Puzzle of Peace’, International Studies Quarterly, xliv (2000), 121–45.

12. A. Schnabel and V. Farr (eds), Back to the Roots: Security Sector Reform and Development (Berlin, 2011).

13. J.K. Hoensch, A History of Modern Hungary, 1867–1986, trans. K. Traynor (London, 1988), 2; B. Cartledge, The Will to Survive: A History of Hungary (New York, 2011), 81–5.

14. C.A. Macartney, Hungary: A Short History (Chicago, 1962), 171, 181.

15. T. Bartlett, Ireland: A History (Cambridge, 2010), ch. 3: ‘The Making of Protestant Ireland, 1541–1691’.

16. See, in particular, D.G. Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland. 2nd ed. (London, 1991); and R. English, Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland (London, 2006).

17. A. Jackson, Home Rule: An Irish History, 1800–2000 (Oxford, 2003), 3.

18. See R. Kee, The Laurel and the Ivy: The Story of Charles Stewart Parnell and Irish Nationalism (London, 1993).

19. S. Brooks, Aspects of the Irish Question (Boston, 1912), 41, 210–11.

20. T. Garvin, Nationalist Revolutionaries in Ireland, 1858–1928 (Dublin, 1987).

21. R.V. Comerford, The Fenians in Context: Irish Politics and Society, 1848–82 (Dublin, 1985).

22. See O. McGee, The IRB: The Irish Republican Brotherhood from the Land League to Sinn Féin (Dublin, 2005); and J. O‘Beirne-Ranelagh, ’The IRB from the Treaty to 1924', Irish Historical Studies, xx (1976), 26–39.

23. T.W. Moody, Davitt and the Irish Revolution, 1846–82 (Oxford, 1981), 41–3.

24. W. Neidhardt, Fenianism in North America (University Park, PA, 1975; K.R.M. Short, The Dynamite War: Irish American Bombers in Victorian Britain (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1979); N. Whelehan, The Dynamiters: Irish Nationalism and Political Violence in the Wider World, 1867–1900 (Cambridge, 2012); J. Gantt, Irish Terrorism in the Atlantic Community, 1865–1922 (Houndmills, 2010).

25. See C.C. Tansill, America and the Fight for Irish Freedom, 1866–1922: An Old Story Based upon New Data (New York, 1957). Also P.H. Bagenal, The American Irish and their Influence on Irish Politics (London, 1882); and M. Doorley, Irish-American Diaspora Nationalism: The Friends of Irish Freedom, 1916–1935 (Dublin, 2005).

26. See D.G. Haglund and T. McNeil-Hay, ‘The “Germany Lobby” and U.S. Foreign Policy: What, if Anything, Does It Tell Us about the Debate over the “Israel Lobby”?’ Ethnopolitics, x (2011), 321–44.

27. J.S. Donnelly, Jr, ‘The Construction of the Memory of the Famine in Ireland and the Irish Diaspora, 1850–1900’, Éire-Ireland, xxxi (1996), 26–61.

28. K.A. Miller, with B. Boling and D.N. Doyle, ‘Emigrants and Exiles: Irish Cultures and Irish Emigration to North America, 1790–1922’, Irish Historical Studies, xxii, (1980), 97–125.

29. S.R. Leslie, ‘The New Ireland and the New World’, Ireland-American Review, v [n.d. but likely 1941], 71–90, quote at p. 81.

30. Griffith, Resurrection of Hungary, xiv (preface to the 1st ed).

31. M. Szabó, ‘A Magyar nemesi és polgári liberalizmus’ [Hungarian Noble and Civic Liberalism] in I. Z. Dénes (ed), Liberalizmus és nemzettudat: Dialógus Szabó Miklós gondolataival [Dialogue with Miklós Szabó’s Thoughts] (Budapest, 2008), 31–102, citing from pp. 37–40.

32. K. Kecskémeti, ‘A kontinentális liberalizmus Magyar változata’ [The Hungarian Version of Continental Liberalism], in ibid., 223–40, citing from 236.

33. Szabó, ‘A Magyar nemesi’, 41.

34. G. Egedy, Konzervatizmus az ezredfordulón [Conservatism at the Turn of the Millenium] (Budapest, 2001), 17, 173.

35. G. Barany, Steven Széchenyi and the Awakening of Hungarian Nationalism, 1791–1841 (Princeton, 1968), 139.

36. Korkut, Liberalization Challenges in Hungary, ch. 4.

37. A. Zakaras, Individuality and Mass Democracy: Mill, Emerson, and the Burdens of Citizenship (Oxford, 2009), 9.

38. Szabó, ‘A Magyar nemesi’, 37–53.

39. B.K. Király, Ferenc Deák (Boston, 1975), 149.

40. G. Újvári, ‘Klebersberg Kuno és Hóman Bálint Kulturpolitikája’ [The Cultural Politics of Kuno Klebersberg and Bálint Hóman] in I. Romsics (ed), A Magyar Jobboldali Hagyomány 1900–1948 [The Hungarian Right-Wing Tradition 1900–1948] (Budapest, 2009), 377–413.

41. See especially R.D. Edwards, Patrick Pearse: The Triumph of Failure (London, 1977). Also see J. Hutchinson, The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State (London, 1987).

42. J.E. Kendle, Ireland and the Federal Solution: The Debate Over the United Kingdom Constitution, 1870–1921 (Montreal and Kingston, 1989), 41.

43. Király, Ferenc Deák, 69.

44. Ibid., 56; Barany, Széchenyi and the Awakening of Hungarian Nationalism, 385.

45. Király, Ferenc Deák, 182.

46. Quoted in ibid., 164.

47. Cartledge, Will to Survive, 231–2.

48. P. Colum, Arthur Griffith (Dublin, 1959), 76–7.

49. Hoensch, History of Modern Hungary, 28.

50. E. Niederhauser, ‘The National Question in Hungary’ in M. Teich and R. Porter (eds), The National Question in Europe in Historical Context (Cambridge, 1993), 248–69, citing from 258.

51. C. Younger, Arthur Griffith (Dublin, 1981), 9.

52. V. Kiernan, ‘The British Isles: Celt and Saxon’ in Teich and Porter, National Question, 1–34.

53. F. Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (Garden City, N.Y., 1965), 1–22.

54. Quoted in P. Maume, ‘The Ancient Constitution: Arthur Griffith and His Intellectual Legacy to Sinn Féin’, Irish Political Studies, x (1995), 123–37, quote at 128.

55. Barany, Széchenyi and the Awakening of Hungarian Nationalism, 138–9.

56. S.B. Vardy, Baron Joseph Eötvös (1813–1871): A Literary Biography (Boulder, 1987), 70.

57. Király, Ferenc Deák, 120–1.

58. Colum, Arthur Griffith, 32.

59. M. Stolleis, ‘The Dissolution of the Union between Norway and Sweden in 1905: A Century Later’ in O. Mestad and D. Michalsen (eds), Rett, nasjon, union – Den svensk-norske unionens rettslige historie 1814–1905 (Oslo, 2005).

60. D. Fitzpatrick, ‘The Logic of Collective Sacrifice: Ireland and the British Army, 1914–1918’, Historical Journal, xxxviii (1995), 1017–30; D.G. Boyce, ‘Ireland and the First World War’, History Ireland, ii (1984), 48–53; M. Dungan, They Shall Grow Not Old: Irish Soldiers and the Great War (Dublin, 1997).

61. Younger, Arthur Griffith, 27–8.

62. J. Stephens, Arthur Griffith: Journalist and Statesman (Dublin, 1922), 7.

63. Laffan, Resurrection of Ireland, 164–6.

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