Doesn’t Matter If You Stopped Me, I’ve Still Got to Chase My Dream: Tibetan Youth in NSW Navigate Racism and Intergenerational Differences

ABSTRACT

Racism and discrimination, family disjuncture and differential experiences depending on migration experiences influence resettlement in new environments and sense of belonging. This article focuses on a little-known group in Australia – Tibetan youth. This article centres the voices of Tibetan refugee youth in the state of New South Wales seeking to understand, from their frame of reference, how they establish networks and social relations in the context of racism and intergenerational differences. ‘Refugee youth’ can imply homogenised experiences, yet intersections such as ethnicity, culture, religion, gender and more shape diverse experiences. This article also shows the importance of responsive not-for-profit organisations in filling the welcome gap that is not apparent in the wider society.

KEYWORDS:

• Refugee
• youth
• resettlement
• racism
• social relations
• networking

Introduction

Globally the number of forcibly displaced people due to persecution, conflict or violence has surpassed 100 million (UNHCR 2021). Alongside this growing displacement, escalating politicisation and backlash against immigration and multiculturalism leads to negative perceptions of refugees and asylum seekers, jeopardizing an acknowledged global concern for social inclusion of ethno-cultural minorities (McDonald 2017). For young refugees, increasing media portrayal of ethnic youth gangs as instigators of public violence has exacerbated apprehension towards refugees and asylum seekers, constructing a complex environment of social exclusion (McDonald 2017).

This article centres the voices of Tibetan refugee youth seeking to understand, from their frame of reference, how they establish networks and social relations in Australia. We draw on the work of Nyström et al. (2023) in Sweden who adopt a social inclusion framework to overcome deficit discourses on migrants. For these authors, social inclusion refers to ‘participation in a wide range of practices deemed meaningful and supportive on the path toward realizing one’s dreams’ and ‘developing a sense of belonging’ (Nyström et al. 2023: 5–6). Our research similarly adopted an approach that provided insights into ‘what practices are assigned meaning by migrants on their path to social inclusion’ (Nyström et al. 2023: 8).

‘Refugee youth’ can imply homogenised experiences, yet intersections such as ethnicity, culture, religion, gender and more shape diverse experiences. Despite youth being a large part of the Tibetan population in exile, there is limited available literature focussing on Tibetan youth in the diaspora (Brulls 2021). In the Australian context, while there are research reports that focus on the Tibetan community in Australia more broadly (Hincapie 2019; Australia Tibet Council nd) these only have glancing references to the experiences of Tibetan youth.

Creation of the Tibetan Diaspora

Tibet was historically an independent nation with its language, culture and form of Buddhism. In 1950, Tibet was incorporated into the People's Republic of China. This resulted in Tibet's loss of autonomy as well as cultural suppression, combined with human rights abuses and displacement of the Tibetan population with relocation of Han Chinese to Tibet. This resulted in people fleeing to other countries not only for protection and security but also to protest and advocate for their rights from places of safety. While in the homeland Tibet, cultural and religious practices experience systematic destruction (Brulls 2021).

Many Tibetans fled to India and Nepal where they were able to maintain their culture. Tibetans in India tended to reside in self-governed settlements and maintain their self-imposed statelessness to maintain their political struggle in exile (Bloch 2023). Migration to another country occurred not only directly from Tibet, but also from India, and this reflected migration patterns to Australia. Reasons for onward migration also pertain to limited rights in that country (Purohit 2019) as well as the prospect of new opportunities in host countries. The number moving to India from Tibet has rapidly declined (Purohit 2019).

Globally, the Tibetan diaspora is estimated at 150,000 (Purohit 2019), and Australia is home to around 2500 who arrived under the Australian Refugee and Humanitarian program. Amongst the Tibetans in Australia, almost one-quarter reside in New South Wales, in the Sydney suburb – Dee Why – where we conducted this research. It is important to contextualise the experiences of Tibetans in Dee Why because it is largely an English-speaking suburb with English as the most common ancestry with 30.1 per cent and second is Australian with 22.4 per cent, followed by Irish and Scottish, while Tibetan ancestry is only 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2021). This contextualisation is important because most refugees in Sydney resettle in the Western Sydney region, where there is more diversity in the population and greater availability of support services for resettlement.

Having left their homeland to seek safety elsewhere, Tibetans use their freedom to advocate for an end of China’s ongoing oppression in Tibet without the fear of repercussions (Australia Tibet Council nd). Doma (2019) posits that Tibetan refugees, irrespective of the places they migrate, bring with them their cultures, patriotism and religion. Many any of those who now reside outside Tibet are young (Brulls 2021), which is reflected in the group discussed in this article. Tibetan youth encounter multiple challenges in preserving their social and cultural identity, fostering a sense of loyalty to Tibetan nationalism, and seeking acceptance in new environments.

Literature Review

The following literature review outlines experiences of migrant youth in Australia, including the Tibetan diaspora. In many ways, the experience of Tibetan youth mirrors that of other cultural groups, but with its specificity, given the historical and political background outlined above. Racism is a dominant theme in the literature, with 1 in 12 Australian teenagers reporting racial discrimination (Evans-Whipp 2021). Despite one-quarter having refugee or migrant backgrounds (Schweitzer et al. 2021) and Australia’s longstanding policy of multiculturalism, 60 per cent of Australians view racism as a national problem (Markus and Arnup 2021). An enduring preference for European refugees and immigrants persists with Indian, Chinese, Middle Eastern and African immigrants experiencing greater negativity (Markus and Arnup 2021). The conception of ‘foreignness’ constitutes ‘the most important social boundary’ in the context of integration, Klarenbeek and Weide declare, intersecting with race, gender, class and religion; with some viewed as more ‘foreign’ and thus ‘less legitimate citizens than others’ (Klarenbeek and Weide 2020: 5).

Vicarious racism also impacts young refugees who find themselves located within narratives and discourses ‘not of their making’ and must navigate their unfolding lives within public discourses of refugees which perpetuate negative stereotypes and hegemonic narratives of racism (Mourad 2022). Whether vicarious, interpersonal or structural, robust evidence exists that racism undermines young people’s health, development and well-being across ages, settings and racial and ethnic backgrounds (Coker et al. 2009; Priest et al. 2013; Trent et al. 2019; Iruka et al. 2022).

Among youth refugees, the most commonly reported health outcomes of racism are mental health impacts (Priest et al. 2013; Heard-Garris et al. 2018) including anxiety, depression and loneliness (Coker et al. 2009; Priest et al. 2013; Correa-Velez et al. 2015), self-harm, withdrawal, aggression and coping via excess smoking and alcohol consumption (David et al. 2019; Trent 2019). When young people’s sense of self-worth and ‘social and adaptive functioning’ is undermined by racism, behavioural problems can result (Priest et al. 2013: 119). Repeated experiences of racism are connected to physiological stress responses which in turn relate to issues in cognitive development, cardiovascular and metabolic diseases (Priest et al. 2013; Correa-Velez 2015: 166; Iruka 2022: 17), and health consequences in later life (Goosby 2018).

Education makes a central contribution in re-settlement. Young refugees in Western Australia endorse this (Earnest et al. 2015: 44), as do unaccompanied Tibetan refugee youth in India, who regarded their education during resettlement as key to their achievements and purpose, empowering them with a more authoritative voice to advocate for Tibetan freedom (Sapam 2020: 6). Despite this robust evidence, Tibetan youth refugees in Australia encounter various barriers to education. These include language barriers, unstable housing, health problems, limited internet access, sometimes inadequate prior schooling or curricula dominated by Chinese history and culture and, as noted above, racism (Hincapie 2019: 97; Brulls 2021: 8).

Racism fosters disengagement from education by undermining school attendance (Roffey 2013: 4), achievement, academic self-concept and career aspirations (David et al. 2019; Ghezae et al. 2022). Where schools centre white majority knowledge and culture, systemic bias may disregard cultural knowledge and capabilities of students from minority cultural backgrounds (Iruka 2022: 12), while their previous country’s educational context, their religious identity and cultural gender expectations can hamper integration for young refugees resettling in a new country with differing belief systems and values (Lee and Cheung 2022). Teachers can hold unconscious bias and have lower expectations of students from minority cultures producing a less nurturing learning environment (Tualaulelei and Halse 2022). Reduced achievement can reinforce stereotypes for both perpetrators and those suffering racism heightening vulnerability to further racism, Trent (2019: 4) laments. Conversely, positive mental well-being facilitates learning, as Kayshap’s research with Tibetan refugee youth in India emphasises, ‘broaden[ing] the scope of attention and cognition, enabling flexible and creative thinking … ’ (2014: 271). While students’ school engagement encompasses academic aspects such as positive feelings towards schooling, attendance, active participation and self-regulated learning, the social dimensions involve meaningful relationships and a sense of belonging. A sense of belonging fosters student investment in schoolwork and academic success (Molla 2024: 2).

Structural racism produces inequities affecting young people’s access to resources required for life-long well-being (Sanders-Phillips 2009). Iruka (2022: 9) emphasises that any appraisal of racism’s impact on young people’s lives must account for intersecting structural factors: race, ethnicity, religion, socio-economic position, gender and more, as these shape youth development. Exploitation in employment such as wage theft combine with psychosocial injuries of bullying and harassment that are prevalent among resettling youth. These lead to financial hardships with a detrimental effect on well-being and access to services (Unions Act 2021: 2).

For Tibetan refugees, intergenerational tension between traditional and new cultural values, a theme well-explored in immigration literature (Tyyskä 2008; Verelist 2022), may be heightened. This tension is compounded by continuing human rights violations and destruction of cultural and religious practices in Tibet alongside many Tibetan exiles anticipating eventual return, as forecasted by the Dalai Lama. This strongly motivates Tibetan refugees to preserve Tibetan culture and identity (Swank 2011; Sapam 2020; Brulls 2021: 6). In a study conducted by Sapam (2020) older, Tibetan refugees expressed concerns that younger Tibetans were departing from traditional customs, losing Tibetan language fluency and sometimes seeking settlement community citizenship. They fear that these trends could diminish morale for the Tibetan cause, leading to a scenario where ‘there will be few Tibetans left if Tibet gains independence’ (2020: 7). Consequently, as described by Brulls (2021: 45), Tibetan youth often find themselves caught between ‘the sense of responsibility to maintain and “conserve” Tibetan cultural identity and individual wishes for being accepted and to feel “at home” in the hostland(s)’. Culture is not static; Tibetan culture cannot go unaltered in resettled communities, cautions Brulls (2021: 43). Young Tibetans in their countries of resettlement construct ‘heterogenic cultural identities’, Brulls (2021: 45) explains, which are influenced by their homeland’s socio-political situation, resettlement community experiences and exiled Tibetan communities’ ‘socio-spiritual context’.

Montgomery emphasises that ‘(re)establishing a supportive social ecology’ in the settling environment is essential for youth refugee well-being (2011: 32). Networks formed through the Tibetan Community of Australia NSW Inc. (TCA) connect newly arrived Tibetan refugees in Sydney, Australia, to accommodation, health and welfare services, education, employment and a weekly language and cultural school for youth (Hincapie 2019: 22). Apart from practical assistance, ethno-cultural networks facilitate collaboration, links with settlement communities and opportunities to ‘attain mutual goals’ (Roffey 2013: 42). Connectedness with ethno-cultural networks ameliorates the impact of stressful events including racism and discrimination for Tibetan refugee youth (Ramanathan and Singh 2021: 329). Such connections and a sense of belonging protect young people experiencing multiple adversity (Roffey 2013: 42). Sharing in collective cultural activities such as Tibetan festivals and bonding over shared struggle and common history offers hope and assists coping (Hussein and Bushan 2013: 212).

Although subject to Chinese scrutiny, internet access enables community networks for disparately situated Tibetans, argues Basu (2022: 588), noting that pan-Tibetan and intracommunity bonds are created online, observing ‘exile dynamics leads to a proliferation of different forms of belonging and unbelonging, a portable idea of nationalism and versions of Tibetan selves’.

While some scholars warn against some ethno-cultural organisations’ focussing on preserving culture while potentially neglecting intercultural links (Roffey 2013) others point out that rigid structures and race discrimination within resettled communities can thwart refugee and immigrant populations’ efforts to form networks and relationships, thus compromising their sense of belonging and connectedness (Dunn et al. 2014). Racism and social exclusion are most likely to be experienced by refugees and immigrants who do not ‘fit’ the ‘white, Western, Ango-Saxon norm’ (Ari 2019: 74).

Successful refugee youth resettlement requires supportive social environments, acceptance of diversity and inclusivity (Correa-Velez 2015; Jain 2022). Yet, social integration is often misunderstood as ‘a process of immigrants rather than genuinely being two way’ (Klarenbeek and Weide 2020: 11). Tibetan refugees in Sydney disclose ‘There is nowhere we can go to, that is our own space, unique to us. In India everyone loves to go to MacLeod Ganj, known both as Little Lhasa and as Dhasa’ (cited in Hincapie 2019: 36). The lack of holy places to visit highlights the importance of Klarenbeek and Weide’s call to reconceptualise social integration as a two-way social and cultural exchange located in ‘power relations between members of the receiving society and those of immigrant background’ (2020: 11, 14). Kaufmann (2021: 62) calls for perspectives and practices that support ‘newcomers’ contributions, their cultural needs and regard youth in settlement communities as ‘equal partners’ in connecting with ‘newcomer’ peers.

Methods

The research with Tibetan young people in NSW is a component of a larger study titled ‘Networking and social relations amongst CALD refugees in NSW’, a collaboration between the NSW Service for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors (STARTTS) and researchers from Western Sydney University. STARTTS, the not-for-profit, specialist organisation, offers individuals and communities with a refugee and/or asylum seeker background culturally relevant biopsychosocial support to support them to address their trauma and ease their resettlement experience in Australia. The trauma individuals have suffered impacts different aspects of their social and community life, making it difficult for them to form new meaningful social connections which can have a positive effect on their lives. In addition to psychological counselling and alternative therapy, STARTTS facilitates the creation of formal groups tailored to various communities and demographics. This ensures a safe environment where individuals they support can participate in group activities and bolster their social networks.

The study focussed on the experiences of isolation, belongingness and connectedness within and across different refugee communities in Sydney, NSW. Three communities – Sri Lankan Tamil, Tibetan, Hazara – were identified for participation in this research, based on consultation with STARTTS and the experience of this organisation in working alongside different refugee communities in NSW. The primary research objectives driving the research were: (i) To understand the extent to which formal networks supported by service providers promote wider informal networks among CALD refugee service users. (ii) To understand the ways in which the formal and informal networks are harnessed by the CALD refugee service users for their well-being.

An inductive qualitative methodology, with an intersectional perspective, was chosen to garner comprehensive responses from different community groups. Focus group discussions were identified as an appropriate method as they offer insights into both collective and individual experiences. An interactive discussion generates narratives which may not be accessible through individual interviews. It adds depth and detail to discussion (Hennink 2014). This method can be particularly impactful when researching with people from marginalised backgrounds, whose voices have been historically and politically silenced. It enables participants to share their perspectives on issues in the company of individuals from similar backgrounds.

This article is based on two focus group discussions that were carried out with a Tibetan Youth group, which STARTTS has been engaged with since 2017. The Tibetan Youth group (henceforth referred to as the Group) is a mixed gender group consisting of 10 young people primarily from refugee backgrounds between the ages of 16–26 years living in Australia as permanent residents under the Australian Refugee and Humanitarian Program. The Group was formed in 2017 with the purpose of creating a space for young people across diverse gender identities to build their social capital, foster leadership skills, explore their culture and values through music and to share personal experiences with the rest of the group. The majority of the young people have completed High School and are either employed or pursuing further studies. The Group convenes every fortnight to participate in the activities organized by the Tibetan Community Development Officer (CDO).

One focus group was undertaken online, via Zoom, in November 2021, when there were ongoing Covid-19 restrictions around meeting in-person. Given some limitations of online discussion, another in-person focus group took place in June 2022 once the Covid-19 restrictions were lifted. The participation of the Group members across the two sessions was consistent with a few additional members joining the in-person session. There were more young men present for the discussions in comparison to the women.¹ The focus group members expressed themselves more openly in the in-person session, and it was easier to build trust through presence. The focus group was guided by prompts around their association with STARTTS and support accessed, when they joined the Group and what prompted them to do so, the importance of the Group in their lives, their access to and participation in other community groups and networks, barriers and enablers to participation. The narratives from the focus group discussion were transcribed and then coded, before being analysed thematically. The analysis followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-stage process alongside an iterative approach whereby there was a continual back and forth interaction between theoretical frameworks, existing literature and participant narratives. Findings from both focus groups are discussed in the subsequent section.

Findings and Analysis

Racial discrimination compounds young refugees’ resettlement challenges as they negotiate identities, learn about a new culture and potentially face education and intergenerational stresses (Riggs and Due 2011). Schools, social media, work, government agencies, public transport and shops are arenas where Australian youth most often experience racism (Dunn et al. 2014). The following themes emerged from the narratives of the Tibetan youth in Australia: sense of belonging, identity struggles and racism; intercommunity relationships and social connections; intergenerational stresses; perception of safety.

Sense of Belonging, Identity Struggles and Racism: I Always Felt a Bit Out of Place

Tibetan youth shared that their sense of belonging and the way they established networks and social relations in Australia was determined largely by their experiences of racism in different aspects of their life. In addition, many of the members of the Group had childhood experiences in India and made a distinction between their experiences there and in Australia, which affected their sense of belonging.

The Group members understood that there was a difference in the experiences of Tibetan youth who had their primary education in India and those who had studied in Australia from a young age. One of the members said:

So you're kind of like, the more Western, the more adapted kids will kind of share the sentiments of what a Western country is. Because most of us are from India and haven't really, we don’t really know Western ideology. We're kind of like from medieval times at times with the way we were living back then compared to the way we are living now. Especially in the way we think about gender, and relationship between men and women. I think we get Westernised and we're in the group quicker. Not always a great thing, but I think it has its positive aspects

The process of moving from India to Australia has involved, for the youth, a shift in their beliefs and the way they interacted with each other and those from a different gender. Since several of them were born in India, they found it easier to get accustomed to their social environment and were able to learn the language, Hindi, easily. One member said:

Yeah, I mean – yeah, because in India, you know, both Hindi and Tibetan and it’s easy to go around, yeah, you’re just free. Where like here, for my first example like my parents, it’s hard for them to go around because they don’t know English

The Group members experienced that not knowing how to speak in English put them in a vulnerable position of being judged by everyone.

In here they just look at you, okay, this dude is like – he doesn’t know English at all and you get nervous, like you can’t really speak well as well.

The youth were aware of the hierarchies that existed between what they referred to as East and West. The differences in language and culture in India and Australia were often difficult for them to navigate. For those who were born in India there was a familiarity that they associated with that culture and Hindi language. They felt they were able to practice their Tibetan culture while in India. This was also true for those who were not born in India but migrated there at a young age. Migrating to Australia was experienced by them as a major change, where their position as a refugee made them vulnerable to being disadvantaged and marginalised. In their experience, the East and West difference became very pronounced with this migration.

In the following sections, we discuss their experiences at specific sites such as the school, workplace and in public spaces in Sydney, identified by the research participants as impacting their sense of belonging and deepening their identity struggles.

School

A sense of alienation prevailed for the members of the Group in their schools. This was for a variety of factors ranging from the absence of racial diversity, experiences of racism and limited knowledge of English. Due to the absence of racial diversity, members shared that they tended to be with other children and youth from the same community, country or racial background. One member said:

I think personally I always felt a bit of the out of place because there was not that many Tibetans in my school. I think, yeah, really not that many at all and I know that’s not a big deal, but I noticed everyone always had a kind of clique that they would – it was obviously like people that have other people from their country in the school, no matter what. If sometimes I’d look around and realise, oh, I’m basically the only Tibetan in my school.

Members of the Group expressed caution about not labelling every experience as a negative one or as racism. This may be because they were unable to identify and name the structural inequalities that they experienced. It could also be a way in which they wanted to establish belongingness in Australia and perceived this as a ‘normal’ resettlement experience. It could also indicate that they did have some positive experiences with welcoming people. Members did, however, discuss their experiences of racism at school albeit with hesitation. One said:

… there’s so many Tenzings first name right and then my mate [xxx], he’s not Tenzing, he’s [xxx]. So then teachers call him a Tenzing and he has a like anger and that and then he gets aggro[aggressive] easy. That’s why I guess it doesn’t matter, just call the right name … 

Some members of the Group expressed anger and frustration at this name discrimination, more so because the teachers continued to call them Tenzing even after they brought their actual name to note. Name discrimination challenged their sense of identity and created barriers to their sense of belongingness in Australia. Members alluded to the assumptions held by teachers about their ability to comprehend. One member said:

I think I’m – I sort of felt like people – I think sometimes when teachers, when they assume that you can’t understand something and when they assume you don’t know as much as other people, because you’re Asian looking.

Apart from experiences of alienation and marginalisation in school, they also experienced challenges in getting their education in India, often in Tibetan schools, recognised in Australia. Sometimes there were challenges in adjusting to the new system if they joined in mid-session. Coupled with these challenges, limited knowledge of English, made the whole process of adjusting to the education system much more confronting. One member said:

When I finished my high school I said like I jump straight to Year 10, so don’t know the experience about Year 9, I don’t know. I’d been to India but it’s going to be different here. So when I came straight Year 10, 11, 12, finish and then after that I thought maybe started maybe some other – I try to learn some other things. But then thinking about maybe I want to go to uni and think about like that. Then I went to TAFE², talk about something, they said you can do Cert 4 and I did Certificate 4 in English and still didn’t got in, in uni.

The interruptions in learning due to migration and the limited support in adjusting to a new learning environment often lead youth to disengage with the learning process. Aspirations for higher education are curbed because of the challenges involved in navigating a new system alongside experiences of racism and limited support to facilitate their learning. Another member corroborated this experience:

I started high school from Year 8 and it was a bit hard because I didn’t speak English back then and I think I was the only one, Tibetan, in that high school so it was hard because I didn’t speak English and I don’t have that many friends. It was hard for me and I didn’t went to uni, because I just don’t like study.

Group members attributed their inability to pursue higher education as their deficiency or lack of individual motivation for learning. However, from the multiple narratives, the impact of structural disadvantage on their learning and career pathways is evident. Further, due to the absence of cultural and linguistic diversity in Dee Why, the Tibetan community did not have access to Intensive English Centres. These structural disadvantages also impact their opportunities to make friends and extended social networks.

Workplace

A number of the Group members were working in retail businesses and some as assistants in dental or other professional practices. Customer services jobs often entrenched the youth’s experiences of racism. Like the experiences in school, experiences of racism made the youth angry. One member of the Group espoused:

Doesn’t matter what colour you are, just don’t judge. You never know what the other person have been through and when they hear the story, and they were like I feel sorry for you. Don’t feel sorry when you already judge someone. That’s going to like – if someone did that to me, I’m going to be like have so much anger – not good. You don’t want to make someone’s day just shitful, you know? You just want to be peaceful, nice, don’t have too much stress.

Youth reported being verbally abused by customers. There was no room for them to explain their position or lapse on their part in the service, if any. The Group members pointed out that there was a difference in the way a customer expressed aggression towards an ‘Australian’ as compared to them, Tibetan youth. One member said:

Yeah. I mean if it was like, for example, I work with Aussie people sometimes so they’re all – if they’re get abuse, they won’t go full on. It’s like they won’t use bad language, like a very bad language, where if they do it to me, they take advantage of my language and just start using against me, so yeah.

Experiences of racism at the workplace exacerbated during Covid-19. Tibetan youth were identified by customers as ‘Chinese’ and blamed them directly or indirectly for the occurrence of Covid-19 pandemic.

Everything comes from China, you know, social media, everything went from China. Some people just go boom, like went straight on the floor and they think us is bought the COVID and that. I mean it still happens, because I work in retail, and when I served some customers, they just stand there. I’m giving their money and they just back off a little, like … 

Focus group participants also expressed anguish about the treatment that their parents received at their workplace. Their limited knowledge of English often led them to perform labour that was not part of their contract. Often, they were not paid for overtime and were compelled to do extra work. Unawareness of the terms of their contract and inability to communicate their disagreement due to language barriers reduced their bargaining power to negotiate their conditions of work. One member said:

As he mentioned, they take advantage, because parents doesn’t know any English, they will say you – like you get a cleaning job and some other and oh, you have to clean these other things as well, but you don’t, because they don’t even know any English and then you just do it like – feels like they’re idiot, but you can’t do anything.

Exploitative labour and wage relationships have a trickle-down effect on other aspects of the everyday life of individuals, families, and communities. It impacts the individual’s sense of belonging in other socio-cultural spaces and choices that they make towards forging new relationships and social networks.

Public Places

Youth shared their experiences of public places and how racism negatively impacted their sense of self and belongingness in Australia. While racism in public places took various forms, such as verbal abuse or aggressive behaviour, it was the discreet forms of racism which impacted them the most. One said:

… like let’s say probably since I have a white girlfriend right and then you go out, let’s say I went to Chatswood right and then everyone’s going to look at my girlfriend, like what the hell is she doing in this restaurant because she’s white. I go to Aussie restaurant and then everyone’s going to be what the hell’s this little Asian kid doing in here, you know? The same thing with sports as well sometimes. You go play sport and then the white people judge you.

Racism in public places impacts the youth’s decisions for how they engage in sports or intimate relationships. The prevailing fear of judgement of their abilities makes them wary of engaging in public places. This disengagement has broader ramifications in terms of their sense of belonging in Australia.

Similar to their experience at workplaces, racism was exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic in public places. One member said:

I think we would – it's important to have a sense of community right now because of the virus, a lot of misinformation and racism. I've had experiences where a homeless white man would say some crazy stuff about Chinese people and say some virus stuff to me as I'm walking down the street.

Members were aware that some of them got better, with time, at dealing with experiences of racism and were concerned about those who had recently arrived. They were aware of the impact these experiences of feeling excluded has on their overall well-being and sense of connectedness in Australia.

Intercommunity Relationships and Social Connections

Experiences of racism in school, workplace and public spaces had a deep impact on the way Tibetan youth connected and communicated with people from other communities. There seemed to be a willingness but hesitation to trust people from other communities. One member of the focus group said:

I don’t really like making – because I don’t mind meeting new people, but I don’t like making some new friends because I like to keep my mates small and trustworthy. You know, making too much friends, never know what’s going to happen, backstab.

The participants shared that they did make friends from other communities while playing sport, but it was short lived. Sport was considered a good way to meet people from other communities and build a sense of confidence and belongingness in a new country. At times the hesitation to connect with people from other communities also came from a fear of not being able to understand and engage with difference. A member said:

Because I’ve met some other community people and then with them it’s sometimes really hard … because the way we are doing and the way they’re doing is totally different, so it’s like okay, sometimes hard … 

As is evident from the above narratives, the youth found it challenging to form friendships and social connections more broadly. This was addressed to an extent by the opportunities created by STARTTS for the youth from different communities to engage with each other such as youth camps that are organised throughout the year.

There are both institutional and collective ways in which the Tibetan youth tried to establish friendships and connections with other communities. There was, however, an underlying fear of being hurt and betrayed, which made them hesitant to engage fully in establishing trusting relationships. Adding to this were complexities in their home settings, with the necessity to assist their parents pave their way in a new society, as well as dealing with tensions between generational expectations.

Intergenerational Stresses: Our Parents have Different Views on Things and Family

Members of the Group shared their anxieties and challenges of adapting to their new environment in Australia while also dealing with those of their parents, which were often vastly different. Tibetan youth understood that the challenges experienced by their parents increased manifold times as many of them could not communicate in English. The youth did develop an understanding of English language as they progressed through school but for their parents the learning curve was steep and probably a slower one. One member said:

Yeah, when I first came here it’s like the problems, you speaking English and that, there’s similar words, then you’ll be like oh, which one should I use? You don’t understand, you know? Then for my parents, it’s hard with them. They say you get an application and that, so I don’t understand hard words because I was in public school, so my parents have to go look round for help and that. So that’s why we came to [CDO], so that’s why we get like help from [CDO] and she will help us, so she will translate all that stuff to us.

The youth supported their parents to fill out application forms and navigate other bureaucratic processes required for their family’s resettlement in Australia. However, the processes were daunting for them as well and they often took the CDO’s advice to understand legalese and technical terms used in forms. The youth were concerned that if they made even the slightest mistake it could affect their family’s access to support services.

The youth acknowledged the difficulties their parents may have in learning English and the shame they may experience about not knowing the English language. One member said:

So for me, it’s not too much because I’m still a kid. I still need to learn everything. For my parents that’s like – you know sometimes you’ll be shameful because you don’t understand English, because you’re adult you feel like you need to take the responsible for everything. That’s why it’s a like a bit shameful and that, but then [CDO] is like family to me. That’s why I say [CDO] is like my second mother, yeah, so whenever I need help with something or if I don’t want to discuss with my parents a bit, I’ll come here to discuss with [CDO], because it helps out.

Some members indicated that due to the pressures of learning a new language, their parents often wanted to go back to India. The youth acknowledged the anxieties and stressors around not knowing a language and the impact it has on their parents’ sense of belongingness in Australia. One member said:

Even us too, like for me when I come to Australia is really hard, even I can speak English but sometimes we do some and whatever, just like it’s really hard eh. It’s like okay, so of course the other person, they don’t speak English is really hard for them, so they feel stressful and anxiety and everything, oh okay, I want to go back to India, I don’t want to stay here anymore.

The older generation’s sense of dissociation and disengagement from the broader community in Australia, created dissonance in the relationship between the youth and their parents.

Mm, because older generation all … most of them, they just go to experience, not like we do. We learn and everything, but they solely base on experience, like if we feel something they’re like oh, you shouldn’t do this, I have experience, you should do that. But you know the knowledge like oh, I should do this, but not the experience. Sometimes they might be right, because they have the experience. Sometimes – yeah.

The youth made concerted efforts to adapt to their unfamiliar environment and acquire proficiency in the English language. They embraced new behaviours and adjusted as necessary. Their parents’ disengagement from the broader Australian community made it difficult for the youth to communicate their experiences to their parents. The parents frequently disapproved of the youth embracing new cultural norms in Australia, perceiving such as threatening to the Tibetan tradition and culture. Parents often invoked respect for elders, citing their experience, when they sought compliance from the youth. The youth, on the other hand, found it frustrating to constantly justify their actions or behaviour to their parents, yet they also empathised with their struggles. One member said:

We just want to live peaceful, like older generation, don’t want to make it too much stress for them because we already – older generation already been through enough through the China and Tibet … 

Experiences of cultural transition of the Tibetan youth and their parents resonate with experiences of refugee communities from diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds. Despite the barriers identified by the young people, the STARTTS service was able to fill the gap through a place of welcome, consistent support and a community development approach.

Perceptions of Safety: It’s a Safe Place to Gather

According to the Tibetan youth, the Tibetan CD officer played a seminal role in the lives of the members of the Group. They referred to her as their ‘second mother’ or ‘mother from previous life’ and expressed gratitude for the support that she extended towards them. The CDO played multiple roles in their journeys of resettlement in Australia, such as providing relevant information about services and programs, facilitating access to services and programs, addressing the dissonance youth felt with their family members, providing support for parents of youth, providing information for education and employment pathways. One of the members said:

Oh, especially when we kind of, like me, I was finishing my Year 12 in 2017, didn’t know what to do after that. [CDO] was inviting a lot of speakers for us, from police, from universities and everything. That shows us really good way to choose our careers.

The CD officer also provided psychosocial support for the youth. The members of the Group felt comfortable speaking with her about ‘anything’ and found her response to be incredibly beneficial. She also created several opportunities for them to interact with each other and other community groups. One of the members shared that the CD officer would visit their school to discuss their progress with the teachers. Her support during Covid-19 was particularly important for the youth to enable them to sift through the misinformation on social media platforms and access reliable information on vaccines. The nature of support provided by the CD officer enabled them to trust her and share their problems with her. One of the members said:

Overall I'd say, Tibetans are pretty behind on that, but in a Western country I feel like we're pretty quick to adapt since all of us are pretty young, ideas of acceptance. I would say, [CDO] is a pretty strong female figure, so be hard to [laughs] talk back, she's kind of Tigerlily

Through the Group, the CDO is also connected with the parents and the broader Tibetan community. By working with the youth, she is also reaching out to others and supporting them – this approach is aligned with the community development approach central to STARTTS’ framework and theoretical underpinnings of their work.

Focus group participants recounted that the Group felt ‘like a second home’ to the members. The office space where they meet regularly gives them a sense of comfort and belonging. The Group plays a number of functions for them such as an avenue for stress release, mental health support, access to activities. Most importantly, it was a space where they felt they could trust other people. One member said:

Sometimes you don’t want to tell someone, but you feel like you are saying it to someone, so you can like – I guess who you trust and that, so me being part of this group, trustworthy, I guess me it’s important to me. If I can’t trust someone that’s not good and let’s say I’m going out with my mates, I have a drink and that and then someone’s driving, I’m like if I don’t trust him … I feel unsafe, so trusting, you know … 

The youth mentioned that they found it difficult to trust people. This deepened their sense of isolation and alienation from the broader community in Australia. The Group played an important role in building that sense of trust at least with other members of their own community. The youth found it easier to express their emotions while speaking in Tibetan language. Familiarity did provide an important context for this sense of trust, but the youth were not opposed to the idea of connecting with members from other communities. They, however, do need a stronger reassurance to be able to trust people. One member said:

I would just say, visually because Tibetans have a very distinct look and skin colour. So you're just used to – it might not be like something to Western people where they mistake Tibetans for Chinese people. But we specifically know what Tibetans look like because they look very distinct to us. So when we are around the Tibetan community you just look and kind of, wow, to see that many Tibetans in a foreign country. Especially when the whole group is out. It's like 40 people or 50 people, like sports tournaments.

The member further added:

Oh, yeah, I would just like, I feel like it's a visual thing, you know? Because when you're in Australia as a Tibetan people would confuse you for Chinese people, who would confuse you for a lot of other faces, because there's not many Tibetans around the world. When you're actually around Tibetans it kind of feels like a culture. Because even as most of us are from India, even we're outsiders there. We’re kind of zero-point-one per cent of the population. So when we're in another second layer of Western country, where we’re even less of a community, it's nice to have a community.

The youth require assurance and protection from the constant threat of racial profiling and the Group provided them the same. Members said that the Group felt like a place for ‘stress release’, where they could share any of their experiences, share food and participate in fun activities. Some members said that they would be struggling if they were not in this Group. Membership in the Group made them feel ‘like a part of something’, ‘standing up for each other’ and ‘consider each other as siblings within a larger community’. The Group gave them a sense of collective power.

The youth navigated the challenges with the support of the CDO and other group members. They spoke about their hopes, dreams and aspirations for achievements in sports, education and employment. They were aware that there were barriers, but they were also confident of being able to override them. One member said:

It’s like it gets hard and then it gets easier, but it’s life so either way you’ve just got to go hard, chase your dreams.

The youth had hopes for a free Tibet so that they could go back to their ‘first’ home. For some members of the Group, in terms of priority, Tibet was the first home, India was their second home and Australia was their third home. ‘Peace’, ‘family’, ‘parents’ and ‘happy place’ were some words that the youth referred to when asked what the word ‘home’ means to them.

Discussion and Conclusion

Through an analysis of Tibetan youth’s narratives, this article has outlined how they navigate their position in Australian society, revealing their multi-layered experiences. Although many of the experiences are common to young people as first and second-generation refugees, the socio-political situation in their homeland, Tibet, presents a unique perspective on experiences of migration, including from India, and how cultural factors impacted their sense of belonging in societal institutions in Australia.

Within this narrative, the participants spoke specifically about their experiences in schools, workplaces and the wider community, which made them acutely aware of racism and discrimination. Always present were intergenerational factors that impacted on their sense of identity and belonging. As noted in the literature review, racism and discrimination is common to young migrants in Australia, with research revealing commonalities and distinctiveness for Tibetan youth.

Although the narratives of the Tibetan youth largely revolved around adaption and integration in Australian society, especially in the context of racism, the youth were committed to causes of social justice. Their exposure to the narrative of return and restoration from intergenerational narratives about Tibet shaped their identities and sense of belonging, as well as their understanding of movements to free Tibet. The youth were caught in the conundrum to preserve their social and cultural identity and to sustain their loyalty towards Tibetan nationalism in a non-Tibetan context. This also contributed to their experience of isolation in Australia. This presents a unique perspective to the existing literature on refugee youth, revealing a multi-faceted approach to meaning-making about inclusion in the host society, while advocating for their homeland.

Our research adopted an inductive approach to not only identify themes but also look to ways of overcoming structural barriers so that the dual notion of place – homeland and adopted home – can be integrated into the ways in which young Tibetan youth find their way in Australia. The approach of STARTTS is a starting point, as this organisation was astute in identifying needs of this refugee community to provide practical and emotional supports that contribute to societal inclusion. The young people expressed the positive impact that responsive organisations can make to their lives.

We conclude nonetheless by arguing that not-for-profit organisations, although in a position where they can advocate for systemic change, cannot fully influence the structural impediments that face this and other communities with whom they work. Undoing the harms of structural barriers needs a concerted collective response from Australian society. This is particularly the case with racism and discrimination and the consequences that then arose in settings that are essential for wellbeing, belonging and acceptance. Although Australia purports to be a multicultural nation, reflected in demographic composition, work is required by policy makers to overcome barriers. Through the voices of Tibetan youth presented in this article, we hope that our research can influence overcoming ongoing structural barriers toward inclusiveness, particularly those posed by racism. The narratives reveal an underlying fear of being hurt and betrayed that is antithetical to relationship-building. For social inclusion to be meaningful, the holders of power in Australian society must recognise the aspirations of Tibetan youth and discard stereotypes of how they are perceived and judged.

Ethics statement

This article is part of a research titled ‘Networking and Social Relations among CALD Refugees in New South Wales’, which was approved by the Western Sydney University Human Research Ethics Committee (approval number: H14182)

Acknowledgements

We thank Hamed Turay (Community Development Team Leader, STARTTS) for his support for this research. This research would not have been possible without the advice and consistent engagement of Jasmina Bajraktarevic-Hayward (Community Services Coordinator, STARTTS) throughout the process. We extend our gratitude to the Tibetan youth for sharing their experiences and for reviewing the article before its publication.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Detailed demographic details have not been discussed to protect the identity of the members of the group, considering it is a small community in Sydney.

2 Technical and Further Education that is a vocational education provider.