Trial by Development: Senian “Concurrence” in the New Asian Developmentalism^*

Abstract

Building on the development theory of Amartya Sen, this study takes the Asian Crisis as a window on the politics of globalization. It follows from Sen's axiom of “development as freedom” that just and sustainable development is best achieved where economic and political priorities are pursued simultaneously. This is the foundation for the “concurrence” model that I adopt in the light of three test cases: the Philippines, Indonesia, and Korea. Sen's model provides what amounts to an Asian Third Way, circumventing the East/West schism that the Crash exposed and exacerbated: made-in-Singapore “Asian values” vs. made-in-America globalization. The new Asian developmentalism is torn between the distinctly Asian antipodes of Senism and Sino-capitalism, which is to say development with or without freedom. The outcome of this trial-by-development will define the meaning of globalization for decades to come.

Notes

Lucian W. Pye, “‘Asian Values’: from Dynamos to Dominoes?” in Lawrence Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington (eds), Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress (New York: Basic Books, 2000), pp. 248–249.

Nor can this cultural import be considered the best the West has to offer. Rim countries took Western economism without its liberal baggage. Today neo-liberalism also drops much of that baggage, even in the West. John Gray contrasts the altruistic liberalism of John Stuart Mill with the rank narcissism that pervades today's consumer culture. Mark Garnett takes this latter-day liberalism to be unsustainable—hence the title of his book: The Snake that Swallowed its Tail: Some Contradictions in Modern Liberalism (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004). See John Gray's review of Garnett's book in the New Statesman, November 15, 2004, available online at: < http://www.newstatesman.com/200411150041>.

Amartya Sen's conception of “development as freedom” denies both major tenets of the Lee thesis: a) that political liberty and civil rights are uniquely Western values, and b) that withholding these rights helps to stimulate and stabilize the Asian growth economy. See Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999), p. 15.

President Hugo Chávez Frias of Venezuela charges that Latin American nations are now so tightly under the grip of the IMF, the World Bank, and multinational corporations that they have lost whatever autonomy they once had. In his opinion, therefore, these countries can no longer be considered democracies. See “President Hugo Chavez Frias says there are no Real Democracies in Latin America,” VHeadline.com, December 6, 2004, available online at: < http://www.vheadline.com/printer_news.asp?id = 23865>.

See Amartya Sen, “Freedom as Progress,” interviewed by Laura Wallace, Finance and Development, September 2004, p. 7. In all fairness, however, it should be noted that Sen has never been a neo-liberal globalist. In a 1982 review of P. T. Bauer's assault on economic equality, Sen ardently defended egalitarianism on both ethical and instrumental grounds. This review well reflects his position to this day. See Sen, “Just Deserts,” a review of P. T. Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, available online at: < http://www.finance.commerce.ubc.ca/ ∼ bhatta/BookReview/sen_on_bauer. html>.

It should be noted that the term “globalist” is here used with reference to an ideological apotheosis of the market. The term does not apply to any and all advocates of globalization. Sen strongly favors globalization, yet stresses that “the market is just one institution among many. It needs to be accompanied by democracy, a free press, and social opportunities ….” See Amartya Sen, “Freedom as Progress,” interviewed by Laura Wallace, Finance and Development, September 2004, p. 7. In all fairness, however, it should be noted that Sen has never been a neo-liberal globalist. In a 1982 review of P. T. Bauer's assault on economic equality, Sen ardently defended egalitarianism on both ethical and instrumental grounds. This review well reflects his position to this day. See Sen, “Just Deserts,” a review of P. T. Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion, available online at: < http://www.finance.commerce.ubc.ca/ ∼ bhatta/BookReview/sen_on_bauer. html>, “Freedom as Progress,” p. 6.

The “Asian values” model works on the official assumption that political advances will follow naturally from economic ones, but also on the unofficial assumption that authoritarianism holds a signal advantage for development. At most this is a short-term advantage, and there is much evidence that even that benefit is largely a myth. Historical data suggest that democracies grow just as fast and are far better at avoiding catastrophes and promoting a broad range of well-being. The Soviet Union, for example, did at one point achieve a high rate of growth, but not the kind of general well-being that Senism fosters. See Joseph T. Siegle, Michael M. Weinstein and Morton H. Halperin, “Why Democracies Excel,” Foreign Affairs, 83:5 (September/October 2004), p. 58; and Charles Kenny, “Do We Know How to Develop?” The Globalist, January 25, 2005, available online at: < http://www.theglobalist.com/DBWeb/printStoryId.aspx? StoryId = 4331>.

This shift toward militarized globalization helps to explain the decline in mass protest against global financial institutions. The global justice movement targets US military interventions in support of armed globalization. See James H. Mittelman, “Where Have All the Protesters Gone?” Yale Global, October 4, 2004, available online at: < http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/article-print?id = 4637>.

Siegle, Weinstein and Halperin, op. cit., p. 67.

Siegle, Weinstein and Halperin, op. cit., p. 67, p. 69.

It is arguable that the “Asian values” school of Rim economism is not Asian in any traditional sense, and indeed is imported from the West. My case for a post-material Asian model is available in Songok Han Thornton, “Postmaterial Development: The Search for a New Asian Model,” Development and Society 33:1 (June 2004), pp. 25–38.

“Food for Thought,” The Guardian, March 31, 2001, available online at: < http://www.guardian.co.uk/saturday_ review/story/ 0,3605,465796,00.html>.

Robert Skidelsky, “The World on a String,” The New York Review of Books, March 8, 2001, p. 10.

Ibrahim Warde, “Crony Capitalism: LTCM, A Hedge Fund Above Suspicion,” Le Monde diplomatique, November 5, 1998, available online at: < http://mondepilo.com/1998/11/05warde2>.

As Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman point out, this double standard persists in the Bush administration's habit of lecturing Asians on the evils of cronyism while taking the art of corporate politics further than any Western administration, especially in the area of foreign policy. See Jane Hardy, “The State of the Union,” International Socialism Journal, Issue 102 (Spring 2004), available online at: < http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj102/ hardy.htm>.

Kevin Dowd, “Too Big to Fail?: Long-Term Capital Management and the Federal Reserve,” Cato Institute Briefing Papers, No. 52 (September 23, 1999), p. 11.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 184.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 184, p. 185.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 184, p. 186.

Akash Kapur, “Humane Development: An Interview with Amartya Sen,” The Atlantic Monthly, December 15, 1999, available online at: < http://theatlantic.com/unbound/interviews/ba991215.html>.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 10.

Likewise he is at odds with the relativity that attends post-structural strains of postmodernism. This has saturated most post-development theory, which is therefore so politically inert as to pose no threat whatsoever to extant power structures. Senism is potentially much more oppositional. Regarding post-developmentalism and its critics, see Arturo Escobar, “‘Past,’ ‘Post,’ and ‘Future,’” Development 43:4 (2000), pp. 11–14.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 3.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., p. 3, pp. xii and 11.

Sen, Development as Freedom, op. cit., pp. 149–150. The opposite case is Zimbabwe, which lost its ability to avoid disasters such as famines when it ceased to be a functioning democracy. See Amartya Sen, “Why Half the Planet is Hungry,” The Observer, June 16, 2002, available online at: < http://www.observer.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4434647,00. html>.

Sen, op. cit., pp. 149–150. The opposite case is Zimbabwe, which lost its ability to avoid disasters such as famines when it ceased to be a functioning democracy. See Amartya Sen, “Why Half the Planet is Hungry,” The Observer, June 16, 2002, available online at: < http://www.observer.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4434647,00. html>, Development as Freedom, p. 151.

Akash Kapur, “A Third Way for the Third World,” The Atlantic Monthly, December 1999, available online at: < http:// theatlantic.com/issues/99dec/9912kapur.html>.

Akash Kapur, “A Third Way for the Third World,” The Atlantic Monthly, December 1999, available online at: < http:// theatlantic.com/issues/99dec/9912kapur.html>. Harvard's Dani Rodrik has argued that the economic growth record of authoritarian regimes tends to be either very good or very bad, whereas that of democracies usually occupies the middle ground. But, from a Senian vantage, it is arguable that in the longer run almost all authoritarian governments are low achievers, especially where broader developmental objectives are considered. On Rodrik's position, see Jeff Madrick, “Democracy Has the Edge When it Comes to Advancing Growth,” The New York Times, April 13, 2000, available online at: < http://www.nytimes.com/library/financial/columns/041300econ-scene.html>.

Amartya Sen, “Globalization Sans Social Welfare is Counter-productive: Amartya Sen,” Times of India, October 16, 1998, available online at: < http://www.nd.edu/∼kmukhopa/cal300/sen/art/1015a.htm>.

“Amartya Sen: First Asian to win Nobel Prize in Economics for 1998,” Defense Journal (February/ March 1999), available online at: < http://www.defencejournal.com/global/feb-mar99/amartyasen.htm>.

John M. Alexander, “Capabilities, Human Rights and Moral Pluralism,” originally presented at the International Seminar Development, Law and Social Justice at the Institute of Social Studies, the Hague, the Netherlands, June 2002, and later published in The International Journal of Human Rights 8:3 (2004).

John M. Alexander, “Capabilities, Human Rights and Moral Pluralism,” originally presented at the International Seminar Development, Law and Social Justice at the Institute of Social Studies, the Hague, the Netherlands, June 2002, and later published in The International Journal of Human Rights 8:3 (2004)

Amartya Sen, “A Plan for Asia's Growth: Build on Much That is Good in the ‘Eastern Strategy,’” Asiaweek, October 8, 1999, p. 62.

Amartya Sen, “A Plan for Asia's Growth: Build on Much That is Good in the ‘Eastern Strategy,’” Asiaweek, October 8, 1999, p. 62

Amartya Sen quoted in “Food for Thought,” op. cit.

Richard N. Cooper, “The Road from Serfdom: Amartya Sen Argues that Growth is Not Enough,” Foreign Affairs 79:1 (January/February 2000), p. 167.

Madrick, op. cit.

Amartya Sen, “Democracy as a Universal Value,” Journal of Democracy 10:3 (1999), available online at: < http://muse.jhu.edu/demo/jod/10.3sen.thml>.

To accomplish this it was only necessary for Sen to point out that people in poorer countries often enjoy better life quality than those in richer ones. See Amitai Etzioni, “The Post Affluent Society,” Review of Social Economy 62:3 (September 2004), p. 413.

Sen's capabilities approach can be described as “distributive sensitive,” as opposed to the “distributive insensitive” income approach of standard GNP-ism. See Bertil Tungodden, “A Balanced View of Development as Freedom,” CMI Working Papers, from Chr. Michelsen Institute, Bergen, Norway, No. 14 (2001), p. 5.

Arjun Makhijani, From Global Capitalism to Economic Justice: An Inquiry into the Elimination of Systemic Poverty, Violence and Environmental Destruction in the World Economy (New York: The Apex Press, 1992), p. 132.

China's similar average of 71 masks profound differences in more subtle health matters, such as women's access to medical care. China's ratio of women to men is only .94, just above the Indian average of .93; but Kerala's ratio is 1.06, reflecting women's survival advantages in this poor but highly progressive state. See Amartya Sen, “Passage to China,” The New York Review of Books, December 2, 2004, available online at: < http://www.nybooks.com/articles/17608>. It should also be noted that in 1979, when Deng launched his economic reforms, China had a substantial lead over India in terms of longevity, with China at 61 and India at 54. While the Chinese government matched economic reform with a reduction in public health services, democratic pressure compelled India to increase its services. Accordingly, the longevity gap between the two countries dropped to seven years. The state of Kerala, however, surpassed China in the same two decades. See Amartya Sen, “Why Democratization is Not the Same as Westernization: Democracy and its Global Roots,” The New Republic, October 6, 2003, available online at: < http://cscs.umich.edu/ ∼ crshalizi/sloth/2003-09-29a.html>.

Akash Kapur, “Poor but Prosperous,” The Atlantic Monthly, September 1998, available online at: < http://thealtantic.com/ issues/98sep/kerala.htm>.

Binu Mathew, “In Memory of Kerala,” Open Democracy, February 4, 2003, available online at: < http://www.opendemocracy.net>.

See Govindan Parayil and T. T. Sreekumar, “Kerala's Experience of Development and Change,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 33:4 (2003), p. 470.

Joseph Tharmangalam, “The Perils of Social Development with Economic Growth: The Development Debacle of Kerala, India,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 30:1 (1998), available online at: < http://csf.olorado. edu/bcas/kerala/kerther1.htm>.

Kapur, “Poor but Prosperous,” op. cit.

Tharmangalam, op. cit.

Due to India's trade liberalization and declining prices in the international markets in 2000–2001, 5.5 million farmers lost $1.5 billion. See Parayil and Sreekumar, op. cit., p. 479.

Daniel W. Drezner, “Seventies Chic,” The New Republic, December 10, 2003, available online at: < http://www.tnr.com/doc.mhtml?I = scholar&s = drezner121003>.

“The Unkept Promise of 2003,” The International Herald Tribune, December 31, 2003, available online at: < http://www. iht.com>.

Daniel Brook, “How Sweden Tweaked the Washington Consensus,” Dissent (Fall 2004), available online at: < http://www.dissentmagazine.org/menutest/articles/fa04/brook.htm>.

The “Danish lesson” has been that an effective growth economy does not require that the welfare state be dismantled. See Jacob Kirkegaard, “A Danish Lesson for Germany,” The Globalist, January 26, 2005, available online at: < http://www.theglobalist.com>.

Brook, op. cit.

As such it is the embodiment of what has been called the post-Keynesian approach to post-industrial development. On the contrast between post-Keynesianism and neo-liberalism, see Thomas I. Palley, “Economic Theories Change But Still Fail to Recognize Natural Resources,” The Progress Report, originally from Foreign Policy in Focus (May 2004), available online at: < http://www.progress.org/2004/fpif49.htm>.

Nachammai Raman, “How Almost Everyone in Kerala Learned to Read,” The Christian Science Monitor, May 17, 2005, available online at: < http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0517/p12s01-legn.htm>. Kerala's commitment to general education has produced unexpected benefits, especially for women. Despite China's one-child policy, Kerala has reduced its fertility rate more than China. See Ian Hacking, “In Pursuit of Fairness,” September 19, 1996, a review of Amartya Sen, Inequality Reexamined, available online at: < http://www.finance.commerce.ubc.ca/∼bhatta/BookReview/ian_hacking_on_sen∼s_inequality_reexamined.html>.

James North, “Sen's Sensibility,” The Nation, December 6, 1999, available online at: < http://www.thenation.com/issue/991206/1206north.shtml>.

Kapur, “A Third Way,” op. cit. By 2004 Sen was trying to salvage his reputation in the environmental sphere by allying himself with the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment report of 2003, Ecosystem and Human Wellbeing. See Amartya Sen, “Why We Should Preserve the Spotted Owl,” The London Review of Books, February 5, 2004, available online at: < http://www.lrb.co.uk/v26/n03/print/sen_01_html>.

Vandana Shiva, “The Real Reasons for Hunger,” The Observer, June 23, 2002, available online at: < http://www.observer.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4446511,00.html>.

Ben Fine points out that the nexus between ethics and economics, especially in the sphere of development, “has been dominated by Amartya Sen, almost to the extent of being a one-man show with supporting acts.” See Ben Fine, “Economics and Ethics: Amartya Sen as Point of Departure,” The New School Economic Review 1:1 (Fall 2004), p. 153.

In this sense, as Gertrude Himmelfarb argues, Smith epitomized the British Enlightenment's union of virtue and reason, or in his case moral philosophy and political economy. See her revisionist study of three enlightenments: The Roads to Modernity: The British, French, and American Enlightenments (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004).

Sen frames this ethical inadequacy in terms of a critique of Rawlsian justice as it relates to transnational issues. He lays out this global dilemma as a no man's land between the national particularism of Rawls's initial original position and a more Kantian grand universalism which has no teeth. But Sen's attempt to posit a Third Way beyond those failed paradigms is too mellow and institutionally accommodating to pack much punch. Escobar is right in this regard: before one can construct, one must deconstruct. See Escobar, “‘Past,’ ‘Post,’ and ‘Future,’” op. cit.; and Amartya Sen, “Global Justice Beyond International Equity,” in Inge Kaul, Isabelle Grunberg and Marc A. Stern (eds), Global Public Goods: International Cooperation in the 21^st Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 118–119.

Gerald Cohen, for example, charges both Sen and Rawls with taking the freedom mantra so far as to neglect the food-first imperative. See Christine M. Korsgarrd, “G. A. Cohen: Equality of What? On Welfare, Goods and Capabilities,” in Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen (eds), The Quality of Life (Oxford: The United Nations University and Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 60.

Carl Boggs, The End of Politics: Corporated Power and the Decline of the Public Sphere (New York: The Guilford Press, 2000), especially chapter 3.

See Nathan J. Heller, “Sen Sets Sights on World Poverty,” The Harvard Crimson, June 9, 2004, available online at: < http://www.thecrimson.com/printerfriendly.aspx?ref = 502794>.

Fine, op. cit., p. 153.

Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).

Raff Carmen, Autonomous Development, Humanizing the Landscape: An Excursion into Radical Thinking and Practice (London: Zed Books, 1996), p. 33.

Though Sen denies having shifted his stance on the market, Meghnad Desai describes Sen's prior position as close to the Nehru line. See “Food for Thought,” op. cit.

Carmen, op. cit., p. 34.

Eduardo Galeano, Upside Down: A Primer for the Looking-Glass World, translated by Mark Fried (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2000), p. 28.

Carmen, op. cit., p. 76.

Escobar, Encountering Development, op. cit., p p. 54, 62.

Escobar, “‘Past,’ ‘Post,’ and ‘Future,’” op. cit.; and John Gray, Enlightenment's Wake: Politics and Culture at the Close of the Modern Age (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 101.

Gray, op. cit., p. 102.

See James Petras, “The Third Way: Myth and Reality,” Monthly Review, March 2000, available online at: < http://www.monthlyreview.org/300petras.htm>.

Alasdair Bowie and Danny Unger, The Politics of Open Economies: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 100.

W. Scott Thompson, The Philippines in Crisis: Development and Security in the Aquino Era, 1986–92 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992), pp. 52–53.

Gerald Clark, The Politics of NGOs in South-East Asia: Participation and Protest in the Philippines (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 82.

Andrew MacIntyre, “Political Institutions and the Economic Crisis in Thailand and Indonesia,” in T. J. Pemple (ed.), The Politics of the Asian Financial Crisis (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), p. 144.

Adam Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia's Search for Stability (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2000), p. 78.

Abigail Abrash, “Indonesia After Suharto,” Foreign Policy 3:34 (November 1998), available online at: < http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/briefs/vol13/v3n34ind_body.html>; and also see Schwarz, op. cit., p. 316.

Brian Bremner, Michael Shari, Bruce Einhorn, Moon Ihlwan, Mike McNamee and Kerr Capell, “Rescuing Asia,” Business Week, November 17, 1997, available online at: < http://www.businessweek.com/1997/46/b3553001.htm>.

Seth Mydans, “In Indonesia Once Tolerant Islam Grows Rigid,” The New York Times, December 29, 2001, available online at: < http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/29/international/asia/29INDO.htm>.

For my more detailed analysis of Indonesian political development from this Senian vantage, see Songok Han Thornton, “The Techno-Politics of the Indonesian Crisis: An Opportunity Lost,” Dissident Voice, March 1, 2005, available online at: < http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Mar05/Thornton0301.htm>.

James Cotton, “Introduction,” in James Cotton (ed.), Politics and Policy in the New Korean State: From Roh Tae-Woo to Kim Young-Sam (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), pp. 1–2.

Donald Stone Macdonald, The Koreans: Contemporary Politics and Society, edited and revised by Donald N. Clark, 3rd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), p. 126.

“Declaration of Present Situation in Korea,” Civil Society 35:45 (October–December 2001), provided by CCEJ News (Citizen's Coalition for Economic Justice), available online at: < http://www.domos.or.kr/eng/ngos.html>.

See “WSSD [World Summit on Sustainable Development] Stand for the ‘World Summit on $hameful Deals’?” The Green Korea Report, October 28, 2002, available online at: < http://www.greenkorea.org/English/gkreport/gkreport11.htm>.

The Japanese system, by contrast, had depended upon the less statist mechanism of MITI to accomplish this function. Concerning MITI, see Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925–1975 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1982); Concerning the Korean Blue House, see Gregory Henderson, Korea: The Politics of the Vortex (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968).

For my more detailed analysis of Korean political development, see Songok Han Thornton, “The ‘Miracle’ Revisited: The De-radicalization of Korean Political Culture,” New Political Science 27:2 (June 2005), pp. 161–176.

Walden Bello, “The Economics of Empire,” Labor Forum: A Journal of Ideas, Analysis and Debate (Fall 2003), available online at: < http://qcpages.qc.edu/newlaborform/html/12_3article9.html>.

Walden Bello, “The Economics of Empire,” Labor Forum: A Journal of Ideas, Analysis and Debate (Fall 2003), available online at: < http://qcpages.qc.edu/newlaborform/html/12_3article9.html>

William H. Thornton, Fire on the Rim: The Cultural Dynamics of East/West Power Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), p. 17.

Hyuk-Rae Kim, “Dilemmas in the Making of Civil Society in Korean Political Reform,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 34:1 (2004), p. 59.

A similar pattern of “reform” is presently being instituted by Malaysia's new prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, whose technocratic advisors are “cleaning up” public administration in Malaysia while leaving the basic structure of Mahathir Mohamad's government in place. See “Not Yet Out of Mahathir's Shadow,” The Economist, January 29, 2004, available online at: < http://economist.com/world/asia/PrinterFriendly.cfm?Story_ ID = 2388472>.

Paul Krugman, Pop Internationalism (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1996), p. 184.

David McNally, “Globalization on Trial: Crisis and Struggle in East Asia,” Monthly Review, September 1998, available online at: < http://www.findarticles.com/cf_dls/m1132/n4_v50/21186772/print.jhtml>.

Ho-Chul Sonn, “Conceptual Issues and Peculiarities of Korean Democracy,” Korea Focus 12:1 (January/February 2004), p. 68.

Ho-Chul Sonn, “Conceptual Issues and Peculiarities of Korean Democracy,” Korea Focus 12:1 (January/February 2004), p. 68

Sen, “Why We Should Preserve the Spotted Owl,” op. cit.

Concerning the democratic limits of election procedures, see Amartya Sen, “Why Democratization is Not the Same as Westernization”, op. cit.

William K. Tabb, “After Neoliberalism?” Monthly Review, June 2003, available online at: < http://www.findarticles.com/cf_o/m1132/2_55/103383506/print.jhtml>. Likewise Robert Dahl lays stress on the process of collective decision-making. See Robert A. Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989).

Sen, “Why We Should Preserve the Spotted Owl,” op. cit.

Jed Rubenfeld, “The Two World Orders,” The Wilson Quarterly (Autumn 2003), available online at: < http://wwics.si.edu/index.cfm?fuseaction = wq.essay&essay_id = 56056>.

Kenneth Roth, “The Law of War in the War on Terror,” Foreign Affairs 83:1 (January/February 2004), p. 2.

See Tabb, op. cit.

This broader concept of development was harbingered by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1976, where the focus was on material needs such as food, shelter, and health care as well as education and other non-material rights. See Frances Stewart, North-South and South-South: Essays on International Economics (Hampshire: Macmillan, 1992), p. 37.

European Commission, The Future of North-South Relations: Towards Sustainable Economic and Social Development (London: Kogan Page, 1998), p. 38.

Democratic proceduralism is the prime ingredient of what the conservative libertarian Justin Raimondo calls “fascism with a democratic face” (with reference to Susan Sontag's view of the former Soviet system as “fascism with a human face”). See “Today's Conservatives are Fascists: Torture, Dictatorship, Phony ‘Elections,’ and Endless War—it's Fascism with a ‘Democratic’ Face,” ANTIWAR.com, January 3, 2005, available online at: < http://antiwar.com/justin/?articleid = 4245>.

Raymond Bonner, “Battle Against Indonesian Press Moves into the Country's Courts,” The New York Times, February 1, 2004, available online at: < http://www.nytimes.com/2004/02/01/international/asia/01INDO.html>.

Kim Dae Jung, “A Response to Lee Kuan Yew: Is Culture Destiny? The Myth of Asia's Anti-Democratic Values,” Foreign Affairs 73:6 (November/December 1994), available online at: < http://www.idep.org/conference/program/participants/Kim_Dae-jung/culture.htm>.

See, for example, Sen's essay, “Human Rights and Asian Values: What Lee Kuan Yew and Le Peng Don't Understand About Asia,” The New Republic 217:2–3 (July 14, 1997), archived online at: < http://www.brainsnchips.org/hr/sen.thm>; and < http://www.sintercom.org/polinfo/polessays/sen.html>

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Notes on contributors

Songok Han Thornton

*An earlier version of this paper was presented under the title, “Globalization on Trial: The Search for a New Asian Developmentalism,” at the Fifth International Conference of Crossroads in Cultural Studies at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, IL, June 25–28, 2004.