A Decade After Guatemala's Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Mayan-Tz’utujil Women's Views on Health, Healing, and Disease

Abstract

Mayan women have been called “guardians of life and ancestral culture.” As such, one of their main responsibilities is the health of those in their care. Mothers are the ones who, as soon as a child, husband, or older relative falls sick, assess the symptoms and decide how to proceed. Although Mayan-Tz’utujil healing practices have been the subject of study on numerous occasions, the literature lacks women's views on health, healing, and disease. In this study I present those views within the framework of postcolonial studies, reflecting on the changes in Guatemala's national health policy.

Notes

1. The postcolonial concepts expressed in this essay are taken from Homi Bhabha's (2008) The Location of Culture. New York, Routledge: I am indebted to Electra Fielding for sharing her knowledge on this topic with me.

2. A nondeclared civil war that lasted from 1960 to 1996 caused over 100,000 deaths (the majority Mayan) and 10 times that number of refugees. The Peace Accord between the government of Guatemala and the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG) was signed on December 29, 1996.

3. Tz’utujil is one of 21 Mayan languages spoken in Guatemala, and it is considered part of the cultural heritage of the nation.

4. Not everyone wrote in such terms about this historical event. Camey Barrios (2010) mentions that some people vehemently opposed it, qualifying traditional healing as archaic and fearing that medical doctors would be replaced by Mayan healers in hospitals and clinics.

5. In Spanish in the original. Translation done be the author of this article.

6. The exception was the husband of the woman who runs the language school. He takes care of the garden and upkeep of their property.

7. Through its Oficina Nacional de la Mujer (ONAM), the government has created several programs to improve girls’ education (Secretaría Presidencial de la Mujer de Guatemala, n.d.) such as “A New World for the Girl,” “Bilingual Education,” “Scholarships for Indigenous Girls from the Rural Area,” and the campaign “Educated Girl, Mother of Development.” Although some of these programs have shown positive results (specifically in the number of girls enrolling in elementary school), Spross de Rivera points out that parental perceptions on the lack of need for girls to be educated remains a strong impediment to female education (2010).

8. The term “evil eye” is not favored in this essay because it usually refers to an intentional disease or evil caused to the victim by someone who wishes him/her ill will. “Mal de ojo” in Mayan culture is mostly unintentional.

9. In Spanish in the original. Translation done by the author of this essay.

10. Hurtado and Saénz de Tejada (2001) give additional reasons why women in Guatemala (not just in San Pedro La Laguna) do not feel comfortable getting their care from a gynecologist. These include the type of exams performed, their shame because they cannot speak Spanish, disregard for their traditional clothing, rumors of sexual abuse, and rumors of forced sterilization, abortions, and contraception.