https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6275-7004
Abstract
Objective
To understand university students’ experiences with sex trading for financial compensation at a large public, Midwestern university.
Participants
34 university students (26.5% graduate, 70% white, 70% cisgender women, 38% heterosexual).
Method
We used a community-engaged, directed content analytic approach to analyze semi-structured, in-depth interviews with st udents who were familiar with sex trading.
Results
Students perceive sex trading to include (1) selling personal items or fluids for another’s sexual pleasure, (2) virtual sex trades, and (3) in-person sex trades. Students were motivated by financial needs and wants, work flexibility and conditions, curiosity and empowerment. Consequences were positive (e.g., supporting themselves, community) and negative (e.g., blackmail, detrimental health effects). While negative consequences had deleterious effects on students’ wellbeing, the benefits were viewed as critical.
Conclusions
Findings call for harm reduction approaches that span campus services, university and federal policies. Future research should explore students’ experiences in differing academic and regional contexts.
Introduction
The sex trades, or trading sex for financial compensation (e.g., money, drugs, alcohol), is a complex, global public health issueCitation1 that is associated with vulnerability to sexual and physical victimization and increased risk for sexual risk behaviors/sexually transmitted infections (STIs), substance use and mental health problems.Citation2–7 The sex trades are stigmatized for many reasons, including potential for criminalization, the conflation between sex trafficking and sex work, and the belief that all forms of sex work are exploitative.Citation8,Citation9 Driven in part by the COVID-19 pandemic, internet access has changed the sex trading landscape, likely resulting in increased virtual forms.Citation10 Studies in the U.S. and Europe conducted prior to COVID suggest that 2–7% of students in universities report receiving financial compensation for sex, and those engaged in the sex trades are more likely to report adverse experiences.Citation11–15 Understanding the circumstances of the sex trades among university students holds important implications for tailored interventions, policies, and research. Therefore, we sought to understand the experiences of virtual and in-person sex trades from the perspectives of 34 students who were familiar with sex trading at a large, Midwestern public university.
Background
The sex trades consist of various virtual and in-person sex acts that hold different levels of stigma, potential for criminalization, and definitional issues due to age and other factors. Adults who are engaged in the sex trades may do so by coercion (e.g., trafficking or exploitation typically involving a third party), circumstances (e.g., because of homelessness or economic vulnerabilities), or choice (e.g., chosen as work).Citation16 Some refer to themselves as sex workers to connote a form of employment,Citation17,Citation18 while others do not identify with this term.Citation19,Citation20 Therefore, we use the terms “sex trading” and “sex trades” to describe the diversity of experiences, but acknowledge that some do not identify with these (or any) terms.
Little research has sought to understand the circumstances and dynamics of students who trade sex in the U.S. In the United Kingdom (U.K.), more than half of students who report sex trading are motivated to do so to fund their education and cover basic living expenses.Citation21 Further, almost 75% reported some type of difficulty in paying bills and 63% reported experiencing current debt.Citation13 This is alarming because U.K. college tuition is generally capped at $12,000 USD, nearly half of the level of tuition in the US.Citation22 U.S. studies suggest that students who trade sex may have unique concerns and circumstances. They experience challenges in managing their identities as students, which are viewed as socially acceptable, along with the sex worker stigma placed on them by families and institutions.Citation23–25 In Stewart’s study, for example, students (N = 7) wanted their institutions to know that they exist and need resources, including non-judgmental care (2022). Jones’ dissertation study (2019) found similar themes among 17 cisgender women. Both provide important insights into how students navigate the sex trades while at university and their sense of invisibility. However, these studies interviewed cisgender women only and did not focus on dynamics within a particular university context. A deeper understanding of students’ experiences and consequences is crucial in the development of tailored university practices and policies.
Therefore, our research question was: what are students’ experiences of trading sex for financial compensation at a large public university in the US? We were particularly interested in understanding the forms (e.g., virtual or in-person), reasons for involvement, perceived consequences, and campus-related needs. Findings from another aim to refine a multi-item sex trading survey measure are published elsewhereCitation26.
Methods
Our community-engaged, multi-phase study used directed content analytic approachCitation27 to analyze the perspectives of students who were familiar with the sex trades. Directed content analysis is appropriate when prior research exists about a phenomenon (e.g., sex trading) that would benefit from further description (e.g., unique circumstances among university students).Citation27,Citation28 The faculty researchers collaborated with students who were familiar with the sex trades through our development of a student advisory board (SAB) and project team members. SAB members were compensated with gift cards while other student team members were compensated with hourly wages or academic credit. Student tasks included creating recruitment materials, revising interview guides, disseminating study information, and interpreting findings (for more details, see removed for review). Data collection occurred from February 2022 to January 2023. Human subjects’ approval was granted by the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Institutional Review Board.
Data collection
Data collection occurred from February to May 2022 (phase 1) and then again from September 2022 to January 2023 (phase 2). Students could participate if they were (1) a student at the university, and (2) familiar with sex trading. We allowed students to determine what “familiar” meant. Phase 1 originally involved focus groups with students because we did not ask for personal disclosures of the sex trades. Due to participation challenges, this phase resulted in seven individual interviews and one focus group with two participants. These focus groups were so rich and resulted in personal disclosures, which suggested that in-depth interviews were needed to elucidate the complexity of conditions. In phase 2, we moved to individual interviews and revised the flyer based on additional feedback from our participants. This phase yielded a total of 26 participants. All recruitment materials were posted in academic and residential buildings and emailed to student groups (e.g., gender and sexuality campus center, multicultural center) and departmental student list.
Potential participants scanned a QR code or clicked a link routing them to a brief eligibility screener, which included open-ended demographic questions and a question regarding their student level. In the focus group phase, a project member sent a scheduling poll, and a subsequent email inviting them to the scheduled focus group. In the individual interview phase, a team member sent a follow-up email with the scheduling link to the interviewers’ calendars. Students were sent an interview reminder and the informed consent document before their interview. The interviewer (first or last author) verbally reviewed the informed consent before asking for permission to record and turning on a recording. The interviewer debriefed with the student, offered resources, and provided a $25 gift card. All interviews were transcribed and entered into Dedoose for analysis.
In all, 34 participants completed the study. In phase 1, 17 participants completed the screener and were eligible but only 8 participated. In phase 2, 39 completed the screener and were eligible, of whom 26 participated.
Interview guide
We developed a three-part interview guide drawing on feedback from our SAB and student team members. We first asked students about their perceptions of sex trading terms such as sex trading, webcamming, sugar relationships, being an “accountant,” etc. We prompted students to provide specific examples. During these questions, students drew on their own experiences or those of friends or acquaintances. We also asked how students begin trading sex for financial compensation. The second portion of our interview guide used cognitive interview methods to revise our multi-item measure for the other aim of this studyCitation26,Citation29. Here, participants shared insights into students’ experiences of sex trading that were relevant for this analysis (e.g., compensation types received, motivations for sex trading, multifaceted consequences of sex trading). Finally, we asked participants to describe any concerns about the researchers studying these topics and additional supports for students who trade sex.
Sample
Sample characteristics are summarized in . Over two-thirds of the sample were undergraduate students. Most identified as white (70.6%) and cisgender women (70.6%). For context, this study’s location is a predominantly white institution (PWI) with approximately 65% of students identifying as white and 52% as “women” (gender data collected as man/woman only). We had substantial variation in sexuality, with less than half of the sample (41.2%) identifying as heterosexual.
Table 1. Participant demographics for overall sample and by experience with sex trading (N = 34).
Data analysis
Data analysis occurred in a multi-stage process. First, we drew from current literature on the sex trades to develop pre-determined codes that reflected the terminology used in the interview guide (e.g., sugaring) as well as ways that students became involved in the sex trades (e.g., circumstances). Consistent with a directed content analytic approach,Citation27 we used open-ended questions and subsequent targeted questions to map onto pre-determined codes. Second, we developed new codes that reflected emerging themes or new insights that were expressed by study participants, e.g., compensations like tuition payments and gaming tokens. The first and second authors led the initial coding of the data and provided sample de-identified codes students on the research team. We clarified language used to code throughout and found no substantive discrepancies.
Finally, we compared the narratives of those who disclosed personal involvement (n = 12), those who considered engaging in the sex trades (n = 6), those who reportedly drew from the experiences of their “friends” (n = 11) or people they knew from social media (n = 5). There were a few narrative differences between groups, which we report below. We relied heavily on the richer narratives in our analyses, which were predominantly people who reported personal or “friends’” experiences. We originally presented participant verbatim quotesCitation30 to reflect meaning but have subsequently removed aspects of students’ natural vernacular in accordance with editorial feedback (e.g., “like,” “you know”).
Findings
Students described three categories of sexual acts that they perceived as involvement in the sex trades: (1) selling personal items or fluids for another’s sexual pleasure (e.g., underwear, urine), (2) virtual sex trades (e.g., webcamming, selling nude photos), and (3) in-person sex trades (e.g., sexual touching, sex). Participants described the diverse circumstances under which they became involved in the sex trades and resulting consequences. Finally, participants shared their hopes for nonjudgmental campus services to support students contemplating or participating in the sex trades.
Students’ reasons for involvement in the sex trades
Collectively, students described engaging in the sex trades to meet financial needs and wants while having flexible work conditions to allow them to engage with their studies. These aspects of the sex trades were particularly appealing to students who experienced financial stress or reported coming from low-income backgrounds. However, students also reported non-financial reasons, such as curiosity and empowerment, that motivated them to trade sex.
Financial need
A primary motivation, particularly for those who disclosed their own or others’ low-income background, was to support themselves financially and fund their education. For example, an undergraduate, multiracial, cis woman described the challenges of being a first-generation college student from a low-income background at the prestigious university. She was awarded an academic scholarship that covered tuition but did not provide a stipend and reflected on needing to support herself and her mom,
All of a sudden [I had] to pay big bills and…make all these decisions from myself, I also would pay my mom’s rent with the money from [sex trading], and she never knew where it was from… You’re taking all these low-income students, and then putting them in college, no stipend for food or anything. And then … what? So, then I, that’s why, literally, I remember in the dorms, that’s when I started doing Seeking Arrangements. (#9, disclosure, in-person)
Graduate students perceived similar structural challenges, indicating that they had substantial debt from undergraduate studies and heavy workloads. These conditions left little opportunity for other, much needed, paid work. As one white, gender fluid graduate student explained why they participated,
Because we’re poor. Even though I’m going to school for free [fully funded PhD program] … I’m $60,000 in debt from Financial Aid [in undergrad], and I also have a parttime job that I’m working way over part-time, on top of teaching … especially in [state], the minimum wage is still really low compared to other places I’ve lived. (#26, disclosure, virtual/in-person)
As this story illustrates, limited time to pursue low-paid work provided a motivation to participate in the sex trades for graduate students. Students also indicated that the COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated financial inequities. As one graduate student explained,
[COVID-19] … really changed…with the pandemic with the rise of OnlyFans. So I know before that I had some friends that … were also strapped for money. And started webcamming as a way just to sort of make them ends meet and fulfill some of their bills. (#1, friends)
This narrative suggests that they might not have engaged in sex work without decreased wages resulting from the pandemic.
Flexible work conditions
Students reported appreciating the flexibility offered by the sex trades, which allowed them to work around school schedules. As a graduate, white, cis woman described of her friends,
I think sometimes it’s been helpful with the school life, and, and…wanting flexibility to be able to kind of do work like this and have… be able to make money. Other, other times I’ve had friends who also have chronic illnesses. And, so, I think that makes having a more regular job on top of being a student harder. I think that’s been a big piece related to them, pulling completely back from doing, ‘vanilla’ work. And then, I think, they just stopped [their 9 to 5 job], and they, they, could also travel around the country and find you know, people through Seeking Arrangements when they travel. And, so, I think there’s just a lot of flexibility that that’s allowed. (#5, friends)
As demonstrated, students expressed that the flexibility of sex trading could accommodate their needs, particularly for those with chronic health conditions, while also providing greater income than many part-time jobs available to students.
Financial wants
Some students reported participating in the sex trades to obtain financial wants, such as luxurious travel or dining experiences, rather than financial needs. As one graduate, white, cisgender woman described,
the intention necessarily wasn’t going in there a sex trade, but it was they wanted to have sex … [and] they would also get a nicer meal, or a fancy night out. And, so, I don’t think they viewed themselves as engaging in sex trade it was more so, I want to go on a date and I want to have sex tonight, and this is the best option. (#1, friends)
For these students, a distinction was made between trading sex to support their basic needs, as described earlier, to paying for luxurious experiences or items.
Curiosity and empowerment
Students reported considering or getting involved in the sex trades because of their own curiosity and newfound opportunity to control their own bodies. For example, some students reported being raised in very religious, conservative households in which they felt that they had limited autonomy over their bodies and decision-making. As an undergraduate, Asian, cis woman described of her friend,
She went through selling her body for physically for a few months, just because she was so traumatized from the Mormon church, and … not really feeling like she had much control in her life because [of] the church. When I talked to her about it, she told me that she felt she just wanted some sort of control, and her body was the only thing she really had at the moment (#3, friends)
Students also reported reclaiming their bodies and sexuality after experiences of abuse as a form of empowerment. As a graduate, white, cis woman described,
I know for, some of my friends, was more an empowerment thing. And that’s obviously probably rooted in some traumas, and some others like reclaiming of their body and stuff there. But just being, a pride, and knowing how much money they could make, or what experiences they could have. (#1, friends)
Gaining control and empowerment of their bodies was particularly important for those who were targeted by systemic trauma and violence because of their minoritized identities, such as trans students. For instance, as one undergraduate, white, trans woman reflected,
I get called stuff or slurs every day in some way and I experience a lot of really shitty things that result from factors about our society. But when it’s in that context and somebody’s trying to tell me something it’s attached to a donation and that’s a big difference. For instance, transphobia, these things exist in the world and this is me, just I’ve suffered from so much, it’s me benefiting from it this time and that’s why it’s empowering. (#28, disclosure, virtual)
As this student illustrates, participants discussed having to experience objectification, fetishization, and discrimination due to their minoritized identities. Therefore, the sex trades allowed them to regain power and agency by being able to benefit from, rather than solely being victimized by, these experiences.
Positive consequences
Financial stability and independence
Students discussed the positive impact of increased financial stability independence. This was demonstrated by one white, undergraduate student (gender undisclosed) who reported a history of foster care involvement and unstable housing. They reflected,
I have a better quality of life just… well, [the] negative things that gets to me, but I wouldn’t be able to get a puppy and I just love her to death. [Laughs] My apartment, I just express gratitude every day because I’m so thankful that I was able to do this for myself and have such a nice you know place and home. When I got a car, just things like that, there is there is a sense of stability that can come with it and that is priceless in my opinion. (#21, disclosure, virtual and in-person)
Financial independence offered by participation in sex trading was invaluable to many students, particularly for those who experienced economic instability.
Social capital and academic gains
Students described gaining access to social capital through their older, financially successful, college educated buyers whom they would likely not otherwise have encountered. As one undergraduate, multiracial, cisgender woman described,
“In terms of building social capital or navigating university life, or moving through
different socioeconomic classes. I think it’s definitely benefitted me. (#9, disclosure, in-person)
Like others, this first-generation, low-income student described the benefits gained from career and academic advice and increased internship opportunities that resulted from her relationships with buyers. Students also reported receiving academic gains through sex trading with tutors, teaching assistants, and professors. Importantly, students viewed academic advantages as a form of compensation, particularly when it resulted in help with assignments and/or better grades.
Community
Another perceived benefit among those who participated in the sex trades was the supportive community, which they had not found at the university. As one graduate, white, nonbinary and neurodivergent person described,
Because I have ADHD [attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder] and autism, [sex trading] helps … I definitely found a voice and a family that accepts me … we’re all looking out for each other making sure … no one is being harmed. (#26, disclosure, virtual and in-person)
Having been othered by family and peers, some students greatly benefited from the newfound affirming community.
Increased self-esteem
Some students reported being empowered through their experiences, thereby increasing their self-esteem and pride. As one undergraduate cisgender woman (race undisclosed) shared of her experiences,
it’s empowering, and, female empowerment to kind embrace a part of yourself that society has just shamed you for such a long time. So, I think in a sense it can be very liberating. (#20, disclosure, virtual and in-person)
Importantly, students expressed being empowered and liberated by the sex trades, sometimes reclaiming autonomy over one’s body after interpersonal and/or systemic abuse and discrimination. Students, however, also reported several detrimental consequences to their health and well-being.
Negative consequences
Academic and professional concerns
Students experienced emotional distress of potential (and actualized) blackmail or other instances that would impede their professional advancements. As an undergraduate, multiracial, ciswoman reflected,
I remember my friends and I that have engaged in websites, like Seeking Arrangements, I remember at one point there was this big thing. There was an Instagram account that was taking pictures of all the girls, and I had nude photos of everyone, threatening all the women, and very scary. It feels, very aggressive, very scary. So I guess…it was a blackmailing situation…Now, when I consider maybe wanting to go back to it, I do think about the blackmailing thing and that is definitely the thing that scares me the most.… (#9, disclosure, in-person)
She pointed to problems with buyers were targeting young women of color resulting in a different experience than, she presumed, white students. More socially privileged students also experienced concerns, such as this graduate, white, cisgender woman who held several teaching assistantships. She shared,
The problem with OnlyFans is that there’s people who are in a situation where our faces are presented in front of students and we, kind of, have a weird reputation … you have a reputation to be a strict, serious person, it’s not explicit, but I feel it’s pretty implicit for women. (#34, considered, virtual)
As exemplified here, participants reported experiencing substantive fear (and experiences with) professional repercussions.
Compensation problems
Students who reported personal experiences of sex trading also indicated that they were scammed and undercompensated for their in-person work. Scamming, they suggested, occurred partially because they were in a weaker bargaining position in relation to their older, more experienced buyers. As one, multiracial, cisgender, undergraduate woman described of her in-person sex trades,
looking back, when I was younger in my college career. Or… when I was younger, [laughs] I was so afraid to speak up to these guys…A lot of the guys that probably know that are trying to take advantage of the girls not wanting to have a straightforward financial conversation with men. (#9, disclosure, in-person)
Reflecting on her experiences, this participant felt that she likely could have earned more compensation if she had learned negotiating skills. Participants reflected on how they had been “too young” and “inexperienced” to fully understand the potential consequences of in-person sex trades and could have benefited from further support to guide how they should negotiate terms with buyers.
“Broken [sexual] agreements.”
Participants described “broken agreements,” or times the terms of the in-person encounter were violated. For example, one multiracial, cisgender, woman undergraduate student who participated in in-person sex work described how buyers violating their condom or “vaginal only” sex agreements,
I’ve been in situations where people have taken the condom off or in the middle of it, or came in places that they weren’t supposed to or, yeah, just been very tricky and deceitful… I was eighteen, but I was still, just graduated high school. I was with an older man, and I remember him being like, ‘yeah, that’s okay.’ And then, five minutes later, just took the condom off in the middle of it making a joke about pregnancy. And, yeah, I felt very tricked. (#9, disclosure, in-person)
These acts, which were never referred to as sexual violence, assault or rape, caused participants significant distress. Similarly, students described being unable to say no to sexual acts requested by older and more privileged buyers. As a graduate, Latina/Hispanic, cisgender woman reflected of her prior sex trading experiences as an undergraduate student,
There is one time I met with a person, and we were not going to do anything sexual, there was just a companionship that they wanted. But as soon as I got there, I think things changed and then, it was more like, ‘oh well, I have more money and we’re already here, so you know why not?’ And think, eventually, yeah it did. (#22, disclosure, in-person)
This participant consequently reported experiencing “guilt”, which was underscored by other stories in our sample.
Physical and emotional harms
Some students described harms to their physical and mental health. Physical problems, which included vaginal and pelvic issues, were stated to occur through many hours of sex trading. For instance, one undergraduate, white person (gender undisclosed) reported experiencing substantial, long-lasting physical health problems,
Developing pelvic issues because … as much as I enjoy it, one’s body can’t handle it, and it’s made me realize how important intimacy is, because of the way your body naturally reacts, and it can’t physically do this (laughter). It’s frustrating. I feel like that’s a part of sex trading… There is a process that happens before you burn out … it gets painful, I have so much pain every day it sucks … our health, the things that come with it. (#21, disclosure, virtual and in-person)
Emotionally, students also reported experiencing issues with self-worth, often because they felt “guilty.” These feelings were reportedly exacerbated by social isolation experienced through in-person sex trades. For example, one graduate, Latina/Hispanic, cisgender woman who reported sex trading solely to support themselves financially reflected on why she felt guilty,
I think maybe [I felt] forced… you know that’s what you need to do [to live], and I think of how sometimes people could be so in need and it’s either way that they could think, or more, easiest to fulfill I guess. (#22, yes, in-person)
Though not the case with all participants, she expressed never being truly comfortable with her involvement in the sex trades.
Interpersonal relationship issues
Students also reported concerns that stigmatized views of sex trading could also impact their family, intimate and sexual relationships. This was demonstrated by one undergraduate, Asian, cisgender woman who worried about how her romantic partners would negatively view her sex trading, and stated, “you had a relationship with this person and then you finally came out with it, and they’re like, ‘oh you’re a slut, I don’t want to be with you anymore’” (#3, no). A recurring narrative focused on the concern that family members, who held stigmatizing views of sex trading finding out about participation, would disapprove of the behavior and potentially “disown” the student. As one graduate, white, gender fluid student described, “I know a lot of people if they found out, they would be disowned for sure” (#26, disclosure, virtual and in-person). Although family retribution was not reportedly (yet) actualized by our participants, students clearly experienced considerable fear of retribution in their personal and professional networks.
A final concern focused on the effect that sex trading had on their perceptions of sex and intimacy. As one white, undergraduate student (gender undisclosed) said, “I definitely feel like as much as it is a financial transaction- it definitely does a lot to how you view your relationship with people and how you view sex as a whole.” In addition, they reflected on the concerns for her (future) interpersonal relationships,
Especially as I get older, if, I can trust my husband? Completely?… Because it’s from what I’ve been able to see a lot of guys will kind of keep up their sex drive a little bit beyond when their wife reaches menopause, which is kind of typically when you know, stereotypically you hear about you know sex lives kind of falling out. So, I think it makes me fearful for my future love life. (#21, disclosure, in-person)
Collectively, students reported substantial harms to their health and wellbeing in addition to the positive benefits they received.
Students’ campus needs
Overwhelmingly, students hoped that this line of research would result in open and non-judgmental support for students who consider or participate in the sex trades, such as safe, confidential campus spaces with non-mandated reporters. As one undergraduate, multi-racial, cisgender woman described when reflecting on compensation issues with buyers, “I wish there was a safe space in your college or university to have these talks with people that are engaged with the type of work.” (#9, disclosure, in-person). Students shared their desires for campus support to reflect the complexity of experiences in supporting their choices. As one undergraduate, multiracial, cisgender woman summarized,
Because some people are going to really like their experiences, and some are going to really hate it and have these traumatizing moments with it…Offering folks who did have a really negative experience, and are struggling to come to terms with that, potentially asking if they would like future resources … to, talk about some of the things, or acknowledge some of these things…might be helpful. (#12, disclosure, in-person)
Discussion
Our study adds to a small but growing body of work suggesting that students in the U.S. experience diverse consequences from engaging in the sex trades for diverse reasons.Citation23–25,Citation31–33 It is important to note that students’ reasons for and consequences of the sex trades are heavily influenced by capitalism, white supremacy, cissexism, ableism, and other social oppressions,Citation34,Citation35 particularly for students who reported minoritized identities and experiences. Minoritized students experienced harms in their environments and within sex trading contexts that are connected to the social oppressions that they experienced. Inadequate student funding restricts students’ ability to adequately support themselves and their educationCitation22 and contributed to their motivations. Anti-sex work policies and cultural norms reduce legal protections and foster environments under which students are uncomfortable seeking support.Citation8,Citation36,Citation37 Social oppression minoritizes students and creates barriers for inclusive campus communities. The sex trades provide opportunities to potentially increase financial independence, build community, and empower students, while also potentially resulting in physical and emotional harms, violence, and blackmail. Detrimental consequences were more prominent for students drawing from in-person experiences, which is consistent with prior literature.Citation38 Scholars and activists have called for a radical, nonjudgmental harm reduction approach that includes supporting a shift to virtual sex trades, if desired.Citation39–41 Although the negative consequences of virtual and in-person sex trades are deeply concerning for students’ wellbeing and academic success, the perceived benefits are not to be ignored. Therefore, our study underscores the need for a radical harm reduction approach that spans university and federal policies as well as campus supports to support all students, but particularly those who experience social minoritization.Citation39,Citation40
Implications
A recurring narrative of our participants was the need to participate in the sex trades to financially support themselves while at university. Our findings suggest students, particularly who are economically minoritized, seek opportunities like the sex trades to supplement income with flexible work hours. Economic policies that support undergraduate and graduate students, such as college debt relief, living wage policies, and affordable student housing options, may be of the utmost importance in alleviating some the financial stressorsCitation42,Citation43 that contribute to students’ involvement in the sex trades. These findings are timely in the wake of national movements to increase wages for graduate student workers due to insufficient wages.Citation44 For instance, an analysis of the top 135 English PhD programs in the U.S. found students are paid an average of $25,006 stipend.Citation44 Without better financial supports, it is likely that students, particularly those from low-income backgrounds, may feel pressured to participate in risky situations of the sex trades to supplement their wages.
A policy- and practice-oriented harm reduction approach, which is well supported in prior sex trading and sex work literature, will likely support students in the sex trades.Citation40,Citation45–47 Our study identified circumstances under which students could have benefited from navigating virtual and in-person sex trades (e.g., negotiating with buyers). Safety planning and harm reduction practices may be useful to students if they are able and willing to access confidential care. The criminalized nature of adult sex work creates substantial barriers to students disclosing to friends, families, and campus professionals. Current U.S. prostitution policies may serve a barrierCitation8,Citation48,Citation49 and further isolate students from obtaining the help they wish to seek. Legislations that dismantled online forums for sex workers have created additional barriers to people who trade sex, regardless of student status.Citation35,Citation50,Citation51 Campuses can better support their students by providing confidential and nonjudgmental services that use a harm reduction approach.Citation33,Citation40 Services should work with students to negotiate, set boundaries, safety plan, protect one’s identity, and shift in-person to online work (as desired).Citation40,Citation52 Peer-led should be considered, as some students described sophisticated harm reduction strategies that they used to protect themselves that would be beneficial to others (see removed for review for more detail). Using a harm reduction approach that validates the range of positive and negative consequences of the sex trades is crucial to supporting students across a wide range of circumstances.
Strength and limitations
Our study includes multiple strengths and limitations. A strength of this study is its community-engaged approach to understanding a stigmatized phenomenon at a large, public, Midwestern, PWI. A limitation is that we do not yet know how transferable these findings are to other university contexts. Another strength is that our sample also included trans and nonbinary students who have been underrepresented in prior U.S. studies.Citation11,Citation23,Citation25,Citation33 We chose to recruit students who were “familiar with” the sex trades to encourage participation and captured nuanced experiences and personal disclosures from a diverse group of students. However, a limitation is that almost half of our sample did not personally disclose their own experiences but rather discussed others’ accounts. We addressed this limitation by rigorously examining and reporting on differences between our three participant groups (e.g., those who reported participating, considering, and abstaining). We strongly suspect, but cannot confirm, that at least some participants in the latter two groups had personal experiences themselves based on their narratives. Additionally, we did not purposively sample participants who varied in economic status or nationality, which should be considered for future research.
Conclusions
Our study suggests that students who participate in the sex trades have multifaceted experiences that can bolster or diminish their health and wellbeing. Influenced by capitalism and white supremacy, the conditions under which the sex trades occur are fundamental to students’ experiences- particularly among those who are (multiply) minoritized. Historically, university students have not been the focus of sex trading research and interventions.Citation11,Citation15,Citation23,Citation24 Yet, this study provides additional evidence that university students are, indeed, engaging in the sex trades and some experience detrimental harms. Future research should continue to explore the dynamics uncovered here and center diverse students’ experiences. Students may encounter additional challenges in other contexts, such as additional pressures for students in private (more expensive) universities or community colleges, which generally hold much higher percentages of low-income, racialized, and first-generation college students. Future quantitative research should seek to understand the prevalence of the sex trades across college campuses in the U.S. and the risk and protective factors that can better inform interventions.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to express their deep appreciation for the participants of this study as well as the members of our student advisory board. Thanks to Jason Hill, Jelani Williams, Jessica Melnick, Sara Gia Trongone, and Jason Lee for their indirect and direct roles in disseminating information about the study. Special thanks to Mia Warren for contributing to this manuscript. Thank you to Ilean Baskerville and her company (Baskerville Transcription, Inc.) for transcription services.
Conflict of interest disclosure
The authors have no conflicts of interest to report. The authors confirm that the research presented in this article met the ethical guidelines, including adherence to the legal requirements, of the United States and received approval from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
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