Chins in Mizoram: The Case of Borders Making Brothers Illegal

Abstract

The Chins migrating to India are variously labeled “refugees,” “economic migrants,” “illegal foreigners” and “stateless.” This essay attempts to understand how the borders drawn following the independence of India and Burma from British rule have transformed the relationship between the Chins and the Mizos in contemporary times. This is important in the context of shared ethnic ties and the belief in common descent as well as the political, economic and social factors that affected their relationship. Further this essay also attempts to explore the existing perceptions about Chins and how their migration can feed into the immigration and/or refugee policy in India.

Notes

Among the Burmese who are known to migrate to India, the Chins, Kachins and Nagas of Burmese origin, Burmans and the Rahkine (from Arakan State) are known to migrate between India and Burma. For the purposes of this essay, the term Burmese is used to refer only to the Chins.

In the case of Bangladeshi immigration into India, Samaddar (1999) pursues a project of comprehending how borders turn our conception of nation-states on their head. Such a project, in my understanding, also problematizes received categories of legal and illegal. See also Agamben (1995), who brings out the fluidity of the categories of stateless people and refugees in the context of the collapse of the Russian, Astro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires.

Chungkhosei Baite (2009) gives an account of the break up thus: “about 5,00,000 in Manipur, about 8,00,000 in Mizoram, about 50,000 in Tripura and about 2,00,000 in Cachar and North Cachar Hills of Assam in India, about 2,00,000 in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh and about 30,00,000 in Chin Hills Matu area, Khumi area, Mara area and Arakan in Burma.

The one term that is often used in any discussion on the Chin–Mizo relationship is the word brothers. It refers to the common descent that is invoked by both the Chins and the Mizos.

Some research has been done on Burmese migration, such as the dissertation by K. Zirnunsanga referred to in this article. However, there is little systematic study of Chin migration that analyses the phenomenon from the perspective of Mizo history. The existing literature, in the form of media reporting etc., dwells on issues such as illegal migration of the Chins, thus being narrow in its approach. Interestingly, none of the contributions to the two recent publications brought out by the University of Mizoram (and referred to extensively in this article) consider it important to focus on this issue, despite Chin migration being such a sensitive issue in the state.

The study, however, does not indicate the total population of migrants from these countries.

The Census (2001) data, however, are not helpful in coming to this conclusion as they do not give enough disaggregated data.

Interview with Mimi Khar, Journalist, Mizzima News (and Consultant for BBC), August 2009, Aizawl, Mizoram.

This reported the arrest of 54 Chin people who worked in a restaurant and handloom factories. The arrests were made on the grounds of illegal stay but the individuals were released on payment of fine. While a large number of Burmese are known to live illegally, it is baffling that the police are selective in their arrests.

Although it is widely known that Chins arrive in Mizoram, live in different parts for varying periods of time, carry on trade etc., a number of Chins to whom this author was able to speak during a visit in 2006 note that they keep a low profile as it is impossible to tell when one might be deported or sent to the borders.

The Report, in giving details of the physical assaults and sexual violence against Chins, quotes a Chin woman who suggests that attacks on Chin people are not taken very seriously and that it is as serious for the locals as killing a dog. She says, “The way [the Mizos] think is that killing a Chin person is like killing a dog. It is not that serious.”

Interview with Pu Lalbiakzuala, General Secretary, Central Young Mizo Association, December 2, 2009, CYMA Office, Aizawl.

Interview with Pu Lalkhama, NC State Planning Board, Government of Mizoram and YMA Member, December 10, 2009, Aizawl.

Ibid.

At the time of the interview, out of a total of 772 YMA branches, 173 had submitted their reports. According to these reports, there are 6,912 Chins living in Mizoram, from 877 families. The rest of them are yet to submit the report. The census was supposed to be completed by April 2009 but because “some are active branches and some are not,” the census is still not complete.

In specific reference to the report of Human Rights Watch and the manner in which it was received in Mizoram, V.L. Krosshnehzova also noted that while they are aware of Chins living in Mizoram for business etc., some others, in his opinion are into illegal activities, which has turned into a social problem. In his view, the YMA may have felt that it is important to eradicate this problem and the Census may aid in this purpose.

A number of Chin as well as Mizo organizations play a role and define the Chin–Mizo relationship. While there is abundant literature on some of the Chin organizations, such as Women's League of Chinland (WLC), Women's League of Burma (WLB), India, Human Rights and Education Institute of Burma (HREIB) to name a few, it would be pertinent to give some details about the Mizo organizations. The following Mizo organizations—who all call themselves non-governmental organizations—are worth a mention. The Young Mizo Association (YMA), Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) and Mizoram Hmeichhe Insuihkham Pawl (MHIP) and some non-governmental organizations (NGOs), such as Ferrando Integrated Women Development Centre (Peace Home) (see http://www.ndwm.org/aboutus/regional-offices.asp) that works with Burmese domestic workers, the Centre for Peace and Development (CPD), which as a Service Provider under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act has intervened in matrimonial issues involving the Burmese, the Grassroots Development Network (Foundation for Social Transformation, 2008) that provides a safe house for women facing domestic violence, and the Human Rights & Law Network (HR&LN) that has focused on human rights education, advocacy and intervention. YMA is one of the strongest non-political voluntary organizations and has an extensive network throughout the north-east (YMA Pamphlet, n.d.). It defines its role, as also noted on its website as “… afforestation, construction of houses for the rural poor, conservation of Mizo culture and heritage, and campaign against the evils of drugs and alcohol …” Although claiming to be a social organization, a number of YMA functionaries and members are either associated with political parties or hold positions within the Government, casting doubts on its identity as purely a “social organization.” The influence that YMA wields in Mizoram is enormous, including in politics, economy and social life.

Interview with Pu Lalbiakzuala, General Secretary, Central Young Mizo Association, December 2, 2009, CYMA Office, Aizawl.

Interview with Pu Lalhriathpuia, Home Department, Government of Mizoram, December 10, 2009, Aizawl.

Interview with Pi Rozami, Chairperson, Mizoram State Women's Commission, Government of Mizoram, December 2, 2009, Aizawl.

Interview with Pu V.L. Krosshnehzova, President, Mizo Zirlai Pawl. December 2, 2009, MZP Office, Aizawl.

Interview with Pu Lalkhama NC State Planning Board, Government of Mizoram and YMA Member, December 10, 2009, Aizawl.

The feeling of being looked down upon by the Mizos, discrimination, low wages, non-payment of wages, verbal, physical and sexual harassment and abuse, excessive work above what is allowed in law, lack of security of accommodation, inability to find employment and inadequate nutrition were identified as the problems of women who registered with the organization (NDWM 2006–2007, 20).

Interview with Sr. Rose Paite, Ferrnando Integrated Women's Development Centre (Peace Home), December 3 2009, Aizawl.

See, for instance, “Check List for Identifying NGOs/CBOs/Traditional Institutions” (YMA Note, undated). Copy with the author. An example is the decision taken by YMA to declare each year dedicated to various issues. While some have been dedicated to the promotion of education, cleanliness, wildlife protection, 1998–2002 and 2004 were declared as “Ram leh Hnam humhalh—Preservation/protection of Mizoram and its Identity.” The notes do not explain its programs or activities carried out towards this objective.

Interview with Ms. Rozami, Chairperson, Mizoram State Women's Commission, December 1, 2009, Aizawl, Mizoram.

Interview with Advocate Meitei, December 3, 2009, Aizawl, Mizoram.