Camels in the Bedouin Community of Oman: Beyond the Human–Animal Binary

ABSTRACT

Cultures have usually been studied as a purely human phenomenon. Recent research challenges this single-focused perspective on exclusively human agency in the formation and sustainability of cultures and offers a more inclusive format for exploring cultural processes, specifically the role that human and animal co-existence plays in them. Owing to its close historically rooted ties with such animals as camels, Bedouin culture in Oman has been selected as a fertile ground for researching how cultures are constructed through human–camel relations. Camel racing events have been chosen as a highly appropriate context for observing human–camel interactions owing to their abundance and cultural significance. The primary research method used was informal conversations with 13 adult racing-camel owners and keepers, together with 10 child camel owners, conducted between 2017 and 2021. The themes of the conversations about camels were centered on the cameleers’ interpretations of racing-camel behavior in relation to humans. The collected narratives revealed the interviewees’ perceptions of and thoughts on camels’ resemblance to humans justified by their observations and perceptions of camels experiencing emotions and feelings, such as sense of ego/personality, sense of pride, sense of shame, the ability to enact revenge, and feelings of sorrow or sadness. The findings confirm that camels are wrapped up in the identity and culture of Omani Bedouins and actively contribute to the creation of that culture by co-shaping the emotional and cognitive landscape of their shared reality with humans.

KEYWORDS:

• Bedouin culture
• human–animal interaction
• inclusive culture
• nonhuman agency
• Oman
• racing camels

Introduction and Theoretical Framing

With the rise of interest among international scholars in human–animal studies and multispecies studies (Francione, 2008; Safina, 2020; Wels, 2020), research on human–camel relationships merits more attention, especially in the Arabian Gulf where camels are highly respected. In Bedouin culture, camels hold a special status and occupy a special place that lies somewhere between humans and other animals in the animal–human hierarchy. Camel owners do not put animals at the center of the universe following Abrahamic and Muslim religious traditions. However, they do believe that their camels possess traits and characteristics that mirror some human faculties, and as a result, they invoke emotions of appreciation and admiration in humans. Bedouin culture is a backdrop against which one can see how attitudes toward camels are socially constructed, institutionalized, internalized, and culturally transmitted (Yates, 2014).

There is a paucity of research available on non-material relations between cameleers and their animal companions, especially in English-language research literature (exceptions are Gauthier-Pilters & Dagg, 1981; Wathig et al., 2007). Our study endeavored to demonstrate how camels and humans influence each other’s emotions and behavioral choices by operating on Bedouin cultural values. Along with DeMello (2012), we claim that relationships between people and animals are context-dependent and co-constructed. Moreover, in line with Brike & Hockenhull’s (2015) study of horse–human dyads, we are stating that it is unrealistic to think that humans can know animals’ experiences; however, by observing their behavior, it is possible to form an accurate understanding of animal agency within interspecies relationships.

In previous research, human–animal relationships are studied and measured through human interpretations of animals’ value orientations (Teel & Manfredo, 2010), perceptions (Belaire et al., 2015), and attitudes (Browne-Nuñez et al., 2013; Teel & Manfredo, 2010), as well as behavioral intentions (Browne-Nuñez et al., 2015; Vaske & Donnelly, 1999) and behavioral patterns (Amiot & Bastian, 2017; Clucas & Marzluff, 2012). The current study adds to the literature on the human actors’ (the cameleers’) interpretations of camels’ behavior in response to human behavioral and emotional reactions, and it shows how these formed interpretations reveal the most prominent cultural values of the human interpreters.

We are also trying to study human–animal relationships as a platform for understanding humans. Echoing studies by Cassidy (2002), Hausfater and Sutherland (1984), Mullin (2002), and DeMello (2012), we suggest that the cameleers’ interpretations of camels’ behavior, values, and attitudes say much about humans’ (the Bedouins’) cultural characteristics and their value system. As stated by Cassidy (2002), in commenting on animals’ perceived thoughts, emotions, and feelings “we reveal something of ourselves” (p. 2).

In line with DeMello’s (2012) definition of human–animal studies as “the interdisciplinary field that explores the spaces that animals occupy in human social and cultural worlds, and the interactions humans have with them” (p. 4), we focused on the local Bedouin context, or space, that most effectively exemplifies the process of shaping the relationship between humans and animals. A limited number of studies are based on specific, ritualized, and symbolized events such as camel racing, which was selected as the framework for this study. One of the previous studies was on cockfighting, a traditional sport in South East Asia, the Middle East, and South America (Geertz, 1994). The findings suggest that the fights, held as regular social events, contribute to confirming the status hierarchy among the community of rooster owners. Moreover, over the two years of the owners’ training and caring for their roosters, personal identities are shaped and emotional attachments are created between the animals and the humans (Herzog & Foster, 2010). The fights even inspire the proliferation of art in the community via songs, poems, and paintings. Cassidy (2002), in her study of the British horse racing industry, also links the animals and the humans through social status and identity, suggesting that both actors co-create each other’s social reality. Marvin (2001), in his work on racing foxhounds, talks about the possibility of the meaningful presence of the animals exclusively in relation to the humans who project their imaginings and desires onto their nonhuman companions and assign a purpose to them. Along the same lines, Locke (2013), based on his research on African elephants, concludes that living close to humans and participating in shared activities with them (circus performances, farm work) enables the animals to experience emotions and to be affective. Since Geertz (1994), animals have increasingly become part of cultural analyses in ethnographic research (cf. Hartigan, 2020).

Similarly, camel racing acts as a space for creating human–animal interdependence and, consequently, for stimulating the co-construction of shared symbolic and factual reality, values, and behavioral choices. Status and identity, as well as the basic psychological needs of belonging, appreciation, and love are strengthened through the active and consistent engagement of humans with animals. Furthermore, everyday practices such as taking care of and training racing camels are perceived as a passage to adulthood for Bedouin children.

This paper begins by highlighting the importance of human–camel relations in Omani culture, after which the empirical results of the research on camels will be presented: the stories and narratives of cameleers communicating their interpretations of subjectivities and personalities of their camels in their interaction with humans, as well as the impact that camels have on humans. The paper closes with a discussion on the impact experienced by both the human and animal actors and outlines further steps to be taken in a multispecies approach to cultural analysis.

Camels and Arab Bedouin Culture

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates the world’s total population of camels to be 22 million, with 90,000 residing in Omani Bedouin communities (Kadim, 2012) concentrated in the Dhofar governorate in the south of the country and in the Sharqiyah governorate in the north. In Oman, Bedouin communities can be sedentary (i.e., living in one place) or nomadic (i.e., following a migratory way of life). These communities are organized into tribes, where the distinction in lifestyle and culture between two communities can be unclear because some tribes consist of sedentary and nomadic groups with social ties, including intermarriage actively engaging them (Eades et al., 2013). Some communities are seasonally mobile, maintaining a nomadic lifestyle for only a few months of the year.

The primary economic activity of Bedouin communities in the Arab world used to be herding livestock, specifically camels, as they were considered crucial in their roles as the main means of transportation and as an important source of meat and milk (Eades et al., 2013). Nowadays, the economic motivation for raising camels has changed, with the focus on producing racing camels to compete for prize money at festivals and other events sponsored by wealthy sheikhs and organizations, mainly from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (Eades et al., 2013; Khalaf, 1999). The owner of a competitive racing camel who sells it can expect to receive a considerable sum of money. For example, the average price for a winning racing camel ranges from 100,000 to 150,000 US dollars and represents an investment deriving from the oil- and gas-rich earnings in certain Arab countries (Cabalion et al., 2018). The camels are symbols of individual and tribal honor, and their names are proclaimed in war cries such as nakhwa and izwa, which are commonly used as exclamations to express resolve. For grand feasts at weddings and especially at funerals, one or more camels are slaughtered and form a central part of the celebratory meal (Webster, 1991a).

Furthermore, the special status of a camel in the Bedouin community is justified by a few verses in the Quran (the holy book of Muslims) and the hadith (Prophet Mohammed’s sayings). One of the verses says, “In the name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful, will they regard the camels how they are created” (surah al Ghashiya, verse 17), meaning that if one doubts the Almighty, one should look at a camel, an extraordinary creature and all the doubts will disappear. In other words, camels are perceived as a reason to believe in God.

The keeping of camels is a feature of Omani cultural identity (Khalaf, 1999). According to Asher (1996), among Arabs, only camel-herding tribes are considered as real Bedu. Moreover, the tribes that raise camels deep in the desert areas of the interior are traditionally regarded as the noble Bedouin, while common Bedouin tribes are those that raise sheep and live on agricultural lands (Chatty, 2000). Indeed, the noble Bedouin name is closely associated with the camel in historical records and inscriptions that refer to Bedouins. A Bedouin is never mentioned without reference to the camels accompanying him. Therefore, a real Bedouin should be a nomad who keeps and breeds camels (Asher, 1996). Camels are undoubtedly considered the most renowned animal among Bedouins.

Figure 1 is an example of the relationship between the camel owner and the camel. The Bedouin relationship with camels is described as affectionate and well established (Degen et al., 2019), while Thesiger (1959) described Englishmen writing about the camel disparagingly using well-worn humor and exhibiting scant knowledge of the relationship between camel and camel owner. The camel’s worth for the Bedu is described as Ata Allah or God’s gift, and she is admired by the Bedouins because of her patience. Hobbs (1989) described the relationships between camels and the Khusmaan Bedouin, a tribe in the eastern desert of Egypt. This tribe is close to their animals and gives them names that describe special characteristics of each individual camel: for example, its age, sex, color, and size. Salman & Kharusi (2014) showed that the Bedouin name their camels according to characteristics, such as milking, fertility, and reproduction, together with physical traits such as beauty. The Bedouin often refer to a camel using more than one name.

Figure 1. Camels in Bidiyah (photo by Said Alrashdi, used with permission).

Khan (2022) claims that the camel was loved by every Bedouin and was considered as the most valuable possession of his, and there were hundreds of legends including the camel. Camels were perceived as mythical creatures and treated like human beings, as evidenced by discoveries of camels buried with human corpses in the Dhahran tombs.

The data for this study were collected from the Al Wahiba, a Bedouin tribe of the Sharqiyah, the north-eastern-most region of Oman. The Al Wahiba, as is the case with most Bedouin groups of Oman and Southern Arabia, are traditionally semi-nomadic, practicing mixed herding of small livestock such as goats and camels (Chatty, 1983). The goats, the sheep, and the cows are at the bottom of the domestic animal hierarchy in the Bedouin community. They are kept in barns as a herd and normally are taken care of by women. Ordinary camels closely follow goats, sheep, and cows and are typically used for milk, reproduction, and sometimes for transportation. Racing camels occupy the top of the hierarchy. They are kept in enclosures with just a few other camels, and their diet and exercise routine are tailored toward their individual needs. They are fed exclusively with the highest quality honey, dates, and ghee.

Camel racing was chosen as the most appropriate context for observing human–camel interactions. It is considered one of the most traditional sports in the Arab world, after horse racing (Khalaf, 1999). It dates back to the pre-Islamic era when the Arab tribes organized races to show off the strength of the camels they owned. As well, Prophet Muhamed’s companions were known for camel racing. The most famous breed for racing is the Althalool al hurrah (the free camel). The camel-racing season runs through the winter in Oman and the Gulf countries – on most weekends from September to December.

Camels begin their racing career at two or three years of age and race until they are eight or nine (Tinson et al., 2007). They are put through intensive training, which is traditionally performed by the owner. The training process has three stages: mesrah (walking in open spaces), haffooz (motivation), and mefham (actual training). At each stage, the bond between the camel and its owner grows.

Methods

Participants

The narratives describing camels in Omani culture were mainly collected by extensive but informal conversations with 11 Omani men, 2 women, and 10 boys. The qualitative conversations/interviews (Spradley, 2016) took place over a period of three years, from June 2017 to January 2021, and were recorded on a cell phone. They were then transcribed verbatim and translated by the principal investigator from Arabic into English. The participants were found through snowball sampling (Parker et al., 2019). They were camel owners, companions, or owners of a camel nest, consisting of a minimum of two and a maximum of six camels.

All the interviewees were from Wilayat Bidiyah, a small area located in the Sharqiyah region in the north-east of Oman. Their ages ranged from 25 to 80 years, ensuring as much diversity in the conversations as possible. Five of the men had received tertiary education and six men were formally “unemployed” but were making a living through camel products. They would, for instance, sell new-born camel babies, male camels, and camel meat or would run a nest.

Two conversations were held with women interviewees, aged 60 and 65 years old. One had inherited a camel from her husband, and one was gifted a camel by her father. Both had known their camels for more than 30 years and they still owned them, which were neither used for racing nor breeding.

Ten boys were interviewed, whose ages ranged from 7 to 17 years. They were from North Sharqiyah Governorate, Bidiyah Wilayat. All of them had one or more dedicated camels gifted to them by a father, an uncle, or a family member. All of them attended a local primary or secondary school regularly.

Procedure

Before conducting the study, the interview questions designed by the researchers were submitted to the Deanship of Research and Postgraduate Studies, Sultan Qaboos University for ethical review; they received approval.

To recruit participants, the Arabic-speaking researcher contacted camel owners who met the inclusion criteria. Before each interview, informed consent was obtained. By signing the consent form the participants confirmed that they were fully informed about the purpose of and rationale for the research; the benefits for the community; that they were guaranteed anonymity; and that they were guaranteed about the obtained data being protected. The literate participants signed the consent form after reading it, while for the illiterate participants, the consent form was read to them by the researcher and oral consent was obtained. For the participants under 18 years of age who could read, the consent form was given to them to sign. For the children who could not read, the researcher read the form to or with them (Broome & Stieglitz, 1992). Along with the consent form, parental permission was obtained by means of a parental consent form.

The interviews were conducted in Arabic and translated into English using back translation to eliminate any translation discrepancies. The recruitment of participants was discontinued when new themes stopped emerging and data saturation was judged to have occurred (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002).

Data Analysis

All transcripts were read with codes and categories identified. The researchers applied the constant comparative method (CCM) to develop and label categories (Glaser & Strauss, 2017). The aim of CCM is to analyze transcripts and to develop codes along with an iterative process of comparison between the code and the text. This is done to ensure that the resulting theme or category is fully understood and represented by the codes (Glaser & Strauss, 2017).

The data analysis was done through an iterative framework guided by an inductive approach. “The categories of analysis emerge out of the data rather than being imposed on them prior to data collection and analysis” (Patton, 1980 in Srivastava & Hopwood, 2009, p. 77), which is a highly reflexive process (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2017).

All 23 participants in the conversations/interviews gave consent to the principal investigator to use the recording for research purposes and said that their words did not have to be anonymized if they were quoted in publications based on the research.

Results

The analyzed narratives revealed two major themes the interviewees focused on during the conversations. Firstly, all the interviewed camel owners claimed that their camels had a special status in the human–animal hierarchy: camels are above other animals owing to their perceived ability to experience emotions. Secondly, the owners claimed their camels shared similarities with humans and that they had managed to establish relationships with them, similar to the ones they had established with people.

Theme 1: Camels’ Special Status in the Animal Hierarchy

According to the interviewed cameleers’ observations and advocacies, racing camels possess two features that make them like humans: sense of ego and intelligence. They believed that the construct of ego associated with camels made them capable of experiencing emotions, such as pride, shame, guilt, embarrassment, and disappointment, along with the desire to succeed and to stand out. These manifestations of ego become augmented during a camel-racing event under the conditions of anticipating, participating, or reflecting on the competition. For example, one of the owners witnessed a change that occurred in his camel:

Under everyday circumstances, the camel will be sweet and docile but in the context of a race, she will become competitive and aggressive. She will observe the other camels’ performance and she will try to push them if they come near her. She will even bite them in the neck in order to maintain her leadership position. (Mohamed 2, January, 2019)

During the race, camels observe their competitors and adjust their behavior accordingly. If they estimate the chances of coming first are minimal, they will lose motivation and mentally abandon the race to save face, as demonstrated in the following example:

My camel was running very fast. She was leading the race. Three hundred meters from the finish line, she saw one of the camels gaining. She started doubting herself and she dropped out of the race. She could have won second place, but she became desperate and came in in last place. She surrendered easily because she refused to be in second place, so for her it’s all or nothing. (Salim, May, 2019)

The perceived emotion of shame is linked with a sense of pride. From the owner’s perspective, if a camel’s face (its sense of self-worth) is compromised, she will feel ashamed for not being able to meet the expectations of her owner. They would see the disappointment of their owner and communicate their feeling of shame by their body language. For example, one of the interviewees shared the following story:

On the day of the race, we had high expectations of one camel because we all knew her super racing ability and stamina. Unfortunately, she did not win the race. Her reaction and feelings after the race were remarkable. She refused to eat for a while and shied away from everyone, as if she was demonstrating guilt for disappointing her master. (Abdullah, December, 2020)

Another derivative from the perceived sense of ego is the proverbial vindictiveness of camels. It was observed by the owners that if racing camels feel mistreated, they will enact some form of revenge, as exemplified in the following narrative:

Usually, this camel, called Khamisah, comes to my place after sunset, eats dried dates and then goes back to her nest among the rest of the herd. One day I wasn’t home and my wife was busy so she did not offer the camels dinner. After this occurrence, Khamisah got upset and angry so she decided to lead the whole camel herd to a different place far away from my place. I followed the camels’ footprints for almost 150 kilometers. When I found the herd, Khamisah saw me and came towards me. Her face was sad, lips down, tears in her eyes and she was looking down. I shouted at all the camels including her. I was angry they had left and I blamed her for doing this. She was weeping and crying but she still did it again three more times. (Abood, December, 2019)

The camel owners’ perceived sense of pride, shame, guilt, or vindictiveness are counterbalanced by their perceived sense of loyalty, devotion, or grief, which are higher-order emotions and a sign of maturity in humans. Racing camels were described by their owners as extremely loyal and devoted creatures. They show signs of being deeply rooted and connected to their place of origin and to the people who take care of them. One of the interviewees narrated the following story about the attachment a camel had to its home environment and its owner:

I sold my camel to someone who lives 300 kilometers from my place. That environment is different from ours, even the people’s behavior and attitudes are different. This new owner tried to pamper my former camel and offered her food that she was used to. But after six months she passed away. She was very depressed, lost her appetite, and finally she died. (Humaid, March, 2019)

The interviewees firmly believed that camels can experience grief when their long-lasting, emotionally charged, and meaningful relationships with their owners come to an end, as the following narrative shows:

A camel owner sadly passed away in a tragic car accident. His camel knew that he had passed away. She rushed to the funeral and she was in tears for a period of time. She refused to leave the place and go back to her nest until the father of her owner pampered her with some words that he was resting in peace now. Only after hearing this did she leave the plac. (Mohamed, January, 2019)

Having a close relationship with humans also seems to trigger a perceived sense of joy in camels. The interviewees reported that their camels showed affection, engagement, and deep connectedness with them. They demonstrated that they remembered their owner even if regular contact with them had been disconnected. One story, narrated by a female camel owner, goes as follows:

I have known al Khwarah [the name of the camel] since 1995. She was owned by my late husband. This was 23 years ago. Now, I don’t see her as frequently as before, but when she sees me, even from a long distance away, she will run towards me and put her head in my lap to ask for a cuddle. She is an old camel now but she always reacts as a toddler who is happy to see her mom after a long time. (Aysha, April, 2019)

Theme 2: Camels’ Impact on Humans

Owners reported the significant impact their camels had on them. Social status and identity, a sense of compassion, psychological stability and health were among those aspects reported as resulting from human–camel interaction. One major impact of racing camels was how the reputation of a camel affected the social status of its owner. Ownership of a stud racing camel creates a feeling of equality with sheikhs and people of high social standing. As one of the interviewed camel owners said:

I am a regular man with an average income. But on the race track I am equal with His Majesty if the camel owned by him competes with mine. It gives me a feeling of pride and confidence. (Mubarak, November, 2017)

Lay people not initiated in the business of camel-rearing perceive camel owners as bounty hunters who raise their animals for profit, but the camel owners in this study identified themselves as extraordinary human beings. They felt that they were a part of a culture that is superior to any other, mostly owing to the camels being perceived as chosen creatures. Therefore, as a sign of love and special bond with camels, the owners are known in the community and prefer to be called by the name of their favorite camel: for example, the owner of Samha. Moreover, the name is inherited from their ancestors: the first owner of a particular camel. One of the interviewees shared the following story:

I am called by the name of my grandfather’s camel, Al Adhba. I am proud to have the privilege to carry this name. Although I have many camels and some of them are very competitive, winning camels, I will always be the owner of Al Adhba and my children will carry the same name in the future. (Abdullah, December, 2017)

Moreover, this is also an example of identity shift, which is supported by social identity theory. Tajfel and Turner (1979) suggest that the sense-making process responsible for the construction of peoples’ social self-concept, such as social role and self-esteem, is based on their belonging to social groups, family, and other associations. By using the identity of a famous camel, the owner taps into the fame of his ancestors, and by doing so, he strengthens his own reputation.

The suggestion that racing camels affect humans’ emotional state and shape their view of the world was apparent from the narratives from the owners describing the changes that occurred in their behavior due to their interaction with their camels. The camels made them more humane by allowing them to exercise care, kindness, and compassion. One camel owner told the story of how he walks an extra mile in order to prepare his camel for a race:

The night before the race I sleep literally with my camel, so after sunset I bring my blanket and I lie down near her, I cuddle her and talk to her about the race, I feel if she is ready and self-confident about her performance, she will be very excited to see me and very happy I spend the night with her. She will jump, produce happy voices, looking for a hug or a cuddle, she can’t wait for the morning to come. I also feel, if she is not ready for the race, she will breathe sadly, avoid eye contact with me, in the morning she will drag her feet. I make sure that I should be present during that night regardless of my expectation. Psychological support is important. (Mohamed, February, 2018)

A second narrative talked about camels being sick or about to deliver a baby:

I like spending the nights with my camels, every week I will spend on average 2–3 nights with them. I do this because I like it but sometimes my presence is needed especially when one of my camels is sick or about to have a baby. When she is sick, I will be near her feeding her and giving her medicine. When she is having the baby, she will be looking for privacy especially during delivery. When she knows that she is about to deliver, she will run away from me, maybe two kilometers away. I understand and try to observe from a distance if she needs me to intervene and help or if she can manage herself. (Ahmed, May, 2018)

As acknowledged by the interviewed cameleers, reading the body language of camels, listening to their fears and anxiety, and trying to alleviate their physical pain and emotional turmoil teaches them to go beyond their self-centered interests and reach out to the one who needs support and care.

In 50% of the narratives, racing camels were described as partners. They gave their owners love, empathy, and support, which they often failed to receive from their human significant others. A camel owner from north of Bidiyah shared his observations on gratitude and unconditional love:

I have a special relationship with my camels because of one reason - they are patient and adaptive to my situation. You can find this trait only with camels. If I provide them with generous food and shelter, they will be thankful. And if I am short of resources and can’t provide enough food, they will also be grateful to me for trying to provide them with whatever little I have. (Mubarak, November, 2017)

Another owner highlighted a special bond that he had established with his camel:

The most sacred one is the camel that was born in my izzba [house]. I live with her and she lives with me. Even though she did not reach my expectations on the race track and she did not provide a competitive breed of babies, I still have a very special bond with her. She is family. When I enter my izzba, she will run to me looking for a cuddle, she will jump to show that she is happy to see me. (Salim, November, 2018)

These two examples provide a key to understanding which values and practices a healthy relationship between partners should be built upon according to the perceptions and expectations of the Bedouin culture, in particular, but also universally.

Keeping a racing camel is a purely male occupation and privilege. Females can own one, but they are not allowed to train it. Owners spend their lunch and coffee breaks in the camel enclosure where the camels are present; they are considered an essential part of a tribal group. The owners make their camels feel like a family member by giving them nose kisses and hugs. Moreover, one of the interviewees disclosed that they eat food off the same plate, together with their camels. He also mentioned that as a sign of special treatment, they decorate them with hand-made accessories that cost around 3,000 US dollars.

Through continuous and close contact with each other, the owners and their camels become proficient in reading the emotional state of each other through non-verbal communication: facial expression; presence or absence of eye contact; body language; uttered sounds; and behavioral patterns. This acquired body of knowledge plays a crucial role in camel racing events, where victory can only be achieved through positive interdependence and inter-reliance between both the human and animal actors involved. In addition to training and its effect on human–camel interaction, two more contextual scenarios carry significance for the current research: before a race and during a race.

Before a race, camels get agitated and anxious. They realize that the race is coming based on the changed training routine, the increased amount of time the owner spends with them, and the modifications to their diet. Owners also experience tension generated by the fear of external factors that might affect the camel’s performance and the fear of unknown circumstances: for example, the camel might trip or hurt herself, she might get sick. To mitigate pre-race emotional tension, the owners spend the night with their camels, talk to them in a soothing tone of voice, and cover them with blankets. They share the emotional state with their camels and try to create a zone of comfort and security for them. Tension starts to develop on the day of the race due to owners’ anticipation of all the potential threats and things that can go wrong based on their camels’ behavior and physical appearance. A camel which is jumping around and coming up against the owner (mustaqiblah) is eager to compete. One which is dragging its feet, looking down, and shying away from the owner (mitkahlah) is not ready to put up a fight. Interestingly, even knowing that his camel is not going to win the race, the owner will still let it participate in it in order to avoid losing face for his camel.

During a race, the owners control their participating camels via a speaker attached to a Bluetooth device that connects it with its owner. The camel will run faster only if it receives the command from its owner using specific words which it is familiar with: for example, “Hai” (حي) and calling its name. The camel will also understand when to run and when to relax during the race from the words used by the owner: for example, “run … run Soghan (the name of the camel)” or “enough … enough Soghan,” which is the order to slow down and relax.

Racing camels are the inspiration for and co-creators of Altaaghrood, which are Arabic poems composed by the owners and performed during the feeding and training sessions. As one of the owners stated, through the poems he communicates his love and appreciation for his camels, together with the hopes and expectations he attaches to them. He also praises the camels’ beauty and the way they show their sense of ego after the race. Altaaghrood is used as a platform to motivate the camels to do their best in the race, as well as to demonstrate to the Bedouin community the feeling of pride that the cameleers experience for their camels.

In addition to camel racing, there are other events held weekly within the Bedouin community that provide a space for human–animal interaction and co-creation of reality. One of them is Ardha, a camel parade in the form of a 500-m race organized in pursuit of showing and cultivating respect and solidarity with other camel owners. Another event is Muzayen, a beauty contest for racing camels, where camel contestants are dressed up in their finest attire and are judged by a special committee on the way they stand and look, as well as on their physical appearance.

The camel race, along with the other events, art forms, and religious discourse associated with it, is a prominent part of Bedouin culture that is strongly affected by the presence of racing camels in humans’ lives.

Discussion and Conclusions

Omani Bedouin culture acknowledges camels’ impact on humans through their contribution to the construction of the social reality between owners and their animals, where the values of human culture are conceived and exercised in collaboration with the camel agency. In this paper, we attempted to demonstrate the power of mutually beneficial interaction that both actors are engaged in and the effect it has on the physical, emotional, and cognitive aspects of their lives.

Living and working with camels has several potentially positive implications for personal and social development in Bedouin cultures. To start with, camels can help a young person mature by providing them with a sense of ownership and the responsibility that comes with such ownership, together with feelings of independence and potency. They also confer on them a reputation in the community and later a potential source of income to support their family regardless of the career they are going to choose in the future. Hence there is a sense of stability and security that goes with camel ownership. Moreover, an adult owner can gain considerable social weight owing to their racing camels’ fame, along with the acquired social status and membership with such a highly prestigious community that is bestowed upon camel owners across the Gulf countries.

The findings support the following inferences in respect of Bedouin culture. The qualities and characteristics admired by the interviewed owners in their camels mirror the ones that are either valued (ego, pride, intelligence, loyalty) or despised (shame, guilt) by most people in the Bedouin community. The interviewed cameleers justify their camels’ status as being equal to humans in the Bedouin culture by camels’ perceived ability to experience emotions both positive and negative but always seemingly appropriate to a situation, as well as camels’ perceived ability to analyze the circumstances and select a line of behavior based on the expectations of the owner.

Our research findings support Bekoff’s (2007) belief that people would not be able to establish a bond with animals if they did not express feelings and emotions. Camels evoke emotions in their owners precisely because there is a strong perceived emotional response from the camels, believed to be provoked by their close contact and continuous interactions with humans.

Taking a multispecies approach to a cultural analysis of camels in Bedouin culture is a first step to end the Cartesian tradition of two literatures: the one focusing on human cultures and the other focusing on animal cultures. A next step would be to not only study what camels bring to Bedouin culture but to also look at how Bedouin culture affects camel culture. Such empirical research would need a methodological approach focusing on camel culture that is ethologically informed, as it would not be enough to simply map camel cultures by way of only interviewing camel owners.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.