“Where is your fixed point?” Dealing with ambiguous freelance musician careers

ABSTRACT

The pandemic Covid-19 has highlighted the precarious working conditions that freelance performers and artists have always worked under. The aim of this article is to understand and explain freelance musicians’ strategies and emotional labour for dealing with their ambiguous positions and careers. The article develops a theoretical approach, combining concepts of precarity and emotional labour with Bourdieu’s theory of social practices. Interviews with 13 professional Swedish freelance musicians in the art music/classical genre were conducted in the winter of 2021. What is at stake in the gigs the freelancers have, are issues of social belonging and symbolic recognition. Aspirations for working life are negotiated in obvious and subtle ways, practically and emotionally. The freelancers strive to create a fixed point in a job on uncertain grounds.

KEYWORDS:

• Freelance musicians
• social practice
• emotions
• ambiguity
• fixed point

Introduction

During the Covid-19 pandemic, the performing arts sector in Sweden experienced what was essentially a ban on its activities. State aid for the sector was expanded, but concern about its recovery remains strong among professional cultural workers. Already in the autumn of 2020, stakeholder organisations reported that a third of established freelance musicians in the art music/classical genre¹ had changed or was considering changing occupations.² Needless to say, the situation remains exposed, despite a slow reopening of performing arts scenes in late 2021 and early 2022.

The title of this article quotes Agnes, a freelance musician interviewed in early 2021. In her meetings with older freelancers, she had repeatedly asked the question, “Where is your fixed point?”. For Agnes, a fixed point refers to the stability that many freelancers lack when working in many different places. According to Comunian and England (2020), the pandemic has highlighted the precarious working conditions that freelance musicians have always worked under. The 13 in-depth interviews conducted with Swedish freelance musicians offer significant insight into these normal pre-pandemic conditions.

The creative and artistic professions are generally seen as desirable and are surrounded by romantic myths (Alacovska, 2019; Arvidson et al., 2010; Bain & McLean, 2012; Butler & Stoyanova Russel, 2018; Comunian & England, 2020; Gee & Yeow, 2021; Lingo & Tepper, 2013). However, the employment conditions are often precarious, involving economic, social and existential uncertainty. Myths and conceptions about the artistic profession as unique act as resources for being able to deal with, and even overlook, the risks and challenges of careers in the sector (Armstrong, 2013; Kingsbury, 1988; Threadgold, 2018). The precarious conditions for freelance workers require extensive emotional labour. Butler and Stoyanova Russel (2018), for example, show how freelance comedians have to handle precarious working conditions “with a smile” (p. 1). The emotional labour functions as a resource, but can also be self-exploiting by helping to retain the freelancers as a flexible buffer in the gig economy (Hoedemaekers, 2018; Storey et al., 2005; Vincent, 2011). With this kind of career seem to follow a forced individualisation³ (Adkins, 2013; Banks, 2019; de Peuter, 2014; France et al., 2019).

The emotional labour for dealing with precarious freelance careers can be understood in relation to Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social practices (Bourdieu, 1990, 1999). The unequal relationships between permanent employees and freelance workers are reproduced through socialising and sorting practices at the gigs (Fredrickson & Rooney, 1988; Nørholm Lundin, 2020). It is suggested in the article that freelancers have to manage ambiguous⁴ positions of social belonging and outsider status, of being both recognised and unrecognised for their professional expertise. They are struggling to create some kind of stable or fixed point, in a job on uncertain grounds.

The aim of the article is to understand and explain classical freelance musicians’ strategies and emotional labour for dealing with ambiguous positions and careers. The research questions are: What shapes freelance musicians’ strategies and emotional labour for dealing with their ambiguous positions and careers? How are their aspirations for working life established and negotiated at the gig practices (e.g. auditions, rehearsals, concerts) they are part of?

This article contributes theoretically by linking concepts from Bourdieu’s theory of social practices with sociology of emotions. Together, this enables an understanding of the complex interplay between objective conditions and socialised subjectivities in working life (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). In addition, the article contributes to empirical studies about uncertain and elitist careers in music and similar jobs, by problematising the conditions and strategies of this resilient-vulnerable group of professionals. However, the problems of precarious and ambiguous working conditions are not restricted to creative and artistic work. On the contrary, there is an increasing trend of flexible employment arrangements in contemporary working life (de Peuter, 2014; Glavin et al., 2021; Vonk, 2021). This article problematises this trend and describes some possible strategies for dealing with these, as described by the freelance musicians.

Dealing with precarious working conditions in music careers

In this section, previous research about precarious working conditions in artistic and creative work is presented, together with professionals’ strategies and emotional labour for dealing with these conditions. Parallels with Bourdieu-oriented studies are presented when relevant. The music profession is characterised by high demands and stiff competition (Cottrell, 2002; Vaag et al., 2014). For freelance musicians without steady jobs, uncertainty increases and fluid memberships are handled (Oakland & Ginsborg, 2014). On assignment, freelancers are expected to perform at a top level and master a professional sociability (Dobson, 2010), which involves high pressure as freelancers depend on their reputation and networks for future engagements (Alacovska, 2018; Dowd & Pinheiro, 2013; Fredrickson & Rooney, 1988).

A question that arises in response to this is why some people choose to invest and stay in such demanding and insecure professions. It is likely they did not perceive the uncertainty at first, due to meritocratic perceptions of success coming as a result of talent and calling (Kingsbury, 1988; Nørholm Lundin, 2020). The fact that competition is stiff seems in fact to increase motivation, as well as the willingness to adapt to the rules of the game (Caves, 2000; Wainwright & Turner, 2018). These kinds of myths and perceptions are part of the reversed economy of the arts, where specific artistic values or capitals function within an economy whose logic is an inversion of the logic of the larger economy of the society (Bourdieu, 1983, 1988; Threadgold, 2018). These perspectives explain why uncertain career investments can be made.

The concept of emotional labour has been defined as a continual work on one’s own emotions in relation to professional life (Zembylas, 2010). Emotional labour is about managing emotions in relation to others as well as oneself. It is about keeping up appearances, for example by hiding frustration over working conditions in order to get booked (Butler & Stoyanova Russel, 2018). In addition, it is about staying motivated and preserving a sense of hope and privilege in relation to work, where the love of the job contributes to a sense of higher cause and moral strength (Arvidson et al., 2010; Hesmondhalg & Baker, 2010; Hoedemaekers, 2018; Knudsen & Mathisen, 2020; Threadgold, 2018; Vincent, 2011; Wainwright & Turner, 2018). This emotional labour functions as a resource for dealing with competition, risk and asymmetric power structures, but also as a means of (self-)exploitation.

Previous studies about precarious working conditions and emotional labour are used in this study to understand the complex interplay between conditions, strategies and emotions. This interplay is guided or mediated by embodied emotions. Bourdieu-oriented studies can benefit from emphasising the quasi-bodily emotions that are implied in the concepts of illusio, habitus and symbolic violence. In addition, sociology of emotions can contribute to Bourdieu-oriented studies by its focus on activity and process. Sociology of emotions can gain from a Bourdieusian understanding of the embodied and misrecognised aspects of emotions, which people are bringing with them into working life (and processes of emotional labour) (Sallaz, 2010).

Bourdieu’s theory of social practices

Bourdieu’s theory of social practices is related to the concepts of social room or field (Bourdieu, 1990, 1995, 1999).⁵ The social room/field is understood as a force or battlefield of relational living conditions and lifestyles. This relational structure of unequal possibilities is reproduced in the socialising-sorting activities and rituals of the social practice (Wacquant, 2006). The social practice consists of not only what is being done or said, but also of the social and symbolic significance of this (Callewaert, 2014).

What unites the participants in the social practice is a common belief (illusio) in the value of the practice and its basic rules of play (Bourdieu, 1988). This belief contributes to the participants’ readiness to submit to the rules of the game (Zembylas, 2010) and to their socialised practical sense for what is right to do in that context (Bourdieu, 1990, 1995; Crossley, 2013; Reay, 2004). Habitus is understood as the social history that makes it possible for a person to embody this practical sense. In addition, habitus acts as a generated and generative principle for individuals’ actions and aspirations.

This practical sense of what is right to do, as for example a musician, is regulated by quasi-bodily⁶ or embodied emotions (Bourdieu, 1990, 1999; Bourdieu, 1990; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985; Persson, 2020). Transgressing social norms and taboos as well as social mobility may cause negative emotions such as shame, fear, unease and ambivalence. While the opposite may evoke positive emotions such as pride, ease and belonging. This kind of self-regulation under dominant norms, through embodied emotions, acts as a symbolic violence. It is accepted as natural, just or deserved, i.e. it is misrecognised. Flexible work conditions and their norms, for example, are internalised as part of a flexploitation (Morgan et al., 2013; Vincent, 2011).

To conclude, there is potential in Bourdieu-oriented studies to learn more about the complex interplay between social structures and emotions, in relation to reproduction (Bericat, 2016; Bourdieu, 1990, 1999; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985; Scheer, 2012; Schmitt, 2016; Wacquant, 2006; Zembylas, 2010). However, what seems to be underdeveloped are perspectives on the active processes of interplay. This article intends to fill some of this gap by understanding professionals’ actions and strategies as relational and self-regulated through embodied emotions (and processes of emotional labour).

Materials and methods

This study takes a Bourdieu-inspired methodological approach, where the research object is reconstructed in a process of breaks and construction (Bourdieu, 2004; Bourdieu et al., 1999). Within this approach, the researcher tries to understand and explain what is at stake in the interplay between objective conditions and socialised subjectivities (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985). The social and symbolic significance of what is done and said in and about the social practice is reconstructed (Callewaert, 2000, 2014).

At the beginning of the research process, a stakeholder group of musicians was contacted to get feedback on the project idea and gain access to interviewees. They suggested the study should focus on the situation of freelance musicians and assisted in placing the researchers’ adverts for interviewees on its social media. The researcher had a dialogue with potential interviewees to make sure that the ethical demands of informed consent were met (Coe et al., 2017).⁷ Thirteen interviewees with professional freelance musicians in the art music/classical genre, with a distribution in relation to sex/gender, age, instrument, length and orientation of career, and geographical location were selected to participate in the study. A majority of them were women (85%), which may have influenced the results.

The semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted via Zoom in January and February 2021. The questions were about the interviewees’ life and career histories (Bourdieu et al., 1999; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985), e.g. their backgrounds and entry into the profession, and their professional trajectories, experiences and strategies before the pandemic. The interviews resulted in 16 hours’ worth of empirical data, which were transcribed and thematised abductively (Coe et al., 2017). Themes were developed in relation to: (1) the positions and careers the freelancers have, (2) the ambiguous conditions and ambivalent emotions their careers involve and (3) the freelancers’ strategies for dealing with this. Social belonging and symbolic recognition were overall themes that were developed, in relation to previous themes. Aspects of gender, social background and age were mentioned but not analysed in depth, as this was not the aim of the study or enough covered in the interviews. For reasons of confidentiality, the interviewees were given fictitious names, their instruments presented in groups and their age approximated. Other jobs were, to a certain degree, reformulated (in general terms) (see Table 1, below).

Table 1. Interviewees and background variables.

Fictitious name	Group of instrument	Age	Sex/Gender	Working years	Professional orientation
Björn	Strings	45+	M	20–25	Freelancer
Camilla	Wind	50+	F	20–25	Freelancer
Malin	Wind	35+	F	5–10	Freelancer, teaching the instrument
Hanna	Wind	40+	F	15–20	Freelancer, other profession
Isa	Wind	30+	F	5–10	Freelancer, studying
Agnes	Wind	40+	F	15–20	Freelancer, other job
Felicia	Strings	30+	F	5–10	Freelancer
Ulrik	Wind	45+	M	20–25	Freelancer
Sara	Strings	30+	F	5–10	Freelancer, fixed position
Fredrika	Voice	40+	F	10–15	Freelancer
Dora	Strings	55+	F	30–35	Freelancer
Louise	Voice	35+	F	10–15	Freelancer
Maja	Strings	40+	F	5–10	Freelancer

Context: working as a freelance musician in Sweden

Instrumentalists and singers in the art music/classical genre have an extensive higher education of 3–5 years and often more. Training usually starts in childhood and the individual exercise (practice) at the instrument of 1–5 h per day or more continues throughout their careers. Employers are mainly the regular institutions (symphony orchestras, opera choirs, larger ensembles) and the free cultural life (private theatres, churches, temporary/smaller projects and ensembles). There are no complete statistics, but there are an estimated 1400 permanently employed musicians and 600–700 freelancers in the classical music sector in Sweden.⁸ However, the numbers are not clear, as the category of permanent employees often includes part-time employees and freelancers.

In a general description of working conditions, one of the unions states that many musicians lack permanent positions and are constantly searching for new gigs. Freelance musicians deputise, fill vacancies, work in temporary projects and own ensembles. The gigs can last for shorter or longer time spans (from days and weeks to months and up to a year). Regular positions are few and won through extensive auditions in stark international competition. There are social unemployment funds, but these are often criticised for being ill-fitted to freelancers’ working situation.

The interviewees, presented in Table 1, represent the characteristics and variations in the labour market. They all have extensive training and are highly merited. They combine various gigs and projects, sometimes with other kinds of jobs. Sara is the only interviewee with a part-time (60%) regular position, which she combines with freelancing.

Findings

Ambiguous positions and careers

The findings consist of related themes, starting with the characteristics of ambiguous positions and careers. The negotiations of working life aspirations are explored in relation to the relational social practice and socialising-sorting gig practices that the freelancers are part of (Bourdieu, 1990, 1995; Nørholm Lundin, 2020).

In general, the jobs of freelancers demand a high level of performance but have a low level of influence. The freelancers describe a hierarchy between musicians in permanent positions and freelancers, which is reconstructed as two distinct positions in the relational social practice of classical/art music (Bourdieu, 1995). Linked to these positions are homologous differences in (social) living conditions and (symbolic) lifestyles; the permanently employed musicians can for example plan their finances and live close to their place of work, while the freelancers have an uncertain income and have to be prepared to travel or live elsewhere if anyone called about a gig. The freelancers find it difficult to plan for holidays and leisure time activities (or even avoid this), as plans often are cancelled due to gigs coming in.

As freelancer Ulrik express it, it is crucial to always say yes to gigs: “otherwise it is like setting fire to tinder; then they might not call you again”. This seems to be a golden rule for freelance musicians. In addition, being “called for”, “fully booked for different gigs” and able to “jump on the bike” (Malin, Björn, Ulrik) seem to act as success criteria for the freelancers and are taken as signs of careers going well. This enables a sense of hope and belief in their careers, that it’s worth the effort (Alacovska, 2019; Bourdieu, 1990). However, the freelancers are ambivalent in relation to these norms/rules, as they sometimes doubt the “sustainability” and “worthiness” of freelance careers (Isa, Sara). This kind of ambivalence is reconstructed as part of a symbolic violence that is built into freelance careers, meaning that, no matter what the freelancers do, it is never completely right compared to the norms of permanent positions and the lifestyles they enable (Bourdieu, 1999; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985).

There are some distinguishing practices in relation to the gigs (before, during, after and in-between gigs), where the differences between permanent and freelance employees are reproduced (Bourdieu, 1995). Especially in the larger and more prestigious institutions, such as symphony orchestras, major ensembles and opera choirs, there are clear differences between those who (fully) belong socially and those who do not, and between those who are (fully) symbolically recognised in terms of their level of ability and expertise and those who are not. This difference is present in for example social response and feedback at gigs and auditions. The smaller events in the free cultural life, such as gigs at churches, theatres and the freelancers’ own productions, are described as more relaxed, creative and free, while at the same time implying an ambivalence in relation to moving outside of the more prestigious contexts. As freelancer Hanna describes it, she risks being regarded as “one who has quitted”, i.e. not working enough in the right places (she also has another kind of job).

It is suggested that between the institutions and the free cultural life, there is a relational hierarchy between what is large and small, regular and temporary, prestigious and relaxed respectively (Bourdieu, 1995). This hierarchy is maintained by distinguishing practices where it is made clear who is a full member and who is not, for example, who gets to have a say, gets feedback and is included at lunch breaks and so on. In the institutions, the difference between permanent and freelance employees is more apparent, while, in the more temporary settings of the free cultural life, it is easier to blend in (as there are no/few permanent positions).

Some of the freelancers perceive there to be more male musicians in permanent positions and more female freelancers (Armstrong, 2013). Freelancer Malin raises her concern about being constantly “dependent on the good eye of older men” in getting a gig. It is seen as a general problem, regardless of sex/gender, that freelancers are expected to come in as “a breath of fresh air, livening up the tired permanent employees” (Hanna). As freelancers, they are expected to do more, and their roles are limited. Age is another factor that seems to affect the freelancers’ career paths and positions, as young talents are being tested, while middle-aged musicians might find it harder to get gigs.

To conclude, there is a built-in subordination in freelance positions and careers, which manifests itself in issues of social belonging and symbolic recognition – which re-inforce each other (Bourdieu, 1995, 1999). In addition, there is a culture of professional secrecy among the musicians, that affects what can be said and done (Butler & Stoyanova Russel, 2018). Always being ready for calls and in top physical shape (at their instrument) seem to be a golden rule for freelancers. It is considered to be a huge risk and even taboo to fail this demand, “then they might not call you again” (Ulrik, Camilla). In addition, it seems natural to accept these rules: “otherwise you may not be fit to be a freelancer” (Ulrik, Camilla). However, the emotional strain that comes with this has to be hidden, as the musicians have “to appear already successful to get the gigs” (Isa). This culture of professional secrecy contributes to the reproduction of the hierarchies among the musicians. The gig practices, where the differences are normalised, socialises the freelancers to embody the rules of the freelance game.

To follow the norms or expand them?

As previously argued, the freelancers’ positions and careers are generally subordinate and ambiguous. However, their strategies vary in relation to the norms of traditional classical music careers, i.e. by either following or expanding them. Their overall strategies can be divided into traditional and flexible career paths. In the traditional path, permanent positions and prestige gigs in the large symphony orchestras or ensembles are the focus. The flexible path rather combines occasional prestige gigs with (more) popular music in theatres and churches, their own artistic productions, and bread and butter jobs or other professions.

The interviewees talk about the complex role of the freelancer, which sometimes makes them feel vulnerable. The traditional career path conforms to the norms but also makes the freelancers vulnerable as everything is staked on one card. While the flexible career path challenges or widens the norms, it can also mean losing prestige and result in feelings of ambivalence (Muel-Dreyfus, 1985). The freelancers have been brought up with the norms of traditional career paths in education and work life. They have been “drilled” to believe that “nothing else is as important” (Isa). This socialised practical sense for the job is familiar, and following it seems to enable a sense of stability (Bourdieu, 1990). Wanting to follow the flexible path may stem from a desire to express themselves more freely in more relaxed forms. However, it may also cause increased ambivalence, as it may challenge their embodied practical sense of what a classical musician should be like (the narrow norms). To navigate in relation to these tensions involves emotional struggles “over and about illusio” (Threadgold, 2018, p. 168).

The freelancers express a desire for sustainable and dignified work and private life, regardless of career path. Some of them strive for the autonomy of a flexible career path, while others strive for the security of a permanent position and traditional career path. Some of the freelancers are familiar with freelancing and similar jobs, from their upbringing, which enables a sense of careers going well (a sense of normality). Others are more unfamiliar with this kind of job, with families having regular jobs, which makes it a struggle to deal with their own doubts and being questioned about their career choice. The ambivalent emotions that the freelancers express are caused by clashes in-between their upbringing, education and working life. Some of the freelancers exemplify a split habitus, which comes from social mobility, as well as a general mismatch between their aspirations for career and life in relation to the actual state of their careers (Bourdieu et al., 1999; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985).

The traditional and flexible career paths seem to be related to age and phase of career. The younger freelancers, in their thirties, like Sara, Isa, Felicia and Malin, are aiming for permanent positions at the institutions. The middle-aged freelancers, in their forties and upwards, rather look back at 10 or more arduous years of freelancing, as those who used to be “young and hungry” (Agnes, Hanna). Being young and talented (and tested) seem to be symbolical capital of particular value in classical music (Kingsbury, 1988; Nørholm Lundin, 2020). As mentioned before, there seems to be an ageism affecting the freelancers’ aspirations over time, as Hanna expresses it: “Now that I’m in my forties, I will not get a permanent position – it doesn’t happen”.

The middle-aged freelancers can be divided into sub-groups with various strategies as well, such as hibernation, reorientation and project focus. Camilla, Ulrik and Dora form a group of hibernators, who have been freelancing for 20 years or more.⁹ They highlight the benefits of their working life and their professional pride, which seem to function as sources of motivation and resilience (Wainwright & Turner, 2018). They seem to have largely embodied the ideals and rules of the profession, being proud “craftsmen” and “social chameleons” (Camilla). This is an example of the emotional labour that the freelancers perform, in order to be able to keep going and keep hoping (Alacovska, 2019).

However, Agnes, Hanna and others¹⁰ are in a phase of reorientation, combining gigs with other kinds of jobs and a desire for a calmer freelancing life. This implies an act of balancing, as it is considered taboo to tell other musicians and employers about this (even when jobs are closely related to music, e.g. teaching the instrument). The perceived risk, fear and taboo of missing a gig, or being seen as out of the picture, or as yesterday’s news, contributes to a symbolically violent process of self-regulation of the freelancers (Bourdieu, 1990, 1999; Threadgold, 2018). The reorienting freelancers embody the norms and rules of the profession as well, which causes a certain ambivalence in them (Hanna for example, considering how others might look at her). The third group of middle-aged musicians (Fredrika, Louise and Björn) has a more explicit project focus, with freelance gigs serving (only) as a complement to their own projects. In this way, they somehow challenge the strict traditional norms and values.

“Where is your fixed point?”

As exemplified in previous sections, the freelancers are dealing with ambiguous positions and careers in terms of their working conditions and related lifestyles (Bourdieu, 1995). The question posed by Agnes, in the heading above, is an example of ambivalence understood as “complex relational experiences within a wider web of interdependent social relationships” (Hillcoat-Nallétamby & Phillips, 2011, p. 202). Agnes has repeatedly asked this question when meeting older freelancers. Later, it has become part of her reflections on her reorientation towards a more flexible career path. Sara, who has recently gained a permanent position in an orchestra, raises a similar image of the interminable existence of the older freelancer:

There are people of 50 years old and over who are, like, “I’m going to work for two months in this orchestra and I have to be living in a small, filthy, unfurnished apartment sleeping on a mattress on the floor because I’ve got a temporary gig in this orchestra now”. (Sara)

Sara expresses a great respect for freelancers as tough and resilient, mixed with her great relief of having achieved a more stable sense of place and future. Agnes’ question can be understood as an expression of the precarious conditions of freelancing, which involves the performance of emotional labour around issues of sustainability, dignity and meaning. Not having a fixed point implies a potential conflict between the socialised practical sense for the job (what career they had intended), their habitus (what life they had intended) and the current state of their careers respectively.

The image of the older freelancer, working under precarious conditions with no end in sight, is characterised as both heroic and terrible by Agnes and Sara. There seem to be a widespread elitist culture of working a lot and searching for a profession and lifestyle “that goes beyond the ordinary” (Isa, Maja, Agnes). However, there is also a common feeling that this is unsustainable and unworthy when it goes beyond a certain limit. It is not uncommon for freelancers to set a limit on how long they will continue freelancing, and the interviewees express such a desire to create some kind of stability and to set such a boundary. The ambivalence the freelancers express has to do with the clashes between the elitist culture of work (being a perfect freelancer) and issues of dignity in life (being a respected person). These clashes are present in deep embodied emotions such as ease and unease, pride and shame, depending on the current state of their careers and life.

“You get used to belonging intensively for six months and then there is nothing”

The freelancers manage and maintain their ambiguous positions at the gigs. In relation to the prestigious institutions, the difference between permanent and freelance employees is particularly stark. Freelancer Camilla talks about her fluid membership of her peer group, stating: “You get used to belonging intensively for six months and then there is nothing”. This is confirmed by Felicia, who expresses that having periods of work implies she is on the right track, while longer periods without work imply she is no longer relevant. It is argued that getting the gigs has a social and symbolic significance (to appear and feel fit for the game) that affects the freelancers’ aspirations.

Agnes describes moving between temporary gigs as an emotional rollercoaster: “Oh, what fun! Oh, how lonely! Oh, what fun!, To be always, like there was no continuity for real but, that it was very temporary”. This situation creates ambivalent emotions that are reinforced by the fact that she works closely with others, but then again doesn’t, “because everyone knows you are leaving” (Agnes). The perception that everyone knows is reconstructed as another distinguishing practice that acts on a level of embodied emotions (as a sense of social belonging-outsider status, pride-shame/grief) (Bourdieu, 1995). Agnes has eventually decided to reorient towards a more flexible career path, as the “constant hunt” for gigs and the “emotional rollercoaster” in the end became too harsh. For Camilla, however, the variety and challenges in relation to gigs are experienced as part of the charm of the profession. In addition, Camilla’s feelings of “coming back and being appreciated” and being able to work (relatively) close to home means that she is able to maintain a sense of privilege and control.

The freelancers manage their fluid membership by using emotional and embodied resources related to professional drive and integrity. Some of the privileges that Camilla describe contribute to a sense of place and future by acting as a fixed point. In Agnes’ case, however, the lack of stability seems to be the straw that eventually broke the camel’s back. While the freelancers generally perceive themselves as “tough and resilient” (Sara), they also feel significant pressure from permanent employees and employers, whose attitudes vary from “thanks for helping us out” to “you should be grateful for being allowed to be here” (Felicia). It is as if the freelancers are allowed on gigs “out of grace” and inferior because they haven’t “won a permanent position” (Malin, Felicia).

The responses at the gigs are particularly fraught because they can be interpreted as an indication of the freelancers’ value, i.e. whether they would be allowed to come back or not. The freelancers deal with the pressure generated by the often negative (or lack of) social responses on gigs, by just “going on” (Isa) and being “a social chameleon” (Camilla). At the same time, some things seem to get under their skin and create a great deal of uncertainty, such as being booked at short notice, doing well but getting a bad response anyway, or simply being ignored. Maja describes a situation in which she was called about a gig with the words “you are the last on our list, we are desperate”, as if the subordination of freelancers is completely legitimate and taken for granted (Bourdieu, 1999).

Maja also expresses how certain situations have stuck to her and how this creates uncertainty: “Of course, it sticks, and whatever did that mean, what he just said? Was it good or bad?”. As Agnes puts it, the subordinate position might eventually be perceived as fair, like “a buzz; I didn’t know what was true anymore, because it seemed like that”. Here, the expression buzz indicates that this kind of response affects Agnes negatively and lingers in her mind, as an embodied emotion of doubt caused by a symbolically violent situation (Bourdieu, 1999).

Auditions and ranked lists

Obtaining a permanent position in a symphony orchestra, an opera choir or any other prestigious ensemble involves an important recognition of a musicians’ competence. It contributes to a sense of having one’s place and future. Permanent positions are filled through auditions, where some aspirants are selected to work on trial for a number of weeks and ranked lists of substitutes are drawn up. This method of assessment is reconstructed as a distinguishing practice that operates on both obvious and subtle levels. The obvious level is about forms of employment, while the subtle level is about the emotional pressure that comes with the lengthy assessment procedures (who will be able to deal with it?).

The freelance musicians perform emotional labour to manage this socialising-sorting practice, which extends beyond the actual context of the assessment. According to Felicia, there is an underlying tone on the gigs that “you are not as good as we are, for you have not obtained a permanent position”. Being highly ranked on the list of substitutes may imply greater opportunities for getting gigs, but it also carries a symbolically violent connotation of still being second best (Bourdieu, 1999). The freelancers seem to be left on their own to deal not only with the judgments of others, but also with their own doubts in relation to this.

The freelancers use various strategies to deal with their doubts, such as “exposing oneself to what is difficult” (Isa). However, their doubts sometimes seem to grow, to linger and be perceived as the truth: “It became like a buzz, and it was hard to know what was true” (Agnes). Felicia also talks about wrestling with her feelings of being a fraud, while at auditions. In addition, these emotions are perceived as stressful in themselves, as the freelancers have to “appear already successful to get the gigs” (Isa). There is no room for doubt whether they can perform at a top level at auditions and gigs or not, rather “the music has to be presented in a very confident way” (Isa). These emotions act in a self-regulating way when it comes to the freelancers’ aspirations (sense of place and future) (Bourdieu, 1999).

Conclusions

The aim of this article is to understand and explain classical freelance musicians’ strategies and emotional labour for dealing with their ambiguous positions and careers. This article develops a theoretical model, combining Bourdieu’s theory of social practices with the concepts of emotional labour and precarity. The empirical and theoretical study contributes with new perspectives on freelancers’ actions and strategies, understood as relational and self-regulated through quasi-bodily emotions and processes of emotional labour. At the gigs, the freelancers’ aspirations for working life are negotiated practically and emotionally. What is at stake are issues of social belonging and symbolic recognition, as well the freelancers’ sense of place and future – a fixed point in a job on uncertain grounds.

For freelancers, their individual drive is their perhaps most vital asset. However, this drive or belief in the job (that it is worth the effort) is threatened by quasi-bodily emotions as doubt, shame and fear (Bourdieu, 1990, 1999; Muel-Dreyfus, 1985). These emotions are present at the gigs and act as a built-in symbolically violent condition of freelance careers. What is regulated at the gigs, is for example the difference between permanent and freelance employees and the different horizons of possibilities that come with this.

The theoretical model, that is developed here, contributes to new perspectives on the active and processual aspects of the reproduction of social structure. The freelancers are oriented toward either traditional or flexible career paths, they are either following or expanding the narrow norms of classical music careers. The traditionally oriented freelancers chose to hibernate and focus on the good sides of the job, as a way of maintaining their individual drive. They try to maintain a sense of privilege, of having achieved semi-stable and semi-sustainable careers, as emotional resources. The flexibly oriented freelancers rather chose a project-oriented strategy, trying to maintain a sense of autonomy and community in their own ensembles. One of the freelancers, Sara, recently won a permanent position, which enables her with a strong sense of privilege, place and future. Combining freelance work with other kinds of bread and butter jobs seems to contribute to a similar sense of having one’s place and future, even though this involves some ambivalent emotions.

A conclusion is that the freelancers, to a higher degree than permanent employees, have to create their sense of place and future (Alacovska, 2019; Banks, 2019). The processes of negotiation seem to lead to either confirmed or altered aspirations. For Agnes, the constant “hunt” for gigs and the “emotional rollercoaster” of being in and out of gigs eventually became too hard: “it wasn’t ‘groovy’ anymore – it was like there was no fun anymore, just hard work”. This study contributes to empirical studies about elitist and precarious freelance work and “flexploitation” (Alacovska, 2019; Butler & Stoyanova Russel, 2018; Comunian & England, 2020; Morgan et al., 2013; Wainwright & Turner, 2018). A conclusion is that the conditions of work and the emotional labour, required to deal with the conditions, act like two sides of the same coin. This is related to the perceived possibilities as well as necessities, what one can expect and has to invest. What is reproduced at the gigs is no less than the rules of the freelance game.

Having a sense of one’s place and one’s future, and having a balance between work and life, are norms connected with permanent employment. However, freelance work is balancing the edge between what is considered as dignified and sustainable, and what is not. For freelancers, dealing with ambivalent emotions in relation to social belonging and symbolic recognition is a built-in (symbolically violent) condition (Bourdieu, 1999). The freelancers bring with them a sense of how their careers are going (a sense of their worth) from their social encounters and assessments at the gigs. Being able to deal with these emotions, or not, decides who is able to continue playing the game and who is not. The freelancers present different strategies to create autonomy, meaning and stability in a job based on uncertain grounds.

The results of this article may have been affected by the fact that the interviews were conducted during the pandemic of Covid-19, which may have led to an increased critical reflection among performers, questioning the narrow norms and the conditions of work. Stakeholder organisations’ surveys indicate that the pandemic has led to a drop in competency. Perhaps this could motivate employers to reflect upon and improve working conditions. The problematic working environment seems to be an issue for permanent employees as well (Liljeholm Johansson, 2010; Nørholm Lundin, 2018, 2020). The apparent differences between permanent and freelance employees are likely to contribute to stress among permanent employees as well, as they may feel the need to constantly defend their positions.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the interviewees for taking part in the study. The author would also like to thank the three anonymous reviewers and colleagues at the Adult Learning Research Group at Stockholm University and Morten Nørholm, who contributed with valuable comments.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This project has received some funding from the Department of Education at Stockholm University.

Notes on contributors

Anna Nørholm Lundin

Anna Nørholm Lundin is a senior lecturer at the Department of Education at Stockholm University. Her research area is within educational and cultural sociology and social practices in working life and civil society.

Notes

1 The correct word is art music, but the word classical music is more common. Both words will be used.

2 Musik Centrum Väst [Music Centre Vest] (2020). Var tredje musiker lämnar yrket [Every third musician is leaving the job].

3 Or self-managing, self-reliant, risk-bearing, always-on flexible.

4 The word ambivalence is about people (having mixed or ambivalent emotions) while the word ambigous is about objects (complicated positions or careers).

5 The theory of social practices builds on an understanding of habitus rather than capital.

6 Not just body, not just emotion (Bourdieu, 1990).

7 The study does not involve sensitive personal data and data is treated in accordance with the requirements of safe storage (GDPR) and the recommendations for research ethics from the Swedish Council of Research and the Swedish Board of Ethical Review.

8 Sources: The professional Orchestral Music in Sweden (governmental report, SOU 2006, 34); Ett år med pandemin [One year with the pandemic] (report from Swedish Agency for Cultural Policy Analysis, 2021); description of occupations at union Saco’s homepage (2021); personal contact with union Symf (2021).

9 Maja takes this path as well, but she is somewhat younger.

10 Two of the younger freelancers, Malin and Isa, being in between traditional and flexible career strategies.