The Powerpuff Girls: making it as early career academics in physical education

ABSTRACT

Early career academics (ECAs) working in neoliberal universities have been recognized as a vulnerable group who experience anxiety, uncertainty, exhaustion, stress, frustration, insomnia, shame and guilt. These feelings are often intensified among academics from developing countries, such as Argentina. Using the theoretical ideas of liquid subjectivities, risk and uncertainty, this paper aims to explore what we experienced while transitioning from undergraduate students to ECAs in the field of Physical Education (PE). Collective biographies were used as a method for data collection, and three main themes were constructed from the data in relation to power relations, gender and liquid subjectivities from the transition from students to ECAs. The paper concludes by highlighting the positive side of working in academia with the hope that working conditions will be improved for the next generation of ECAs in PE.

KEYWORDS:

• Early career academics
• collective biographies
• physical education
• liquidity
• precariat

Introduction

Early career academics (ECAs) have been recognized as ‘potentially vulnerable knowledge workers’ (Alfrey, Enright, & Rynne, 2017, p. 6) who face many challenges in their workplaces (Bennion & Locke, 2010). Anxiety and uncertainty are characteristics of academics who work in neoliberal universities, and some researchers have described academics as exhausted, stressed, frustrated and overloaded, while also suffering from insomnia; feeling anxious; and experiencing feelings of shame, aggression, hurt, guilt and out-of-placeness (Barker, 2017; Fanghanel, 2012; Gill, 2009; Sword, Trofimova, & Ballard, 2018). These feelings are intensified among ECAs, as their working conditions are often more precarious. On the other hand, some ECAs may be considered superheroes.¹ Despite working in these precarious conditions, ECAs still achieve major career accomplishments, or at least, they survive academia. The question, however, is how much they are willing to sacrifice to achieve these things. It seems that a superpower is necessary to teach (Garbett, 2018) and, consequently, teachers become academic superheroes (Pitt & Mewburn, 2016).

Several researchers (such as Barcan, 1996; Giroux, 2014; May, Strachan, Broadbent, & Peetz, 2011) have explicitly critiqued the precarious conditions of employment in the university sector. For example, Giroux (2014) claimed that the neoliberal university is ‘a market-driven paradigm that seeks to eliminate tenure, turn the humanities into a job preparation service, and transform most faculty into an army of temporary subaltern labor’ (p. 38). Importantly, discussions regarding the challenges and pressures faced by ECAs in the current context of the neoliberal university sector have begun to increase, both in the general research literature (Acker & Webber, 2017; Feldman & Sandoval, 2018; Gill, 2009; Maher & Sureda Anfres, 2016; Powell, 2016), as well as in the particular field of Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy (PESP) (Alfrey et al., 2017; Barker, 2017; Enright, Rynne, & Alfrey, 2017; Hartung et al., 2017; Varea, 2019). However, these studies have been conducted in English-speaking and developed countries.² There is a dearth of research regarding the experiences of ECAs in PESP in other parts of the world. Significantly, countries such as Argentina – where two of this study’s authors are currently located and where the three of us undertook our initial undergraduate degrees – face particular disadvantages and precarious conditions, especially in academia. Therefore, this paper aims to explore what we experienced while transitioning from undergraduate students to ECAs in the field of Physical Education (PE)³ and some of the challenges that we currently face as ECAs in the neoliberal university. In this way, we draw upon our own experiences as female ECAs to explore instances that have shaped our professional subjectivities.

Liquid subjectivities, risk and uncertainty

Risk and uncertainty are characteristics of Western societies (Rose, 1999), and risk has become a prevalent concept within daily life. The term risk differs from danger, as danger can be more accurately located and prevented (Bauman, 1999). Risks, on the other hand, are pervasive features of one’s own actions; risks are present in all situations and can be reduced, but never completely extinguished (Bauman, 1999). Beck (1992) first described risk society as an inescapable structural condition of advanced industrialization involving a hidden politics, ethics and morality. Risk culture is present everywhere, and the concept of risk is used in diverse fields, such as engineering, medicine, economics and sociology (Beck, 1992). Risk is a factor that individuals often cannot control, and societies are now characterized by an increased uncertainty about the future (Piotrowski & Ruitenberg, 2016). Uncertainty can also be considered as a way of life, perhaps the only way of life available today; uncertainty is not something to repair, but rather something people create (Bauman, 1999). However, a constant state of insecurity may lead to people living in precarious conditions. Standing (2011) defined precariat as a new class of worker whose work is dictated by increased labour market flexibility and insecurity, which leads to ‘a precariat existence, of living in the present, without a secure identity or sense of development achieved through work or lifestyle’ (p. 16). The concept of precariat shares some similarities with the well-known framework of oppression developed by Freire (1996). Precarity has become a weapon to exploit temporary labourers, to defeat dissent and to keep workers preoccupied with the fear of losing their jobs (Giroux, 2014). This precariousness is politically, socially and economically threatening, as it results in anger, anxiety and alienation (Standing, 2011).

Neoliberalism foments an unrestrained belief in market values, radical individualism and unchecked competition, thereby discouraging notions of the public, solidarity and care for others (Giroux, 2017). In the neoliberal world, it is the agile and marketable self which is valued and treasured, since it can embody corporate desires and be captured by the neoliberal discourse (Gillies, 2011). This necessary condition of agility for success in the neoliberal world is similar to what Bauman (2000) has termed liquidity, which is the best way to characterize the relationship that individuals have with society today.

A person’s liquid subjectivities continuously change and, like fluids, do not maintain any shape for long. Rather, these liquid subjectivities need to be constantly ready for (and prone to) change (Bauman, 2000). Liquid subjectivities travel easily. Liquids (for example, ECAs) occupy a space (such as, the university), but just for a moment. Unlike solids, liquids are not easily stopped. They travel easily, passing around some obstacles while dissolving others (Bauman, 2000), and liquids adapt to different contexts and situations. An emergent shape, such as being a permanent academic, is not likely to solidify and survive for long (Bauman, 1999).

Similar to the concepts discussed by Bauman (1999), our liquid subjectivities, which changed from PE undergraduate students to ECAs, have resided along a continuum rather than existed as a fixed entity. According to Bauman (1999), usually individuals do not fully belong to the different groups that they enter, as there are parts of our modular persons which cannot be accommodated by any single group. The condition of modularity is part of the triple bane of uncertainty, insecurity and lack of safety (Bauman, 1999).

Methods

Collective biographies were used as method for data collection in this study. Davies and Gannon (2006) developed this method as a feminist, post-structural research strategy and based it on the earlier memory-work of Haug (1987). Memory-work consists of a process in which each member of a group writes a memory-story that is later shared with the other participants and then collectively analysed and theorized. Memory-work is underpinned by the assumption that human experience is grounded in historical and cultural terms because reality is holistic and contextualistic (Crawford, Kippax, Onyx, Gault, & Benton, 1992). Significant remembered events, and the way that they are subsequently constructed, have an important role in the construction of self (Crawford et al., 1992).

Memory-work refuses to separate the subject and the object of research (Crawford et al., 1992; Koutroulis, 1993; Ovens, 2004). The researcher becomes a member of the research group, and the researched becomes the researchers. Haug (1987) referred to research participants as coresearchers, and they have equal status with the researcher in the research process. Consequently, memory-work narrows the gap between the subject and object of the study, allowing both to actively share and interpret their memories. This method is based on the concept that everyday experience is the basis of knowledge. The accuracy of memories is not relevant. Instead, it is the process of memory construction that is important: what is remembered, how it is remembered, the meanings of those memories and how they are understood through the passage of time (Crawford et al., 1992).

The methodological steps

Haug (1987) developed a set of steps for executing this methodology and established the criteria for using it. The following steps were also used for this research project.

(1) Choosing a theme. Memory-work begins with the selection of a theme that is collectively chosen and focuses on a single situation that is relevant for the socialization of wider groups (Haug, 1987). It is necessary to choose a topic which all group members can write a story. The topic acts as a trigger that evokes a particular memory (Crawford et al., 1992) and is related to the research focus. For this paper, the chosen topic was the transition from undergraduate student to ECA in PE.

(2) Writing the memory. Participants are then asked to write a memory-story related to the specific theme, and this allows the individual to reconstruct the actions and emotions of an event and enables engagement with the past. As Crawford et al. (1992) stated,

memory-work is based on the assumption that what is remembered is remembered because it is, in some way, problematic or unfamiliar, in need of review. The actions and episodes are remembered because they were significant then and remain significant now. (p. 38)

By asking participants to write their memories, recollections that have likely been private and considered irrelevant are now made public and treated seriously. The process of memory-writing allows one to de-emphasize the self, and this helps to challenge embodied precepts (Haug, 1987).

For this study’s memory-writing, we adapted the following rules from Haug (1987) and Crawford et al. (1992)

Write one to two pages about a particular episode, action or event.

Writing involves transgressing limits and exploring new territories. It helps to order thoughts and capture memory.

Write in the third person, and use a pseudonym.

Writing in the third person allows the participant to stand back and view the memory from the outside. In this way, the participant can create personal distance and also avoid justifying the experience. The members of the group become more aware of themselves, and this helps to create detachment from any possibly painful past event. While we have written our stories using a pseudonym, we use our real names throughout this paper to avoid any confusions. The most relevant excerpts from our stories are reported as data to represent each theme in the results section.

Write in as much detail as possible, including what might be considered trivial or inconsequential.

By asking for the trivial, the hope is to avoid participants evaluating what is important or not. It provides the opportunity to be attentive to the smallest, and seemingly most irrelevant, detail (Koutroulis, 1993).

Describe the experience. Do not try to interpret or explain it.

The story should be focused on what happened, not why it happened. This helps to work against warranting and justification.

(3) Conducting the collective analysis. The collective analysis acts as a vehicle for the transformation of knowledge. The analysis aims to discover the common social understanding underlying the stories, the social meanings embodied in the described events and how these meanings are constructed (Onyx & Small, 2001). By exposing individual memories to other participants for analysis, common social experience becomes the focus of memory-work. The collective analysis involves exploring the social meanings of some words and the use of clichés and metaphors. It is a time of questioning and searching for both similarities and differences among the memories (Koutroulis, 1993).

(4) Conducting further analysis. Participants then further theorize using the material produced by the memories and the collective discussion. Memories are related back to the earlier discussions and to the research literature (Onyx & Small, 2001). Pairing subjective experiences with theory, in a mutually critical relationship, permits theory to be constructed and modified through this process (Crawford et al., 1992). This stage provides for a return to the empirical work via the group discussion and collective analysis, and offers a means to develop new interpretations (Onyx & Small, 2001).

The context and us

This study’s researchers completed their undergraduate and honours degrees at the Universidad Nacional de Rio Cuarto in Argentina during the same time period (2002–2008). After we finished our honours programmes, we obtained different master’s and specialization degrees at different universities. Before finishing their master’s degrees, Ana and Valeria started their doctoral programmes. Marcela began hers more recently. Ana and Valeria finished their doctoral degrees almost five years ago at the time we started writing this paper; therefore, they can be labelled ECAs (less than five years after completing a doctorate). Marcela is currently undertaking her doctoral studies but can also be considered an ECA. In Argentina, it is uncommon to begin an academic career with a completed doctoral degree, particularly in PE.⁴ Marcela and Ana are currently living in Argentina and working in the academia (in PE). Valeria completed her Ph.D. and worked for nine years in Australia in academia, and she has recently moved to Sweden to continue working as an academic in PE.

The current economic situation in Argentina is complex. The economy is unstable. Inflation is ongoing, and as a consequence, the cost of living has increased (Natason, 2019; Rapetti, 2018). Funding for higher education, including science and technology, has also been reduced (IEC CONADU, 2018). Because of recent political and economic decisions, the accumulation of capital is becoming extremely difficult; therefore, Argentineans now find it difficult to acquire property (Taylor, 2018). Education plays an important role in the social and economic development of countries (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2015). In Argentina, education, which is a responsibility of the state, is considered a universal right and should be committed to social development (Guarga, 2018). However, the issues that arise from the precarious labour conditions in the university sector are not limited to Argentina. As Varea (2019) demonstrated, this is also the case in many so-called ‘developed’ countries. Therefore, even though Valeria has worked in Australia and is currently located in Sweden, she still identifies herself with all of the pressures associated with her role as an ECA.

As ECAs working in the field of PE, we advocate for the importance of exposing us. However, this paper is not ‘just about us’ (Varea, 2019). We are concerned with examining the social through the self (Probyn, 1993) and using this examination as a means to establish a reflexive and critical position within the culture. We thus aim that reflection – that true reflection – would lead to action (Freire, 1996). Reflecting critically on our biographies has been the first step in recognizing the pressures that ECAs face in the neoliberal university. Analysing and reconstructing the events, voices, experiences and understandings that we collected during the research process is a time- and context-defined activity (Olive, 2013). We have disclosed details of our personal lives and expressed our emotions in the narratives, and this aligns with the principles set forth for utilizing collective biographies as a method for data generation. As a result of this analysis, three main themes were identified within the data and are explored below: (1) Still students or academics now? (2) When is enough enough? and (3) Embracing academia and its challenges.

Results

Still students or academics now?

Within the narratives, there was evidence that in the years following graduation we experienced confusion about our roles as academics versus students, and this is shown below:

After obtaining the diploma of PE teacher, she continued as a student in the honours programme and worked as an adjunct academic⁵ in one of the subjects … .The transition process (from student to academic) had some progress and setbacks. At moments, she was a student in the programme, and at other moments, she was the lecturer. These simultaneous roles provoked some confusion and diverse feelings, since she was getting to know and experiencing the system from her dual position … .After finishing her two-year adjunct position and her postgraduate studies, there was the possibility to apply for a lecturer position at the same university where she studied. As the position was at the same university, many of her former lecturers were then her colleagues. This change of relationships indicated a before and after in her treatment and perception of others. (Ana)

As demonstrated in the passage above, Ana’s liquid subjectivity changed from being a student to an academic within the same setting (the university), and this was experienced with confused emotions. Bauman (2000) argued that liquidity is the best way to characterize the relationship that individuals have with society today. Subjectivities are continuously changing, particularly among ECAs, due to the stress of labour conditions in neoliberal universities (Varea, 2019). As fluids, ECAs do not maintain any shape for long (such as, being an undergraduate student) and need to be constantly ready for change (for example, to become an academic). ECAs, as liquids, occupy a space (universities), but just for a moment (Bauman, 2000).

Similar to Ana, Valeria also expressed some confusion regarding her dual role of student-academic: For gymnastics classes, the lecturer usually divided the group of students in two: one for female students and the other one for male students. Valeria used to teach one of these groups first, while the lecturer taught the other one, and then they swapped. This subject was scheduled during the first year of the undergraduate PE programme and was a difficult subject to pass. Therefore, there were many students who attempted several times—that means, for several years—until they finally succeeded in passing it. In one of the classes, Valeria was with the male group. She asked them to stand in front of her in a semi-circle before starting the class so she could explain the content of that particular lesson. She looked more closely at each one of them, and she realised that most of them looked older than her and that they were bigger in size too. Suddenly, Valeria felt a bit intimidated. (Valeria)

The narrative above demonstrates that in addition to emotions related to the dual role of student-academic, issues of power and gender are also evident. Argentina is a more macho-orientated, chauvinistic society when compared to others (Daros, 2018; Stobbe, 2005). Therefore, Valeria having been left alone to conduct tutorials with a group of bigger and older male students might have led to increased feelings of insecurity and discomfort. Power relations are often present in teacher-student relationships, and the incident above also involved gender issues, which made it more complex, but also more equal in some ways. Valeria possessed the knowledge that needed to be transmitted to the students, and this often results in a power relation. However, the students were bigger and older males, which resulted in Valeria feeling intimidated.

In this instance – as in a Foucauldian perspective of power – power was not held by anyone (not by the students, nor by Valeria), and the power did not belong to anyone. It moved through different groups, institutions and people (Valeria and the students) and should be understood as a fluid in motion (Danaher, Schirato, & Webb, 2000). By using the post-structuralist methodology of collective biographies, we were able to uncover how our selves were constituted and how power–knowledge relations changed according to times and places, as well as social, political and cultural contexts (Wright, 2004). As noted by Varea (2014), post-structuralist theorizing focuses on the discursive context in which knowledge is constituted.

As Ana and Valeria expressed in their narratives, surveillance and comments from others are also a common cause of discomfort in teaching:

The first meeting with colleagues who worked in the same discipline area was an introductory meeting designed to analyse the perspectives used to select topics for the course. However, she noticed that her colleagues had a ‘warning attitude’ because of her recent integration to the team. They made comments such as ‘We didn’t know that you were interested in the position for this course. We were surprised that you applied’ … . She felt observed and assessed by her colleagues and students. On several occasions, her colleagues told her that she was ‘the most academic one’ on the team. For Ana, her colleagues’ and students’ views were important; therefore, she tried to be cautious and pay attention to what she observed and heard. (Ana)

Almost four years passed, and Valeria finished her Ph.D. Now it was ‘the moment of truth’. Valeria was lucky and got a full-time, permanent teaching and research position at a different university in Australia … . The first day of teaching arrived. A colleague joined her for her first lecture, and she thought this was very nice of him. However, when this colleague joined her in each one of her lectures, Valeria didn’t feel too comfortable, as she felt she was not ‘the owner’ of the course and felt under surveillance. (Valeria)

The narratives above demonstrate that both Ana and Valeria felt that their colleagues were inspecting them at certain points during their first years as ECAs. Surveillance functions as a power technique because it perpetuates, creates or prescribes behaviour according to some norm of social life (Varea, 2014). In Ana’s case, the comment referring to her as the ‘most academic’ one within the teaching team was received negatively by Ana because academics in PE in Argentina often value practical knowledge over theoretical knowledge. Within the field of PE, the dominant form of knowledge has traditionally been technocratic (Tinning, 1990). In Argentina and Spain (Varea & González-Calvo, 2020) this still seems to be the case today.

Others’ comments and gazes had an emotional effect on us, and emotions have been shown to influence teaching practice, professional development and pedagogical approaches (Yan, Evans, & Harvey, 2013). However, it has been suggested that through the expression of one’s emotional self, individuals can develop greater reflexivity, stronger solidarity and more sensitivity towards students (Shapiro, 2009). It is important for academics to reflect on how their emotions and feelings may increase or limit possibilities within their teaching and how emotions provoke them to think and act differently (Fried, Mansfield, & Dobozy, 2015).

When is enough enough?

The three of us began teaching at university level in unpaid positions, as is common in Argentina. These adjunct positions are intended to bolster one’s curriculum vitae, while increasing the possibility of success when later applying for paid positions.

While Marcela was studying, she decided to become a teaching assistant and assist different lecturers with their courses … . Then there was the possibility of applying for a two-year adjunct position, and in this way, Marcela was able to access the university. (Marcela)

The course in which she was going to be teaching was quite interesting. She also thought it was going to be an opportunity to stay in touch with the university, to learn and to build her CV to be able to apply for a permanent position in the future. (Ana)

While unpaid work may be illegal in some countries, in Argentina’s higher education system it is often considered necessary in order to later secure a position as an academic. This creates precarious labour conditions, and the quality of the education may also be at risk because the standard at which a job is completed is usually related to monetary reward (salary). These unpaid positions in higher education normalize and encourage unpaid work and can result in a vicious circle whereby new lecturers are not appointed because the work is done by unpaid ECAs. In this scenario, a constant state of insecurity may influence people to live in precarious conditions (Varea, 2019).

To the contrary, when Valeria began teaching in Australia and secured a paid position as a tutor, this disrupted her taken-for-granted assumptions about unpaid academic work:

The years passed, and Valeria was starting her Ph.D., which was only by research. She realized that for the first time she was not teaching or attending classes, and that felt pretty weird. Valeria missed the contact with students … . When the second semester was about to start, one of the course coordinators approached Valeria and asked her if she wanted to be one of the tutors for his course. Valeria was extremely happy and accepted the position. Even though Valeria had been teaching at the university level for seven years at that point, this was the first time that she was actually going to be paid to do so. Valeria didn’t care much about that. She didn’t even know her salary as a casual tutor. However, when she got her first paycheck as a university tutor, she was stoked! (Valeria).

Valeria’s precariat existence of not being remunerated while working as an academic in Argentina changed, and she then felt a more secure sense of development achieved through work. The liquidity of Valeria’s professional subjectivity – from student to ECA – was reinforced when she received her first salary as an academic. Nevertheless, precarity worked as a weapon to exploit the three of us and kept us preoccupied with the fear of losing our jobs and not being able to progress in our academic careers. This precariousness resulted in feelings of anger and anxiety in all three of us, as well as the uncertainty of not knowing how much was expected and acceptable when becoming an academic.

Furthermore, the constant need for continuous professional development and academic progress is well-known in academia. Ana demonstrated this in her story:

On the day of her graduation, Ana knew that four years of the undergraduate degree weren’t enough and that she needed to know more, as she was not feeling satisfied and secure about the responsibilities involved with being a teacher. She still hadn’t decided which job she wanted to do … . With the diploma in her hand and with the need to find a path, she decided to enrol in an honours degree to be better prepared for possible future opportunities. She kept wondering if she was doing the right thing or if she needed to undertake a further diploma or workshop to feel more confident in her professional role. She didn’t know if she felt that way because of her lack of knowledge or because of the insecurity of her new situation as a PE graduate. Or was it because of others’ perceptions of her or because she simply thought there was so much more to know? … . The feeling of being a recent graduate – an inexpert teacher – influenced Ana in the search for options that would allow her to build her career and develop professionally. (Ana)

The tendency of academics to work extensive hours and continue to educate themselves has been well-documented (Woolston, 2017). While Ana’s professional, liquid subjectivity changed from that of an undergraduate student to a graduate student, she did not feel adequate in terms of the knowledge that she was supposed to possess. This motivated Ana to pursue higher studies beyond graduation. As ECAs, we now wonder if it is even possible to overcome the feeling of not knowing enough in academia or if that is exactly the sentiment that motivates academics to continue reading and researching.

The three of us were introduced to research at different points in our careers, as demonstrated below:

When Marcela was finishing her undergraduate degree, she had an overseas trip planned that she couldn’t go on. This made her wonder if she needed to keep studying and undertake an honours degree in PE with her former undergraduate classmates. She decided to go ahead with this new programme. Before finishing the coursework, she started writing her thesis and had the experience of conducting research. She then finished her thesis and presented it so she could obtain her diploma. (Marcela)

Valeria kept progressing with her studies even after her undergraduate degree. She knew that to become an academic she needed to keep studying. After all, that is what Valeria enjoyed doing. Valeria was introduced to the possibility of doing research during a second-year course in her undergraduate studies … and she absolutely loved it! (Valeria)

One of the responsibilities of an academic position is conducting research. While most academic positions in fields all over the world include a research component, in Argentinean PE this research component is not well-known. Furthermore, when undergraduate students undertake their programmes in PE-related fields, they usually do not know that research is an option after graduation. In our case, we did not know this at the beginning of our studies.

The commencement of our careers as academics also involved feelings of insecurity and a variety of mixed emotions:

The experience of being part of a university teaching team generated mixed emotions in Ana. She felt enthusiastic because of the new experiences, but also frustrated about the administration involved and the lack of time to exchange ideas and opinions with colleagues. Everything was happening too fast and in contradictory ways … enthusiasm, satisfaction, embarrassment, surprises, fear, confusion, anger, disappointment, anxiety, frustration. (Ana)

Marcela started a postgraduate, interdisciplinary degree, which filled her with different experiences and happiness. Everything seemed to make sense. (Marcela)

Recent research has suggested that academics have become hypercompetitive and combative ninjas, cynical and jaded zombies, and depressed and anxious nervous wrecks (Barker, 2017; Ryan, 2012). This aligns with some of what Ana felt and experienced at the beginning of her career. Marcela, however, also felt happiness. Emotions may motivate individuals to take a course of action in life or prevent the same action (Varea, González-Calvo, & Martínez-Álvarez, 2020). People are emotionally influenced by specific contexts, sociocultural experiences and social interactions, which are shaped by dominant discourses (Dowling, 2008). Unlike solids, liquid subjectivities move freely; they travel with ease around some obstacles, while dissolving others, such as emotions. Liquid subjectivities adapt to different contexts and prepare for new challenges. However, with all of the mixed emotions, there is often a sense of perfectionism:

Valeria searched for a few classes to attend and in which she could be a tutor, while she started her Ph.D … . It was the day of her first class. She prepared everything very carefully: the classroom, computer, data projector, her PowerPoint presentation, etc. She had also previously attended another tutorial conducted by one of her friends because Valeria wanted everything to be perfect … . She used to go to her social sciences tutorials feeling a bit more insecure, as the students there were more challenging and open-minded than the students in the PE programme. (Valeria)

Academics often believe that they need to be perfect in all aspects of their lives (Lars, in Enright et al., 2017), and Valeria is no exception. The three of us share this sense of perfectionism because we were recognized for and awarded the highest grade point average for our cohort of undergraduate studies. Unsurprisingly, the three of us were the only ones from our cohort who decided to become academics in PE.

A sense of perfectionism may motivate us to do our jobs better; however, perfectionism is often accompanied by feelings of incompleteness, since our tasks are often not finished as well as we would like them to be. Our perfectionist selves may also be linked to our competitive subjectivities, and academia is a place where individuals and institutions compete for resources (Barker, 2017). PESP contexts also involve an intrinsic sense of competition (Varea, 2019) because former PE teachers have typically been competitive their entire lives (Armour & Jones, 1998) and particularly while playing sports (Evans, 1990). Competitiveness related to body shape has also been found among female PE undergraduate students (Varea & Tinning, 2016). Many academics feel pressure to be competitive in the world of neoliberal universities, and ECAs are more at risk in this situation because they are just beginning their careers.

Embracing academia and its challenges

While working in the academia has many challenges and disadvantages, we choose our jobs and their benefits on a daily basis. We pursued academic jobs in PE as our desired career, and we have not given up:

Ana started to consider working in academia as a challenging and stimulating process, one in which she could progress professionally … . For her, being in touch with interesting people who were willing to share their experiences was also important, along with having the time to think and reflect … . Even though she had already experienced teaching at the university, this opportunity was different, since Ana felt ready for the job this time. (Ana)

Marcela continues to study today for a doctorate degree and has conversations with undergraduate students so she can make a difference beyond the specific content of the courses. The university is part of Macela’s life project, and she can’t know what the future will bring to her undergraduate students. However, she can listen to them during this part of their path. (Marcela)

Ana’s and Marcela’s stories express an idealized version of academia, one in which academics can have an impact on students’ lives and the work environment. This environment can provide opportunities to meet interesting people who may motivate us to think and reflect further – assuming that there is time to do so. While neoliberal universities have been described as unsettling and ethically problematic (Barker, 2017) and capable of trapping and repressing individuals and their imaginations (Boden & Epstein, 2011), we still choose our jobs. According to Bauman and Lyon (2013), ‘ “all is lost” only when (if!) we believe this to be true’ (p. 221). In this sense, we believe that we still have agency – that is, the ability to act in the academic world and make a difference. We are not saying that this is an easy or unproblematic task, but rather that the effort is often rewarding and remains something that we enjoy doing:

Valeria got more and more excited about her teaching and kept teaching in different courses for both departments—Social Science and Human Movement Studies. Of course, she preferred some groups of students and not others, but she was really enjoying her teaching. (Valeria)

While there is a plethora of complaints about the precariat of academic jobs worldwide, we still enjoy working as academics. Benefits such as flexible working hours and places are particularly attractive, together with the freedom associated with research areas (specially in Argentina) and the choice for study materials and content. Valeria, at the beginning of her stay in Australia, could not understand why academics complained about their work as scholars, since Australia felt like paradise compared to the academic world in Argentina. Therefore, the precariat is also a liquid condition defined by context, and sometimes it is difficult to identify the boundaries that indicate when precariat or oppression begins. Certainly, some measurements need to be taken to ensure the wellbeing of all academics. Small amounts of pressure can motivate us to improve as academics. However, that pressure has a liquid condition, and we need to be aware of when it is excessive.

Concluding remarks

This paper began with a description of the working conditions of ECAs in the neoliberal university and discussed research regarding personal exhaustion, shame and guilt (Fanghanel, 2012; Gill, 2009), as well as desolation and breakdown (Fanghanel, 2012). After introducing the theoretical concepts of liquid subjectivities, risk and uncertainty, collective biographies was described as a method for data collection. After a brief description of the context, the research results were presented as three main themes: (1) Still students or academics now? (2) When is enough enough? and (3) Embracing academia and its challenges.

While discussing the first theme, we drew attention to how our liquid subjectivities changed from that of university students to ECAs in PE and how we experienced mixed emotions as part of this process. We also highlighted how issues of gender, surveillance and power relations – particularly in regard to the liquid role experienced by ex-lecturers who became co-workers – influenced us. In the discussion of the second theme, we analysed the precariat of working conditions in academia, especially in Argentina, and the normalization processes of unpaid positions. We further explored the feelings of anger, anxiety and uncertainty that the precariat provokes, alongside our own perfectionism and the need for constant professional development and progress. Finally, we chose to finish the paper on a more positive note by discussing the third theme last. We acknowledged our enjoyment of our jobs, and we argued that the precariat is a liquid condition, which may change at any point. Because the literature highlights a need for optimistic stories, we hope that ours contribute in this manner.

This paper was written by three female ECAs in PE who have studied in a developing country and who believe that they possess the (super)powers that enable them to survive in the neoliberal academic world. We believed that we had something important that needed to be said, and that motivated us to share our stories. Heavy teaching loads and uncertain employment conditions influence our subjectivities and make some of us even more liquid and ready for change. We hope that this research can help stop work intensification and improve the precarious nature of ECA employment so as to prepare a brighter future and better working conditions for the next cohort of ECAs in PE.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Valeria Varea

Valeria Varea is an Associate Professor in Sport Science in the School of Health Sciences at Örebro University, Sweden

Ana Riccetti

Ana Riccetti is a Lecturer in the Departmento de Educación Física at Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto, Argentina

Marcela Siracusa

Marcela Siracusa a Lecturer in the Departmento de Educación Física at Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto, Argentina

Notes

1. This is the sentiment that inspired the title of this paper, which is based on The Powerpuff Girls, an American superhero animated television series. In this cartoon, three girls with superpowers were accidentally created by spilling a mysterious substance called ‘Chemical X’, which granted them superpowers. One of these superpowers is physical strength, which may be associated with the stereotype of an academic in PE.

2. In many places, the name given to the broad field under study is ‘Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy’ or ‘Human Movement Studies’. However, in Argentina it is known solely as ‘Physical Education’.

3. There are some controversies regarding the use of the terms ‘developed/underdeveloped’ countries. Some authors have suggested the concepts of ‘North/South’, ‘centre/periphery’, ‘metropole/colony’, ‘First World/Third World’ or ‘core/periphery’. However, there are also some debates and overlaps about the use of these terms, as well (Connell, 2007).

4. In Argentina, there are no Ph.D. or doctorate degrees specifically for PE. People wanting to undertake a Ph.D. or a doctorate degree in PE-related areas need to enrol in other ‘broader’ discipline areas, such as educational sciences or social sciences, and then focus more on PE-related topics in their theses.

5. An adjunct is an unpaid teaching position that is common in some universities in Argentina. Candidates need to have at least an undergraduate degree for these positions. It is also common for these academics to have heavy teaching loads, including the delivery of tutorials, practical lessons, some lectures and marking.