Abstract
Ten years of counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan have produced little in Britain's national interest. This article examines the political objectives set in these wars and the reasons why they have proved elusive. The core foreign policy aim was to sustain Britain's position as a great power by assuming responsibility for global order. Alliances with the United States and NATO would be the diplomatic tool for pursuing this aim. These alliances brought obligations, in the shape of agreed common threats. Rogue regimes with weapons of mass destruction and international terrorists harboured in failed states were deemed the primary threats to British security. Military means were therefore used in Iraq and Afghanistan to attack them. Whether Tony Blair's vision of global order ever made sense is debatable, and it attracted scepticism from the outset. The article argues experience in Iraq and Afghanistan showed that a strategy to eliminate terrorism (the WMD threat turned out never to have existed) by expeditionary counterinsurgency could only fail. Therefore the attention lavished on operational-level performance by most studies is misplaced, because no amount of warfighting excellence could make up for strategic incoherence. Finally, the article proposes the more important question arising from the last ten years is why the UK pursued a futile strategy for so long. The difficulties associated with interpreting events, a malfunctioning strategic apparatus, weak political oversight, and bureaucratic self-interest are posited as the most significant explanations.
Acknowledgements
Many thanks to Matthew Ford for inviting me to the workshop where the ideas in this paper were first presented, and for his subsequent patience, support, and advice. Thanks also to Patrick Porter for discussing the major themes outlined here.
Notes
10.CitationHeng, ‘What did New Labour Ever Do for Us?’, 563, 568–9.
11.CitationMcCormack, ‘From “Ethical Foreign Policy” to National Security Strategy’, 104–5.
28.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 137–8.
30.CitationGriffin, ‘Iraq, Afghanistan and the Future of British Military Doctrine’, 318, 320.
38.CitationChin, ‘Colonial Warfare in a Post-Colonial State’.
50. Ibid., 16–18, 28, 32–3.
58.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 125.
62.CitationParker, ‘Twenty-First-Century Operational Leadership’, 134.
86.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 126.
104.CitationKing, ‘Military Command in the Last Decade’, 393.
107.CitationKing, The Transformation of Europe's Armed Forces.
110.CitationKing, ‘Understanding the Helmand campaign’, 312, 322, 329.
118. Ibid., 173–4, 180, 185.
122.CitationRiley, ‘NATO Operations in Afghanistan 2008–2009’, 246.
132. Ibid., Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 5, 7.
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