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Articles

Enmeshed in insurgency: Britain's protracted retreats from Iraq and Afghanistan

Pages 501-521 | Received 10 Jun 2013, Accepted 13 Jun 2013, Published online: 01 Jul 2014
 

Abstract

Ten years of counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan have produced little in Britain's national interest. This article examines the political objectives set in these wars and the reasons why they have proved elusive. The core foreign policy aim was to sustain Britain's position as a great power by assuming responsibility for global order. Alliances with the United States and NATO would be the diplomatic tool for pursuing this aim. These alliances brought obligations, in the shape of agreed common threats. Rogue regimes with weapons of mass destruction and international terrorists harboured in failed states were deemed the primary threats to British security. Military means were therefore used in Iraq and Afghanistan to attack them. Whether Tony Blair's vision of global order ever made sense is debatable, and it attracted scepticism from the outset. The article argues experience in Iraq and Afghanistan showed that a strategy to eliminate terrorism (the WMD threat turned out never to have existed) by expeditionary counterinsurgency could only fail. Therefore the attention lavished on operational-level performance by most studies is misplaced, because no amount of warfighting excellence could make up for strategic incoherence. Finally, the article proposes the more important question arising from the last ten years is why the UK pursued a futile strategy for so long. The difficulties associated with interpreting events, a malfunctioning strategic apparatus, weak political oversight, and bureaucratic self-interest are posited as the most significant explanations.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Matthew Ford for inviting me to the workshop where the ideas in this paper were first presented, and for his subsequent patience, support, and advice. Thanks also to Patrick Porter for discussing the major themes outlined here.

Notes

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  2.CitationLedwidge, Losing Small Wars, 128.

  3.CitationHaynes, ‘Taleban “Poised to Regain Helmand”’.

  4.CitationJones and Smith, ‘Myth and the Small War Tradition’, 453–4.

  5.CitationStrachan, The Direction of War, 45, 77.

  6. Ibid., 118.

  7.CitationBetz and Cormack, ‘Iraq, Afghanistan and British Strategy’, 324.

  8.CitationMiskimmon, ‘Continuity in the Face of Upheaval’, 283.

  9.CitationAtkins, ‘A Renewed Social Democracy’, 179, 188.

 10.CitationHeng, ‘What did New Labour Ever Do for Us?’, 563, 568–9.

 11.CitationMcCormack, ‘From “Ethical Foreign Policy” to National Security Strategy’, 104–5.

 12.CitationEllis, ‘“Mission Accomplished” in Afghanistan?’.

 13.CitationBailey, ‘The Political Context’, 13, 15.

 14.CitationFreedman, ‘Alliance and the British Way in Warfare’, 148, 152.

 15.CitationDaddow and Gaskarth, ‘Introduction’, 7.

 16.CitationStrachan, ‘British Generals in Blair's Wars’, 330–1.

 17.CitationEgnell, ‘Lessons from Helmand’, 301.

 18.CitationRynning, NATO in Afghanistan, 48–9.

 19.CitationLedwidge, Investment in Blood, 32.

 20.CitationFarrell, ‘Improving in War’, 573.

 21.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 65.

 22.CitationStewart, ‘Southern Iraq 2003–2004’, 80.

 23.CitationMaciejewski, ‘Best Effort’, 157.

 24.CitationStrachan, The Direction of War, 11.

 25.CitationBiddle, Christia, and Thier, ‘Defining Success in Afghanistan’, 50.

 26. For an extended analysis, see CitationSuhrke, When More is Less.

 27.CitationBetz and Cormack, ‘Iraq, Afghanistan and British Strategy’, 323.

 28.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 137–8.

 29.CitationFarrell and Gordon, ‘COIN Machine’, 674.

 30.CitationGriffin, ‘Iraq, Afghanistan and the Future of British Military Doctrine’, 318, 320.

 31.CitationEgnell, ‘Winning “Hearts and Minds”?’, 283, 292.

 32.CitationUrban, Task Force Black, 214.

 33.CitationChaudhuri and Farrell, ‘Campaign Disconnect’.

 34.CitationPritchard and Smith, ‘Thompson in Helmand’, 65.

 35.CitationKing, ‘Understanding the Helmand Campaign’.

 36.CitationCatignani, ‘“Getting COIN” at the Tactical Level’.

 37.CitationBennett, ‘The Reluctant Counter-Insurgents’.

 38.CitationChin, ‘Colonial Warfare in a Post-Colonial State’.

 39.CitationEgnell, ‘Lessons from Helmand’, 304.

 40.CitationBurke, ‘Leaving the Civilians Behind’, 38.

 41.CitationRynning, NATO in Afghanistan, 157.

 42.CitationWhite-Spunner, ‘Great Expectations’, 89.

 43.CitationMaciejewski, ‘Best Effort’, 161, 170.

 44.CitationShaw, ‘Basra 2007’, 179–80.

 45.CitationIron, ‘Basra 2008’, 187, 196.

 46.CitationUcko and Egnell, Counterinsurgency in Crisis, 64, 73.

 47.CitationWilliams, ‘Enduring, but Irrelevant?’, 372.

 48.CitationEgnell, ‘Lessons from Helmand’, 309.

 49.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 54, 56.

 50. Ibid., 16–18, 28, 32–3.

 51. Ibid., Ev 43.

 52. Ibid., Ev 57.

 53.CitationAnderson, No Worse Enemy, 122, 146, 256.

 54.CitationCoughlin, ‘Taliban Could Retake Key Territory’.

 55.CitationLondono, DeYoung, and Miller, ‘Afghanistan Gains Will Be Lost Quickly After Drawdown’.

 56.CitationAlizada, ‘Afghan Police in Taleban Arms Sales’.

 57.CitationDerksen, ‘Armed, Disarmed, Rearmed’.

 58.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 125.

 59.CitationDumbrell, ‘The US-UK Special Relationship’, 65.

 60.CitationPorter, ‘Last Charge of the Knights?’.

 61.CitationMcColl, ‘Modern Campaigning’, 116.

 62.CitationParker, ‘Twenty-First-Century Operational Leadership’, 134.

 63.CitationMaciejewski, ‘Best Effort’, 158.

 64.CitationStewart, ‘Southern Iraq 2003–2004’, 79.

 65.CitationCross, ‘Rebuilding Iraq 2003’, 77.

 66.CitationStewart, ‘Southern Iraq 2003–2004’, 85.

 67.CitationUrban, Task Force Black, 67–9, 86.

 68.CitationMaciejewski, ‘Best Effort’, 162.

 69.CitationUrban, Task Force Black, 250.

 70.CitationAlderson, ‘Too Busy to Learn’, 290.

 71.CitationDunn, ‘The Double Interregnum’, 1133.

 72.CitationChandrasekaran, Little America, 206–7.

 73.CitationRynning, NATO in Afghanistan, 182, 186.

 74.CitationCowper-Coles, Cables from Kabul, 219.

 75.CitationChandrasekaran, Little America, 234.

 76.CitationLedwidge, Investment in Blood, 5.

 78.CitationTuck, ‘Afghanistan’, 47, 49.

 79.CitationMiller, ‘Finish the Job’, 57.

 80.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 15.

 81.CitationChaudhuri and Farrell, ‘Campaign Disconnect’, 272–83.

 82.CitationEgnell, ‘Lessons from Helmand’, 310–11.

 83.CitationFarrell, ‘Improving in War’, 567–94.

 84.CitationStrachan, ‘British National Strategy’, 44.

 85.CitationCornish and Dorman, ‘Blair's Wars’.

 86.CitationChin, ‘The United Kingdom and the War on Terror’, 126.

 87.CitationPritchard and Smith, ‘Thompson in Helmand’, 83.

 88.CitationPorter, ‘Why Britain Doesn't Do Grand Strategy’.

 89.CitationStrachan, The Direction of War, 71–2, 75, 90.

 90.CitationStrachan, ‘British National Strategy’, 49–50.

 91.CitationUcko and Egnell, Counterinsurgency in Crisis, 86.

 92.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 6, 15, 58.

 93.CitationUcko and Egnell, Counterinsurgency in Crisis, 129.

 94.CitationStrachan, ‘British National Strategy’, 43.

 95.CitationDe Waal, Depending on the Right People, vii.

 96.CitationStrachan, The Direction of War, 281.

 97.CitationKriner and Wilson, ‘Elites, Events and British Support’, 12, 14.

 98.CitationKreps, ‘Elite Consensus’, 195.

 99.CitationKettell, ‘Dilemmas of Discourse’, 267, 272.

100.CitationReifler, Clarke, Scotto, Sanders, Stewart, and Whiteley, ‘Prudence, Principle and Minimal Heuristics’, 7.

101.CitationDumbrell, ‘The US-UK Special Relationship’, 66–7.

102.CitationDunn, ‘The Double Interregnum’, 1136–7.

103.CitationWhitman, ‘The Calm After the Storm?’, 834, 836–7, 845, 847.

104.CitationKing, ‘Military Command in the Last Decade’, 393.

105.CitationCochran, ‘The Civil-Military Divide’.

106.CitationFoley, Griffin, and McCartney, ‘Transformation in Contact’, 259, 262–5, 268.

107.CitationKing, The Transformation of Europe's Armed Forces.

108.CitationCowper-Coles, Cables from Kabul, 176.

109.CitationDe Waal, Depending on the Right People, 23.

110.CitationKing, ‘Understanding the Helmand campaign’, 312, 322, 329.

111.CitationCatignani, ‘“Getting COIN” at the Tactical Level’, 528.

112.CitationDe Waal, Depending on the Right People, 20.

113.CitationCowper-Coles, Cables from Kabul, xx.

114.CitationRalph, ‘No Longer Special?’, 337.

115.CitationLedwidge, Investment in Blood, 206.

116.CitationStrachan, The Direction of War, 125.

117.CitationUrban, Task Force Black, 86, 117.

118. Ibid., 173–4, 180, 185.

119. Ibid., 219, 270.

120.CitationShaw, ‘Basra 2007’, 177.

121.CitationRynning, NATO in Afghanistan, 179–81.

122.CitationRiley, ‘NATO Operations in Afghanistan 2008–2009’, 246.

123.CitationRynning, NATO in Afghanistan, 190.

124.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, Ev 24.

125. Ibid., Ev 49.

126.CitationDumbrell, ‘The US-UK Special Relationship’, 74.

127.CitationPosen, ‘Pull Back’.

128.CitationLedwidge, Investment in Blood, 223.

129.CitationSchott, Scherer, and Lambert, ‘Casualties of War’, 47 (2011), 1134–1145.

130.CitationHarnden, Dead Men Risen, 558.

131.CitationHouse of Commons Defence Committee, Securing the Future of Afghanistan, Ev 25.

132. Ibid., Securing the Future of Afghanistan, 5, 7.

133.CitationUcko and Egnell, Counterinsurgency in Crisis, 166.

134.CitationCornish and Dorman, ‘Fifty Shades of Purple?’, 1187.

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