827
Views
3
CrossRef citations to date
0
Altmetric
IV. Synchronous analysis: Scales of governance

The Anglophone crisis in Cameroon: local conflict, global competition, and transnational rebel governance

Pages 247-278 | Received 11 Feb 2022, Accepted 10 Aug 2022, Published online: 20 Sep 2022
 

ABSTRACT

After years of peaceful demonstrations, the Cameroonian Anglophone conflict escalated in 2017. Since the outbreak, over 3,000 people have died and a further thousand Anglophones fled from clashes between state forces and separatist fighters. While activists in the diaspora bid for international support, organizational belonging on the ground changes quickly. The paper investigates the transnationalization of the conflict by looking at the complex set of actors involved. Overall, it is interested in the political sociology of transnational rebel governance. The paper highlights the effects of transnational conflict dynamics on the unity and fragmentation of the self-determination movement and its relation to violence.

Acknowledgment

I thank Mariam Salehi, Jana Hönke, Jan Sändig, Yifan Mia Yang, Anne Menzel, Regine Schwab and Hanna Pfeifer, and all participants of the workshop “Fractures and Continuities of Changing Rule in (Post-)Conflict Settings “and the anonymous reviewers for their fruitful feedback, questions, and comments. Furthermore, I thank Lisa Skender for her support in organizing footnotes and endnotes, and Stephen Foose for his language edits.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. International Crisis Group 2022.

2. UN OCHA 12/2021.

3. Human Rights Watch. These Killings Can Be Stopped.

4. Brenner, Rebel Politics; Staniland, Networks of Rebellion.

5. Koloma Beck and Werron. Gewaltwettbewerbe; Koloma Beck and Werron. Violent Conflictition, 275–296.

6. Florea, Rebel Governance in de-Facto States, 1004–1031.

7. Malik, Negotiating Secessionist Identities.

8. For more insights into the local’s perception, I recommend Julius Amin’s article ‘President Paul Biya and Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis: A Catalog of Miscalculations,’ where he shares his results from questionnaires and interviews. Furthermore, publications by the Cameroon Conflict Research Group at the University of Oxford, which was founded by Roxana Willis. Among others: “’We Remain Their Slaves’ Voices from the Cameroonian Conflict”.

9. Kasfir, Frerks, and Terpstra. Introduction: Armed Groups and Multi-layered Governance, 257–278.

10. Heikkila, Conflict and Conflict Resolution in Polycentric Governance Systems, 133–151.

11. Mampilly, Rebel Rulers.

12. Loyle et al. New Directions in Rebel Governance Research, 1–13.

13. Ibid.

14. Brenner, Rebel Politics, 8.

15. Pearlman and Cunningham, Non-state Actors, Fragmentation, and Conflict Processes, 3–15.

16. Cunningham, Dahl and Frugé, Strategies of Resistance: Diversification and Diffusion, 591–605.

17. Cunningham, Actor Fragmentation and Civil War Bargaining, 659–672.

18. Pischedda, Ethnic Conflict and the Limits of Nonviolent Resistance, 362–391.

19. White et al., Non-violence as a Weapon of the Resourceful: From Claims to Tactics in Mobilization, 471–491; Gleditsch and Ruggeri, Political opportunity structures, democracy, and civil war, 299–310.; Butt, An External Security Theory of Secessionist Conflict, 17–41.

20. Sändig and Granzow, Aligning with the UN, 322–338.

21. Griffiths and Wasser, Does Violent Secessionism Work?, 1310–1336.

22. Breslawski and Brandon, Killing for God? 617–643.

23. Basedau et al. Does discrimination breed grievances – and do grievances breed violence?, 217–239.

24. Bakke, Cunningham and Seymour, A Plague of Initials, 265–283.

25. See note 15 above.

26. Jelte Johannes Schievels and Thomas Colley, ‘Explaining rebel-state collaboration in insurgency: keep your friends close but your enemies closer,’ Small Wars & Insurgencies, 32 (November 2021), 1332–1361.

27. Vogt, Gleditsch and Cederman. From Claims to Violence, 1278–1307.

28. McLauchlin and Pearlman, Out-Group Conflict, In-Group Unity?, 41–66.

29. Kasfir, Rebel Governance – Constructing a Field of Inquiry, 21–46; Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War; Anders, Territorial control in civil wars, 701–714.

30. Loyle and Bestvater, #rebel: Rebel communication strategies in the age of social media, 570–590.

31. Blaker, The Islamic State’s Use of Online Social Media; Jones and Mattiacci, A Manifesto, in 140 Characters or Fewer, 739–761.

32. Beardsley, Cunningham and White, Resolving Civil Wars before They Start, 675–697.

33. Huddleston, Foulweather Friends: 1187–1214.

34. Coggins, Friends in High Places, 433–467.

35. Shelef and Zeira, Recognition Matters!, 537–563.

36. Huddleston, Continuous recognition, 789–800.

37. Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, 14.

38. Salehyan. Transnational Rebels: Neighboring States as Sanctuary for Rebel Groups, 217–242; Salehyan. Rebels without Borders.

39. Lyons. Diasporas and the Transnationalization of African Politics.

40. See note 20 above.

41. Della Porta, Transnational protest and global activism; Salehyan, Rebels without Borders: Transnational Insurgencies in World Politics.

42. Gleditsch, Transnational Dimensions of Civil War, 293–309; Gleditsch, Civil War from a Transnational Perspective.

43. Checkel, Transnational Dynamics of Civil War; Wood, Transnational dynamics of civil war. Where do we go from here? 231–258.

44. Hamdan, Exile, Place and Politics: Syria’s Transnational Civil War.

45. Adamson, Mechanisms of diaspora mobilization and the transnationalization of civil war, 63–88.

46. Hamberg, Transnational advocacy networks, rebel groups, and demobilization of child soldiers in Sudan, 149–172.

47. Koloma Beck and Werron. 2018. Violent Conflictition: Armed Conflicts and Global Competition for Attention and Legitimacy, 275–296.

48. Simmel. Conflict and the Web of Group-Affiliations.

49. Koloma Beck and Werron. 2018. Violent Conflictition: Armed Conflicts and Global Competition for Attention and Legitimacy, 280.

50. Robinson. Beyond Nation-State Paradigms: Globalization, Sociology, and the Challenge of Transnational Studies, 561–594; Pries. Transnationalisierung: Theorie und Empirie grenzüberschreitender Vergesellschaftung.

51. Martin de Almagro, Lost Boomerangs, the Rebound Effect and Transnational Advocacy Networks, 672–693; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics; Della Porta. Transnational Protest and Global Activism.

52. Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond borders. Advocacy Networks in International Politics, 13.

53. Martin de Almagro. Lost Boomerangs, the Rebound Effect and Transnational Advocacy Networks, 672–693.

54. Ibid, 674.

55. Tobias Berger, ‘The “Global South” as a relational category – global hierarchies in the production of law and legal pluralism,’ Third World Quarterly, 0 (October 2020), 1–17.

56. Ibid, 674.

57. See note 28 above.

58. Staniland, Networks of Rebellion.

59. See note 24 above.

60. Bakke, Cunningham, Seymour, 268.

61. Pommerolle, Marie-Emmanuelle, and Heungoup, Hans de Marie. „The “Anglophone Crisis”: A Tale of the Cameroonian Postcolony“.

62. Ketzmerick, Staat, Sicherheit und Gewalt in Kamerun.

63. Terretta, Meredith. Nation of Outlaws, State of Violence: Nationalism, Grassfields Tradition, and State Building in Cameroon.

64. Efouba, 2018, 103.

65. Awasom. The Reunification Question in Cameroon History: Was the Bride an Enthusiastic or a Reluctant One? 91–119.

66. Torrent. Diplomacy and Nation-Building in Africa: Franco-British Relations and Cameroon at the End of Empire.

67. Okereke. Analyzing Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis. Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 8.

68. Anyangwe, Imperialistic Politics in Cameroon; Anyangwe, The Secrets of an Aborted Decolonisation.

69. Henry Ngenyam Bang and Roland Azibo Balgah, ‘The ramification of Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis: conceptual analysis of a looming “Complex Disaster Emergency,”’ Journal of International Humanitarian Action, 7 (January 2022), 6.

70. Andrew, A. Political Philosophies and Nation-Building in Cameroon. Grounds for Remaking the Postcolony. 2016.

71. Mehler. Kamerun in der Ära Biya: Bedingungen, erste Schritte und Blockaden einer demokratischen Transition.

72. Amin, J. President Paul Biya and Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis: A Catalog of Miscalculations.

73. Christian Chereji and Emmanuel Lohkoko, ‘Cameroon: the Anglophone Problem,’ Conflict Studies Quarterly, (October 2012), 3–23.

74. Anyfru. The Refusal to belong: Limits of the Discourse on Anglophone Nationalism in Cameroon.

75. Efouba.

76. Kamé. The anglophone crisis in Cameroon.

77. Konings, Nyamnjoh. The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon.

78. Amin. President Paul Biya and Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis: A Catalog of Miscalculations.

79. Dicklitch, The Southern Cameroons and minority rights in Cameroon, 49–62.

80. Joseph, Is the Conflict in Anglophone Cameroon an Ethnonational Conflict?

81. All Africa. Cameroon: Anglophone Crisis – Dialogue Remains the Only Viable Solution.

82. Bone, M. 2021: Cameroon’s elusive peace: Rivals, rifts, and secret talks.

83. Bone, M. Ahead of peace talks, a who’s who of Cameroon’s separatist movements.

84. Okereke. Analyzing Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis”. Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 8.

85. International Crisis Group. c. Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis: Dialogue Remains the Only Viable Solution.

86. Ibid; Browne. Cameroon’s Separatist Movement Is Going International.

87. International Crisis Group. a. Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis at the Crossroads.

88. Mefo, Would Biya hold peace talks with Members of ‘Brigade Anti Sardinards’?

89. Amin, J. 2021.

90. Mehler and Glund. Kamerun.

91. International Crisis Group. b. Cameroon’s Worsening Anglophone Crisis Calls for Strong Measures.

92. Ngamfon et al. From Nonviolent Resistance to Violence, 1795–1807.

93. Amnesty International. Cameroon: Arrests and Civil Society Bans Risk Inflaming Tensions in English-Speaking Regions.

94. Mefo. World Indifferent as Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis Slides into Rwanda-Type Genocide; Gyamfi Asiedu. Cameroon’s ‘Quiet’ Anglophone Crisis Keeps Escalating with Killings, Detentions Mounting.

95. Mefo. World indifferent as Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis slides into Rwanda-type genocide.

96. Johnson, Kamerunische Botschaft besetzt: An die Gewalt erinnern.

97. ZEIT Zeitonline, Kamerun: Kamerunische Botschaften in Berlin und Paris besetzt.

98. SwissInfo, Violent scenes outside Geneva hotel of Cameroon president.

99. Information is taken from the Website of the IGA: https://www.ambazoniagov.org/

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid.

103. See note 7 above.

104. Anyefru, Cyber‐nationalism: the imagined Anglophone Cameroon community in cyberspace, 253–274.

105. Bang, The ramification of Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis: conceptual analysis of a looming “Complex Disaster Emergency.

106. Amin: Im Kreislauf der Gewalt.

107. Sayner, Cameroon: Conflict Continues in Lead-up to Elections.

108. Okereke, Analysing Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis. Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 8–12.

109. Bone, M. 2021: Cameroon’s elusive peace: Rivals, rifts, and secret talks.

110. Amnesty International, Cameroon: Arrests and Civil Society Bans Risk Inflaming Tensions in English-Speaking Regions; Human Rights Watch. These Killings Can Be Stopped; International Crisis Group. a. Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis at the Crossroads.

111. Human. Rights Watch, 2020.

112. Craig, J. 2020. Briefing: Cameroon’s intensifying conflict and what it means for civilians.

113. Bone, M. 2020. Ahead of Peace Talks, a Who’s Who of Cameroon’s Separatist Movements.

114. Ibid.

115. Jeune Afrique, Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis: Rivalries hamper peace talks.

116. See note 112 above.

117. UN. Cameroon: Authorities Urged to Seek Justice for Recent Deadly Attacks.

118. Bang, Balgah.

119. Coni-Zimmer and Peez, Germany on the UN Security Council: Arria-formula meetings as a tool for crisis management and conflict prevention.

120. AGOA info, 2019.

121. Blinken, Announcement of Visa Restrictions on Those Undermining the Peaceful Resolution of the Crisis in the Anglophone Regions of Cameroon; AfricaNews, U.S. imposes visa restrictions on perpetrators of violence in Cameroon.

122. Mughe, Mua Patrick, 2020: After boasting he ordered him to free Kamto: Macron vows to give Biya marching orders to resolve crisis in NW, SW. The Guardian Post.

123. Kemedjio, The Anglophone question: between a ‘regime-made disaster’ and the ethnic politics of a fragmented nation, 198–215.

124. See note 117 above.

125. NRC, The world’s most neglected displacement crises, 2020. Available at: https://www.nrc.no/shorthand/fr/the-worlds-most-neglected-displacement-crises-in-2019/index.html. [Accessed: 15 March 2021].

126. Martin de Almagro, Lost Boomerangs, the Rebound Effect and Transnational Advocacy Networks, 672–693.

127. Craig, Separatist Movements in Nigeria and Cameroon Are Joining Forces.

128. LonNfi and Musah, British Southern Cameroon (Anglophone) Crisis in Cameroon and British (Western) Togoland Movement in Ghana: Comparing two Post-Independence separatist conflicts in Africa.

129. Michael W. Doyle, ‘the new interventionism.,’ Metaphilosophy, 32 (2001), 212–235.

130. Oliver P Richmond and Roger Mac Ginty, ‘Where now for the critique of the liberal peace?,’ Cooperation and Conflict, 50 (2015), 171–189.

Additional information

Funding

This article/contribution was written as part of the research project 'Postcolonial Hierarchies in Peace & Conflict' [grant number 01UG2205B], funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research.

Notes on contributors

Maria Ketzmerick

Maria Ketzmerick is Assistant Professor at the Chair for Sociology of Africa at the University of Bayreuth and Principal Investigator in the Network ”Postcolonial Hierarchies” funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research and lecturer at the Chair for Sociology of Africa at the University of Bayreuth. Her research focuses on topics within post/decolonial security research, Central Africa (especially Cameroon) in a regional, transnational and global context as well as approaches of (sociological) peace and conflict research. In doing so, she wants to contribute to an understanding of the ambivalent and complex interrelationships between locally rooted social dynamics, transnational politics and global change, and is particularly interested in the (politically loaded and power shaped) relationship between state and society and the associated dynamics of (in)security. Empirically, she is interested in situations in which (social) orders are subject to constant (re)negotiation and the question of how these orders are embedded in historical and geographical interdependencies in a globalized context. After studying Political Science, International Law, and Global Studies, she worked as a researcher at the collaborative research center ‘Dynamics of Security’ at the University of Marburg, before joining the chair group in April 2020.

Log in via your institution

Log in to Taylor & Francis Online

PDF download + Online access

  • 48 hours access to article PDF & online version
  • Article PDF can be downloaded
  • Article PDF can be printed
USD 53.00 Add to cart

Issue Purchase

  • 30 days online access to complete issue
  • Article PDFs can be downloaded
  • Article PDFs can be printed
USD 289.00 Add to cart

* Local tax will be added as applicable

Related Research

People also read lists articles that other readers of this article have read.

Recommended articles lists articles that we recommend and is powered by our AI driven recommendation engine.

Cited by lists all citing articles based on Crossref citations.
Articles with the Crossref icon will open in a new tab.