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Original Articles

German Foreign Policy and the Libya Crisis

Pages 392-410 | Published online: 19 Nov 2012
 

Abstract

German foreign policy has come under scrutiny due to its decision to abstain in the vote on UN Security Council Resolution 1973 in March 2011 on the Libyan no fly zone. Germany's decision not to support France, the UK and the USA ensured that no common EU position emerged and NATO's response to the crisis proved difficult. German foreign policy was caught between enlarging its influence and role in crisis management and reserving the right to reject involvement in operations that do not fit with its national interest. Drawing on the work of Robert Gilpin, the article argues that Germany's decision to abstain on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 can be explained by understanding the cost/benefit calculations of the German government, pressured by the protracted Eurozone crisis.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author would like to thank the journal editors, Prof Ben O'Loughlin, Dr Luis Simón and the anonymous reviewers of this article for their helpful comments in improving this article.

Notes

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Ibid.

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Ibid.

Ibid.

Deutsche Welle, ‘Germany Defends Cautious Approach to Libya, Denies Isolation’.

For a transcript of the House of Commons Debate on UN1973 on 21 March 2011, see http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm110321/debtext/110321-0001.htm#1103219000001 (accessed 4 August 2011).

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Deutsche Welle, ‘Germany Defends Cautious Approach to Libya, Denies Isolation’.

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Interviews, Federal Ministry of Defence, Berlin, July 2011.

Interviews in Foreign Ministry, Defence Ministry and Chancellery, Berlin, July 2011. Such a division of labour would call in to question commitments to greater burden sharing in military crisis management, both within NATO and the EU and is likely to be resisted by France and the UK.

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Reuters, ‘Factbox: Libya Oil Production, Outage, Exports, Customers’, 15 March 2011, available from http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/15/libya-oil-idUSLDE72E23I20110315 (accessed 1 September 2011).

Thank you to the anonymous review for this important point.

H. Kundnani, ‘Germany as a Geo-Economic Power’, Washington Quarterly 34/3 (2011), pp.31–45.

R. Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); see also S.G. Brooks, ‘Deuling Realisms’, International Organization 51/3 (1997), pp.445–77.

Thank you to the anonymous reviewers for this point.

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Studies by Longhurst and Dalgaard Nielsen have highlighted the durability of a distinctive German strategic culture which is resistant to change. See Kerry Longhurst, Germany and the Use of Force: The Evolution of German Security Policy 1989–2003 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen, Germany, Pacificism and Peace Enforcement (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006).

C. Wagnsson, ‘Divided Power Europe: Normative Divergences among the EU “Big Three”’, Journal of European Public Policy 17/8 (2010), pp.1089–105.

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Interviews, Foreign Ministry, Defence Ministry and Chancellery, Berlin, July 2011.

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The Libya operation is also significant as the USA appeared happy to let France and the UK lead politically. See Applebaum, ‘The New Alliance’, p.12.

T. Garton Ash, ‘France Plays Hawk, Germany Demurs: Libya Has Exposed Europe's Fault Lines’, Guardian, 24 March 2011, available from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/24/france-hawk-germany-demurs-libya-europe (accessed 21 August 2011).

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Interviews, Federal Ministry of Defence, Berlin, July 2011.

Menon, ‘European Defence Policy from Lisbon to Libya’.

H. Maull (2012) ‘Aussenpolitischen Entscheidungsprozesse in Krisenzeiten’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 10 (2012), pp.34–40.

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