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Original Articles

No Country for the Market: The Regulation of Finance in Germany after the Crisis

Pages 484-501 | Published online: 20 Nov 2012
 

Abstract

The severity with which the financial crisis struck Germany in 2008 came as a shock to German elites. The relatively traditional shape of its bank-based financial system was supposed to isolate the country from the vagaries of Anglo-Saxon capitalism. Instead, the government was forced to unprecedented steps, such as the de facto nationalisation of banks and an unlimited guarantee on savings deposits. A comprehensive reform of financial regulation in the country seemed imperative. This article evaluates change in the institutional structure of financial sector regulation and supervision in Germany. The inconclusive debate about the reorganisation of financial supervision, the emergence of new regulation in the field of bank restructuring, and the attempted reform of the deposit insurance system are used as empirical cases. It is argued that the constraints of the German political system impeded the comprehensive reform that might have been expected after a major shock. Instead, a pattern of institutional layering was perpetuated which contains the germs of future dysfunctions.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the reviewers of German Politics for very helpful comments.

Notes

Regulation is understood here as a process of rule-making, whereas supervision is the implementation of these rules. Frequently, implementation requires institutional change.

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The following two sections draw heavily on my parts of a paper co-authored with Stefan Handke for the Cologne Max Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung research network ‘Institutional Change in the Regulation of Financial Markets’, organised by Renate Mayntz.

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In November 2010, the following banks requested capital from SoFFin: Aareal Bank €0.38bn; Commerzbank €18.2bn; Hypo Real Estate Holding €7.7bn; WestLB €3.0bn. Overall, SoFFin provided: €29.28bn. See SoFFin website.

HRE, IKB and HSH Nordbank are the biggest beneficiaries to date.

I thank an anonymous reviewer of German Politics for this point.

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In 1998, in compliance with EU directives, deposit insurance was made compulsory for all private and public deposit institutions.

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This argument departs from Zohlnhöfer, ‘Between a Rock and Hard Place’, pp.237–8, who claims that partisan veto players account for the shape of policies after the crisis. This is probably true for short-term emergency measures, but not for longer-term solutions devised by political actors.

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