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Original Articles

Incorporation beyond Cleavages? Parties, Candidates and Germany's Immigrant-Origin Electorate

Pages 414-432 | Published online: 22 Jun 2016
 

Abstract

This article is an attempt to shed more light on the relationship between parties and immigrants. The focus of the empirical analyses is on candidates and issues as linkage mechanisms between parties and voter groups. The results do not only point to some changes in this relationship, but also to a few elements that indicate a specific representational bond between the immigrant-origin electorate and immigrant-origin politicians. This finding corroborates the ‘politics of presence’ hypothesis by Anne Phillips, but rather as a complementary element of political representation than as a substitute. There are significant differences in some migration-related policy positions of native politicians and of those of immigrant origin – in all parties. Irrespective of the specific voter–candidate relationship among the immigrant-origin population, the analyses in this article strongly support the traditional, party-centred ‘politics of ideas’ approach. Consequently, the political integration of immigrants and their descendants can be characterised as a more general process across parties, and this process is expected to linger on.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Andreas M. Wüst, Dr. phil., MA, is an external research fellow at the Mannheim Center for European Social Research (MZES), University of Mannheim. He is a political scientist whose primary area of research is political sociology. He has widely published on voting behaviour, political representation and parties. Recent publications include The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities: Voters, Parties and Parliaments in Liberal Democracies, ed. with Karen Bird and Thomas Saalfeld (London, 2011); ‘Dauerhaft oder temporär? Zur Bedeutung des Migrationshintergrunds für Wahlbeteiligung und Parteiwahl bei der Bundestagswahl 2009′, Politische Vierteljahresschrift special issue 45 (2011), pp.157–78; ‘A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-Origin Parliamentarians in Germany’, Journal of Legislative Studies 20/4 (2014), pp.495–515.

Notes

1 A. Wüst, Wie wählen Neubürger (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 2002); A. Wüst, ‘Naturalised Citizens as Voters: Behaviour and Impact’, German Politics 13/2 (2004), pp.341–59.

2 R. Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); C. Joppke, Selecting by Origin: Ethnic Migration in the Liberal State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).

3 H. Geiling, D. Gardemin, S. Meise and A. König, Migration – Teilhabe – Milieus (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2011).

4 Wüst, Wie wählen Neubürger.

5 A. Wüst, ‘Dauerhaft oder temporär? Zur Bedeutung des Migrationshintergrunds für Wahlbeteiligung und Parteiwahl bei der Bundestagswahl 2009′, Politische Vierteljahresschrift 45 (special issue), (2011), pp.157–78.

6 Wüst, ‘Naturalised Citizens as Voters’; A. Wüst, ‘Politische Repräsentation von Migranteninteressen’, in M. Morlok, T. Poguntke and S. Bukow (eds), Parteien und Ausländer. Demokratische Partizipation in der Zuwanderungsgesellschaft (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2014), pp.119–36.

7 K. Bird, T. Saalfeld and A. Wüst (eds), The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities: Voters, Parties and Parliaments in Liberal Democracies (London: Routledge, 2011).

8 Wüst, ‘Dauerhaft oder temporär?’.

9 This is especially the case for the CDU, who even organised a summit of leading CDU figures (including Chancellor Merkel and Interior Minister de Maizière) and of immigrants on 21 October 2014 in Berlin; D. Vates, ‘CDU und Integration. Merkel ist die oberste Zuwanderin der Republik’, Berliner Zeitung, 22 Oct. 2014, available from http://www.berliner-zeitung.de/politik/cdu-und-integration-merkel-ist-die-oberste-zuwanderin-der-republik,10808018,28819504.html (accessed 22 October 2014).

10 A. Wüst and D. Heinz, ‘Die politische Repräsentation von Migranten in Deutschland’, in M. Linden and W. Thaa (eds), Die politische Repräsentation von Fremden und Armen (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009), pp.201–18; K. Schönwälder, C. Sinanoglu and D. Volkert, Vielfalt sucht Rat (Berlin: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, 2011); A. Wüst, ‘Immigration into Politics: Immigrant-Origin Candidates and their Success in the 2013 Bundestag Election’, German Politics and Society 32/3 (2014), pp.1–15.

11 Already in 2010, SPD party leader Sigmar Gabriel had pledged to finance the election party for the party's regional unit that will provide the first minister of immigrant origin; M. Neubauer, ‘SPD-Parteitag: Eine Partei verpackt sich selbst’, Badische Zeitung, 26 Sept. 2010, available from http://www.badische-zeitung.de/deutschland-1/spd-parteitag-eine-partei-verpackt-sich-selbst--35911663.html (accessed 29 October 2014).

12 D. Vogel and A. Wüst, ‘Paradigmenwechsel ohne Instrumentenwechsel? Kontinuität und Wandel im Politikfeld Migration’, in M. Seeleib-Kaiser and A. Gohr (eds), Sozial- und Wirtschaftspolitik unter Rot-Grün (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2003), pp.265–86; K. Schönwälder, ‘Politikwandel in der (bundes-)deutschen Migrationspolitik’, in U. Davy and A. Weber (eds), Paradigmenwechsel in Einwanderungsfragen? Überlegungen zum neuen Zuwanderungsgesetz (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2006), pp.8–22; O. Kösemen, ‘Wenn aus Ausländern Wähler werden: Die ambivalente Rolle der Parteien bei der Repräsentation in Deutschland’, in Bertelsmann Stiftung (ed.), Vielfältiges Deutschland (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014), pp.217–55.

13 A. Römmele, ‘Personen oder Inhalte? Politikvermittlung in deutschen Wahlkämpfen’, in J. Falter, O. Gabriel and B. Weßels (eds), Wahlen und Wähler: Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2002 (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2005), pp.414–33.

14 A. Wüst, H. Schmitt, T. Gschwend and T. Zittel, ‘Candidates in the 2005 Bundestag Election: Mode of Candidacy, Campaigning and Issues’, German Politics 15/4 (2006), pp.420–38; H. Giebler, ‘Die Kandidaten im Wahlkampf’, in R. Schmitt-Beck, H. Rattinger, S. Roßteutscher, B. Weßels and C. Wolf (eds), Zwischen Fragmentierung und Konzentration: Die Bundestagswahl 2013 (Baden-Baden, Nomos, 2014), pp.47–60.

15 P. Lazarsfeld, B. Berelson and H. Gaudet, The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944); J. Bergh and T. Bjørklund, ‘The Revival of Group Voting: Explaining the Voting Preferences of Immigrants in Norway’, Political Studies 59/2 (2011), pp.308–27.

16 H. Schmitt and J. Thomassen, Political Representation and Legitimacy in the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).

17 F. Herbolsheimer and A. Wüst, ‘Migrationshintergrund: Fluch oder Segen bei der Ratswahl?’, Stadtforschung und Statistik 2 (2012), pp.8–12.

18 S. Lipset and S. Rokkan, ‘Cleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignments’, in P. Mair (ed.), The West European Party System (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp.91–111.

19 F. Pappi, ‘Die konfessionell-religiöse Konfliktlinie in der deutschen Wählerschaft – Entstehung, Stabilität und Wandel’, in D. Oberndörfer, H. Rattinger and K. Schmitt (eds), Wirtschaftlicher Wandel, religiöser Wandel und Wertewandel. Folgen für das politische Verhalten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1985), pp.263–90; M. Debus, ‘Sozialstrukturelle und einstellungsbasierte Determinanten des Wahlverhaltens und ihr Einfluss bei den Bundestagswahlen im Zeitverlauf: Westdeutschland 1976–2009′, in R. Schmitt-Beck (ed.), Wählen in Deutschland, Sonderheft der Politischen Vierteljahresschrift (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012), pp.40–62.

20 Wüst, ‘Naturalised Citizens as Voters’; Wüst, ‘Dauerhaft oder temporär?’.

21 K. Tietze, Einwanderung und die deutschen Parteien: Akzeptanz und Abwehr von Migranten im Widerstreit in der Programmatik von SPD, FDP, den Grünen und CDU/CSU (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2008); D. Thränhardt, ‘Einwanderungs- und Integrationspolitik in Deutschland und den Niederlanden’, Leviathan 30/2 (2002), pp.220–49.

22 S. Alonso and S. Claro da Fonseca, ‘Immigration, Left and Right’, Party Politics 18/6 (2011), pp.865–84.

23 Ibid., p.873.

24 Wüst and Heinz, ‘Die politische Repräsentation von Migranten in Deutschland’; K. Schönwälder, ‘Immigrant Representation in Germany’s Regional States: The Puzzle of Uneven Dynamics’, West European Politics 36/3 (2013), pp.634–51.

25 Wüst, ‘Immigration into Politics’.

26 Mediendienst Integration, Bundestagskandidaten mit Migrationshintergrund (Berlin, 2013), available from https://mediendienstintegration.de/fileadmin/Dateien/Bundestagskandidaten_MDI.pdf (accessed 20 March 2014).

27 C. Schmitz and A. Wüst, ‘Was bewegt Politiker mit Migrationshintergrund? Befunde aus deutschen Großstädten’, Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 42/4 (2011), pp.822–34.

28 A. Wüst, ‘Bundestagskandidaten und Einwanderungspolitik: Eine Analyse zentraler Policy-Aspekte’, Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 19/1 (2009), pp.77–105.

29 For the Canadian definition of visible minorities and its application in Germany, see A. Wüst, ‘A Lasting Impact? On the Legislative Activities of Immigrant-Origin Parliamentarians in Germany’, Journal of Legislative Studies 20/4 (2014), pp.495–515.

30 Seven constituencies are missing due to no candidate responding to the survey.

31 Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).

32 Ibid.

33 Wüst, ‘Politische Repräsentation von Migranteninteressen’, pp.119–36.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Volkswagen Foundation [grant number II/81749].

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