A Blue New Deal: why we need a new politics for the Ocean

Interest in the ocean has blossomed recently. Prompted by the urgency of tackling multiple threats – from climate change to pollution and overexploitation of resources to cite a few – scholars are increasingly devoting attention to the seas. Simultaneously, a new rhetoric has emerged which sees the ocean as a promised land for resources and jobs, often associated with buzzwords such as ‘blue growth’ or the ‘blue economy’.

In his manuscript, Chris Armstrong discusses this ‘blue acceleration’ and the growing rush for ocean resources which is adding pressure to a system already under significant strain. The ocean as a cornucopia of seafood and resources is a myth: resources are finite. Aside from the environmental crises caused or made worse by the increase in extractive activity, our ocean is, as it currently stands according to Armstrong, ‘an ocean of inequality’ (p. 16). Wealthy corporations and nations can overfish and exploit resources as they have access to technology, while developing countries might not. Geography also leads some nations to have wide coastal access whilst some countries are landlocked. He argues it is time to rethink our relationship with the ocean to foster a resilient environment and a just economy at sea. In short, we need a new politics for the ocean.

After setting the stage for his argument in the introduction, the author demonstrates the importance of the ocean to all life on earth, regardless of whether it borders the ocean, and explains where the inequalities stem from. The first half of the book draws on ocean governance history to recount the ideas of freedom of the seas and enclosure, the two main ideologies which are often juxtaposed in discussions regarding the ocean. Armstrong demonstrates how they have led to the intricate patchwork of institutions tasked with dealing with ocean politics that we see today.

Armstrong notes that states’ oceanic sovereignty is a recent phenomenon, with the enclosure movement starting primarily in the second half of the 20^th century. Before the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), states and great powers had favoured freedom of the seas and the absence of property claims over the oceans, while the creation of territorial seas and then Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) was meant to ensure coastal state’s access to the resources in ocean spaces close to them.

Armstrong argues that the current institutions in place and the EEZ constructs are flawed and in need of reform; ocean governance has too many blind spots. However, the author believes that we can think beyond the ideas of freedom of the seas and enclosure to rebuild ocean politics in a way that is inclusive. His solution comes in the form of seven principles, designed to make ocean governance more just, sustainable, and democratic.

The second half of the book presents practical policies to contextualise the seven principles. The first example are issues related to human rights at sea, and how the current institutional landscape makes it difficult to hold anyone accountable for the violation of workers’ rights. In another example, he discusses the rights of marine animals, advocating for them to be given rights, starting with cetaceans. He argues these animals have many moral rights that should be translated into legal rights. Finally, the author examines the issues related to sea-level rise and small island states, and ponders what solutions there could be if, for instance, populations have to be relocated from their home to other countries, and what would happen to their EEZs. For instance, communities could retain their EEZs even in exile, or they could share it with the state that they relocate to. Together, these diverse issues presented by Armstrong demonstrate that ocean governance today is not yet up to the task of solving the complex challenge of what happens at sea, and what happens to the sea.

Armstrong’s key argument is that we need a supra-national entity that would be tasked with high seas-related matter – a World Ocean Authority. This would be led not by individual states, but by global citizens. Given what Armstrong perceives as the inadequacies of the EEZ regime, he suggests it is time for states to turn towards sustainable practices and invest in ocean activities which foster ecological resilience rather than resource depletion. While the author does convey the inadequacy of current institutions in a convincing manner, it would have been interesting to hear more about how the International Seabed Authority or the International Maritime Authority function, in order to reinforce why a World Ocean Authority would need to be supra-national, for instance. The author is conscious that his proposal is very ‘radical’ yet sees it as an exercise in imagining what could be and opening up a new discussion on this important topic.

A Blue New Deal contributes to the rapidly growing literature on social justice and ocean governance. The author examines numerous ocean-related issues, bringing a unique perspective to this growing area of research and using this synthesis of ocean governance and social justice to propose an ambitious path forward to address some of the most pressing issues facing the seas. While the amount of ground covered is a key strength of the book, it is also at times a weakness for readers in search of more in-depth information. For instance, each of the different examples presented by Armstrong could warrant books in their own right. Overall, though, the book makes for a valuable and a thought-provoking read, providing a great introduction to current issues in ocean governance for readers new to the topic. The proposals might seem radical, but they might also be necessary given the fundamental challenges that will need to be tackled to keep the oceans healthy and to make them equitable.