Sexual citizenship in Belfast, Northern Ireland

Abstract

In this article we examine the contours and construction of sexual citizenship in Belfast, Northern Ireland through in‐depth interviews with 30 members of the GLBT community and a discursive analysis of discourses of religion and nationalism. In the first half of the article we outline how sexual citizenship was constructed in the Irish context from the mid‐nineteenth century onwards, arguing that a moral conservatism developed as a result of religious reform and the interplay between Catholic and Protestant churches, and the redefining of masculinity and femininity with the rise of nationalism. In the second half of the article, we detail how the Peace Process has offered new opportunities to challenge and destabilise hegemonic discourses of sexual citizenship by transforming legislation and policing, and encouraging inward investment and gentrification.

Notes

Correspondence: Rob Kitchin, Department of Geography and NIRSA, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, County Kildare, Ireland: Tel: [phone]; Fax: [phone]; e‐mail: [email protected]; and Karen Lysaght, Centre for Social and Educational Research, Dublin Institute of Technology, Rathmines House, 143–149 Lower Rathmines Road, Dublin 6, Ireland: Tel: + 353 1 402 3538; Fax: + 353 1 402 3499; e‐mail: [email protected]

GLBT refers to individuals whose identity is defined by themselves as gay, lesbian, bisexual or transsexual.

This study in turn was part of a wider Economic and Social Research Council funded project investigating how fear shapes the everyday lives of people living in the city.

In undertaking an examination of the impact of religious thought upon the shaping of sexual citizenship, it is important to note that the main churches have remained as all‐Ireland bodies after the partition of the island in 1921. As a result, they disseminate identical messages on both sides of the border. This is particularly salient for the Catholic Church, as it has significant populations in both jurisdictions.

The majority of members of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland live within a 15 mile radius of Belfast (Holmes, 2000, p. 133). The population given for Northern Irish Presbyterians in the 1991 census is 337 000 (Erskine, 1998, p. 48).

	The quote is a condemnation of the granting of permission by Belfast City Council for the City Hall to be used for the opening reception of the Pride festival.
	http://www.datalounge.com/datalounge/news/record.html?record=4259

http://www.datalounge.com/datalounge/news/record.html?record=3862

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/northern_ireland/1563360.stm

It should be noted, however, that Sinn Fein currently has an openly gay councillor in North Belfast.

The Good Friday Agreement, signed in 1998, is a political framework designed to respect differences and provide a model of governance based on ‘parity of esteem’ rather then majority rule. More broadly it has sought to address relationships within Northern Ireland; between Northern Ireland and the Republic; and between both parts of Ireland and England, Scotland and Wales.

http://www.equalityni.org/whatsnew/newslist.cfm?catid=1

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Karen Lysaght

Correspondence: Rob Kitchin, Department of Geography and NIRSA, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, County Kildare, Ireland: Tel: [phone]; Fax: [phone]; e‐mail: [email protected]; and Karen Lysaght, Centre for Social and Educational Research, Dublin Institute of Technology, Rathmines House, 143–149 Lower Rathmines Road, Dublin 6, Ireland: Tel: + 353 1 402 3538; Fax: + 353 1 402 3499; e‐mail: [email protected]